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v v 

VOL. I. 


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THE information as to the editing of this work has, to 
the best of my ability, been given in the Prolegomena, 
and need not here be repeated. It now remains for me 
to beg the Librarians at Copenhagen, Stockholm, and 
Upsala to receive my sincere thanks for their many kind- 
nesses and courtesies to me whilst copying the vellum 
texts for the present volumes, and at the same time for 
two (or three) volumes of the Rolls' Series, which, being 
long since ready, may soon, we hope, follow in the wake 
of the Sturlunga. 

As to the Prolegomena, I am under great obligation 
to my friend Mr. Frederick York Powell, Law-lecturer of 
Christ Church, without whose generous and ever-ready 
help and sympathy they would hardly have appeared. 
Suffice it to say, that we have day after day sat closeted 
together, he taking down across the table my thoughts and 
theories, one talking, one writing and putting into shape. 
Thus, though the substance and drift of arguments are mine, 
the English, with the exception of bits and phrases here 
and there, is Mr. Powell's throughout. Many improvements 
also bear his marks, such as the application to English 
Law in 35, besides many touches, especially in 3 (the 
Saga Characteristics). But even more than this, the con- 
stant exchange of thought, and the sympathetic conver- 
sation on every kind of subject, has been a great benefit 
to me, calling forth and unlocking many thoughts and 
things hidden away and half forgotten, besides relieving 
me of the irksome solitary task of writing. The theories 

viii PREFACE. 

here set forth have, one by one, been growing upon the 
Editor's mind these twenty years, and very glad he is 
to see them at last safely put on paper, no longer subject 
to shifts and chances. I had hoped some years ago to 
accompany my Lexicon, as lexicographers do, with an 
introduction on the ancient language and literature ; but 
this was not to be. However, now the one half of that task 
is performed, though the second still remains undone. 

It is a source of pleasure to the Editor to associate this 
work as a token of respect and piety with the name of 
Upsala, the cradle once, time out of mind, of the gods 
and the heroes of our old Northern race, and the Alma 
Mater of so many wise and worthy sons. 


December 4, 1878. 




i . Settlement of Iceland xvii 

2. Saga-telling xxi 

3. Saga Characteristics xxiv 

4. Ari the Historian, his Life and Works (Konunga-bok, Land- 

nama-bok, Islendinga-bok, Kristni Saga) .... xxvii 

5. Ari's Contemporaries, Ssemund, Brand, Kolskegg . . . xxxvii 

6. Thorodd the Grammarian xxxviii 

7. The Islendinga Sagas xli 

8. The Greater Islendinga Sagas Nials Saga .... xlii 

Eyrbyggia .... xlv 

Laxdcela xlvi 

Egils Saga .... xlvii 

Grettis Saga .... xlviii 
9. The Minor Islendinga Sagas 

Of the South-west (Holmveria, Hoensa-fjoris Sogur) . . 1 
Of the West (Biarnar, Gunnlaugs, Gull-f>oris, Gisla, Havardar 

Sogur) li 

Of the North (Bandamanna, Heidarviga, Kormaks, Vatz- 
daela, f>orvalds, Svarfdsela, Liosvetninga, Valla-Ljotz, 

Viga-Glums, Reykdsela Sogur) liii 

Of the East (Vapnfirdinga, Jporsteins Hvita, f>orsteins Stan- 
garhoggs, Hrafnkels, Droplaugarsona, Brandkrossa, 
Gunnars |>iSranda-bana, orsteins Sidu-Hallzsonar, {>id- 

randa Sogur) . x .>*... . . . - Ivii 

Of Greenland and Wineland (Floamanna, Eiriks Rauda, Fost- 

breedra Sogur) ' . . . . . . . ^ . lix 

10. Thoettir l . . Ix 

11. Spurious Islendinga Sagas . . Ixii 

12. Age of the Islendinga Sagas Ixiv 

13. Historians between Ari and Snorri Eirik Oddzson, Abbot Karl, 

Odd the Monk, Gunnlaug the Monk Ixx 

14. Snorri Sturlason the Historian, his Life and Works (Lives of 

Kings, Edda), Styrmir Frodi Ixxiii 

15. The Lives of the Kings of Norway Ixxxii 

16. Other Recensions of Lives of Kings (Agrip, Fagrsk., Morkinsk.) . Ixxxvii 



1 7. Skioldunga Saga (Knutz, Waldimars, Jomsvikinga) . . . Ixxxviii 
1 8. Orkneyinga (Jarla Saga, St. Magnus, Rognvalds Sogur) and 

Fjereyinga . *c 

19. Sturla the Historian, his Life and Works . * . xcvi 

20. Sturla's Contemporaries, Olaf Hvitaskald cxi 

21. Biographies Secular (Thorgils ok Haflida, Sturlu, Gudmundar 

Dyra, Hrafns, Irons, Svinfellinga, Thorgils Skaroa Sogur). 

Ecclesiastical Miracle-books (Jartegna-bsekr). Bishops' 

Lives (Hungrvaka, Thorlaks, Pals, Jons, Gudmundar, Arna, 

Lafranz Sogur, Arngrim's Life of Gudmund) . . . cxii 

22. Annals, Obituaries, Glosses, &c. ....... cxxvii 

23. Lost Sagas cxxx 

24. Religious Works (Lives of Saints, Homilies, Stjorn, Gydinga 

Sogur, &c.) cxxxiii 

25. Romantic Sagas (Karlamagnus, Thidreks, Tristam, Alexanders 

Sogur, &c.) cxxxvi 

26. Speculum Regale and other learned Works .... cxxxix 

27. Revival of Old Learning in Iceland cxli 

28. Chances of recovering MSS clii 

29. Collections of the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries . . civ 

30. Summary of the Islendinga Saga . . . . . . clxiii 

31. The Sturlunga MSS. clxxi 

32. Printing clxxix 

33. The Eddie Poems clxxxiii 

34. Mythical Sagas (Volsunga, Halfs, Heidreks, Ragnars, Hrolfs 

Kraka Sogur, &c.) . ' cxciv 

35. Law, Icelandic and Norwegian (Gragas, Jarnsi&a, Jons-bok: 

Frosta and Gulabings Log : Diplomataria, &c.) . . . cxcvii 

36. Editing ' . ccviii 

Tables of Literature and MSS. (I, II) . .- . ccx 

Supplement (Gizur Hallzson) ccxiv 

Facsimiles of A and B ccxvii 




PREFACE . . . . ... . . . g6 









STURLUNGA SAGA (continued}. 








III. ISLENZKIR ANNA'LAR, called Annales Regii 348 

IV. Arti5a-skra, or Obituarium 392 

V. Sundries 

1. Hakonar Saga, chapter 3 1 1 . . . . . . 397 

2. Maldaga-bref, 1262 398 

3. Oath of 1262 399 

4. Snorri's Genealogy, AM. i e /3 399 

5. Charter of Snorri, 1226-1230 400 


I. Names of Places 401 

II. Names of Persons 420 

III. Names of Things . 462 

IV. Names of Families, &c 463 

Political Names, &c 464 

Names of Seasons, &c. . 465 

Names of Literary Works .*..... 466 

V. Nicknames . . . *",. .'"'. x '. ' . 467 

List of Logsogumenn (Speakers) 469 

Archbishops and Suffragans of Nidaros 469 

Obituary . . 472 

Fjords in the West and North of Iceland 474 



Entries from Contemporary Annals referring to Eruptions and Earth- 

quakes in Iceland in the Mth and isth Centuries ... 475 
Emendations ....... .... 47 


I. Families of the West 

i.TheSturlungs ..... 481,482 

2. SkarS-Snorri and the Narfa Sons . , - 4 g 2 

3. The Seld^lir ......... 483 

4. The Saurbrcings of Sta&arhol . . . . 4 8 3 

5. The Vatzfir8ings ........ 484 

6. The Family of Ari Fr68i . . . _ . 4 8 4 

7. The Rauftsendir ........ 4 8 4 

8. The Hitardale Family ....... 4 8 5 

9. The Family of Ulfhedin ....... 4 8 5 

10. The Reyknesings ........ 4 8 5 

11. The Gilsbekkings ........ 4 6 

12. The Husafell Family ....... 4 g 6 

13. The Family of Hall . . . . ' 4 g 6 

II. Families of the South 

1. The Oddaverjar ..... . 4 8 7 

2. The Haukdalir ....... .488 

3. The Melamenn ..... ... 489 

4. The Allsherjar Go5ar ....... 489 

5. The Reykhyltings ........ 490 

6. The Family of St. Thorlak ..... . 490 

III. Families of the North 

1. The Skagfirftings or Asbirnings . . . . . 491 

2. The Laufsesings ........ 491 

3. The Lineage of Skeggi Skammhondung .... 492 

4. The Eyfirdings ....... . 492 

5. The Family of |>orstein Ranglat ..... 492 

6. The Vatzdselir . . . ..... 493 

7. The Family of Bishop Gu&mund . . . . 493 

8. The Family of Gu&mund Dyri . .... . 493 

9. The Hunro&lings, or Family of Hafli&i Masson . . 494 

10. The Family of Mel in Midfirth ..... 494 

IV. Families of the East 

i. The Svinfellings ........ 495 

a. The Si&umenn ......... 496 

3. The Family of Digr-Helgi ...... 496 

4. The Hofsverjar ........ 496 



1. From Mela-bok . '*; 497 

2. From AM. 162, fol. 498 

3. From f>6r6ar Saga HreSu in Vatzhyrna . . . ' . . 501 

4. From Floamanna Saga in Vatzhyrna 501 

5. From Thorstein Stangarhogg 502 

6. List of Forty Icelandic Priests living in 1143, from MS. 1812 . 502 

7. Reykjaholtz Maldagi 503 

8. Maldagi of Rau&alaek 503 

List of Abbots in Iceland 504 

The Site of the Logberg, with Map 505 

Addenda to Prolegomena, 25, Thidreks Saga . . . . 515 

A MAP of ICELAND to illustrate STURLUNGA and PROLEGOMENA is enclosed in 
a pocket at the end of vol. ii. 




THE Settlement of Iceland was part of the great Scandinavian 
emigration which closed the era that had begun with the eruption 
of the Goths. Wave after wave, the Teutonic nations had pressed 
westward, overrunning the civilized world, transforming the Roman 
Empire, metamorphosing society, and changing the destiny of 
mankind ; and this their last movement, for- many a century, was 
no less important than any one that preceded it. But although it 
is the latest in point of time, and in some respects the one with 
which we are best acquainted, there are many points connected 
with the Scandinavian Exodus which are still obscure. Of the 
very causes that brought it about we are not clearly informed, 
though the increase of population beyond the point at which the 
Northern lands could afford it sustenance, a series of bad seasons, 
the advance of society which was breaking down the old tribal 
system, and last, not least, the love of freedom and adventure, were 
all no doubt concerned. Like the English migration it lasted 
many years, and flowed in distinct streams Westward. (It is 
unnecessary for our purpose to notice here the Swedish move- 
ment Eastward and the Russian state which sprung therefrom.) 

The Southern stream, flowing from the South of Norway and 
Denmark to the Low Countries, and thence to the river-basins of 
the Seine and the Loire, though all important in its results, has 
left few traces of its progress in Northern tradition, and for any 
adequate account of it we must search through foreign annals. 
With regard to the Midmost current from Denmark to the East 
and North of England we are but little better off, the English 
authorities alone giving trustworthy details of this great settlement, 
which changed the local nomenclature of half England, and has 
had no small influence on its later history. But it is only when 
the new Danish dynasty comes in, in much later times, that the 
Lives of the Kings of Norway and the Skioldunga Saga begin 
to give better support to the English chroniclers than the vague 


xviii PROLEGOMENA. i. 

thirteenth -century traditions, which centre round Gorm and Ragnar 
and the sons of Lodbrok, can supply. 

But with the Northern movement the case is different. We 
have, beside stray notices in Irish and English Annals, Saints' 
Lives, &c., the firm ground of the Landnama-b6k to stand on ; 
and we can therefore form some adequate conception of its 
character and some idea of the causes which led to the creation 
of a new European state with a native literature, which for 
originality, richness, and artistic and historical worth, stands un- 
rivalled in Modern Europe. It is important for our purpose to 
look into the phenomena which meet us here a little more closely, 
especially with regard to the Settlement of Iceland ; and the result 
of the Editor's examination of the authorities may be briefly stated 
thus : There was a migration from Norway Westward, which begun 
"before King Harald Fairhair's days, and resulted in the peopling 
of the Western Islands and especially the Orkneys with Wikings, 
a few settlers even getting as far as Iceland. When Harald's 
policy of putting down the small tribal kings, breaking down the 
great families, and uniting the land under one man's sway began 
to be successful, the resistance of the Norwegians at home was 
supplemented by the efforts of the emigrants, who were not at all 
inclined to favour a king who was the stern friend of order and 
centralization, and the foe of piracy and the great houses, or to 
reverence a monarch who had seized their kinsmen's estates, 
estates to which they had by no means given up their interest, 
and whose power threatened to convert their own migration into 
exile. They were continually making raids on the old country, 
plundering and ravaging, and keeping alive an irritating resistance 
to the King; whose rule, but for their interference, would pro- 
bably have been far sooner acquiesced in. The crisis of this 
resistance, the ranks of which were being continually augmented 
by the disaffected, came at the great sea-fight of Hafursfiord 1 
(c. 885), when, as Hornklofi sings, ' The high-born King fought 
with Kiotvi the Wealthy ; ships came from the West with gaping 
dragons' heads and carved beaks. They were laden with warriors 
and white shields, Western spears and Welsh swords. The Bear- 

1 The Editor surmises that the battle of Hafursfiord was fought against the 
Wikings of the West, returning and making their last effort. In the song of Horn- 
klofi we accordingly propose to read vestan for austan, which reading is proven by 
the following Western spears (vigra Vestraenna) and Welsh swords, as also by the 
Norse king being called allvaldr Austmanna, for in the West, and hence in Iceland, 
the Norsemen got the name of Easterlings (Austmenn, and Austkylfir later in the 
poem). Then followed the raid of King Harald to the West (cp. Magnus Bareleg 
two centuries later), which we presume was the chief cause of the Settlement of 
Iceland. For the Western Isles being the stepping-stone between Norway and 
Iceland see the Editor's Essay on the Chronology of the Icelandic Sagas (written 
l 8 54-5). where this view is for the first time set forth and expounded. It became 
known in England through the Chronicon Manniae of Munch (1859), who adopted 
it in that work, though writing from memory at Rome, far from books, he of 
course does not give quotations. 


sarks yelled, with war in their hearts. They joined battle with 
the valiant King of the Eastmen, who put them to flight/ &c. 
The fight was fiercely contested, but at length the Wikings 
turned their war-ships and fled across the North Sea. The 
King, not content with this crushing blow, followed it up re- 
lentlessly, and made a great expedition to the Orkneys, then 
the focus of the Wiking movement, to strike at the very roots 
of the influence which he dreaded. There was now no further 
choice ; the Norsemen in the Western Islands were forced to bow 
to the King or to fly again to lands beyond his sway. This 
latter alternative some of them had already taken; among the 
settlers in Landnama many a man is recorded as having fought at 
Hafursfiord, and of these no doubt a goodly number had already 
entered on their second Exodus ; an example which was largely 
followed by those whom other causes beside the ' overbearing rule 
of Harald Fairhair' induced to leave the lands they had at first 
chosen to dwell in. We also hear dimly of conflicts with the Kelts, 
in which the Norsemen took sides, of intestine troubles and diffi- 
culties, and it was such causes as these which drove northward 
many of those well-born men that followed in the train of the 
sorrow-smitten Queen Aud to the Western dales of Iceland. 

Queen Aud's Settlement deserves separate mention. She was 
the widow of Olaf the White, King of Dublin, the founder of 
a dynasty which long ruled there ; after his decease and the death 
of their son Thorstein, slain in what appears to have been a rising 
of the Irish against their conquerors, she left Ireland, taking with 
her one grandson and six granddaughters, marrying one after 
another on her journey. She was followed by a large company 
of kinsfolk, friends, and dependents, Norse and Irish. After stay- 
ing a while at the Faereys on her way, where she gave one of 
her daughters in marriage, from whom the house of the Gotu- 
skeggs sprung (from which the famous chief Thrand and many 
other great men in the islands were descended), she went to 
Iceland, and 'settled' Broadfirth in the best part of the new 
country. Her brother-in-law, Helgi the Lean, went to the North 
and occupied large ' claims ' in Eyiafirth, while Ketil Fiflski, 
her sister's son, settled in the East; her brother Helgi Biolan in 
the South ; Biorn, another brother, in the West. From this 
mighty kindred of Queen Aud sprung the most distinguished 
Icelandic families, indeed in one way or another whatever was 
good and noble. Queen Aud was the ' daughter of Ketil Flatnose, 
son of Biorn Buna, son of Grim hersi (lord) of Sogn/ the favourite 
burden of many a genealogy. They are the three Patriarchs as it 
were of the Icelandic people. How the Norse Exodus to the 
Western Isles, especially in this family, set in before the reign or 
even birth of Harald Fairhair, a fact which the comparison of 
parallel pedigrees yields abundant proof of, has been fully put forth 
in Timatal, and is noticed above. Next in importance is the great 



fellowship of Wikings, brothers in arms, who fought and were de- 
feated at Hafursfiord, Saemund o' the Sudreys, Anund Woodleg 
(he lost his own leg in the battle), Thrond the Swift Sailor, Geir- 
mund Hellskin, and many others. The close connection of Queen 
Aud and her kindred with Ireland is notable in relation to the 
prominent place which members of it take in Icelandic history 
and literature. 

Beside these great settlements, which formed the most important 
constituents of the new colony, there was a smaller and later 
emigration direct from Norway, which must be taken into account. 
But the fact remains, that the bulk of the settlers were men who 
for at least one generation had dwelt among a Keltic population, 
and undergone the influence which an old and strongly marked 
civilization invariably exercises upon those brought under it, an 
attraction which in this particular case was of so potent a kind, 
that three centuries later it metamorphosed the Norman knights of 
the foremost European kingdom, with startling rapidity and com- 
pleteness, into Irish chieftains. Moreover we find among the 
emigrants of all ranks men and women of pure Irish and Scottish 
blood, as well as many sprung from mixed marriages, and traces 
* of this crossing survive in the Irish names borne by some of the 
foremost characters of the Heroic Age of Iceland, especially the 
poets, of most of whom it is also recorded that they were dark 
men. And surely it is not wholly visionary to suppose that this 
close intercourse with the Kelts may have had something to do 
with heightening and colouring the strong but somewhat prosaic 
Teutonic imagination into the finer and more artistic spirit which 
is manifested in the Icelandic Saga. So it may not be trifling 
to notice that it is precisely in the West of the Island, the classic 
land of Icelandic letters, that the proportion of foreign blood was 
probably the strongest. 

What effect the Keltic spirit had upon the Norsemen who still 
remained in the West subject to its attraction is a matter which 
must be touched on later; but it was in our opinion even more 
powerful and effective. Only when it is possible to judge fairly 
of the remains of the Keltic literature of the ninth, tenth, and 
eleventh centuries can any definite conception of the influence 
it exerted on Icelandic, Norse, and English writers be properly 

As to the character of this great Exodus from the Western 
Island northwards, which ran its course for sixty years, we have 
pretty full information in Landnama, besides the later traditions of 
the Sagas, and know that the settlers brought over not only their 
wives, children, and kinsmen, but also their tenants and thralls, 
and even their cattle, horses, and sheep. 

The men who had come to Iceland were in some respects the 
flower of the North, ' a race of giants/ such as the old Californian 
days alone supply some parallel to. They had most of them 


passed through a stern training, holding their own by sheer 
strength of head and hand, in a stirring age through a life of 
adventure by sea and land, and all their feelings and faculties 
seem to have been strengthened and expanded in the process. 
The Heroic Age of Iceland, which was to the Saga-men what the 
Wiking-tide was to the poets of the West, was still an age of 
transition ; individual character was as strongly marked as of old ; 
family pride and policy were as strong as ever ; heathendom had 
still its votaries, and the great growing ideas of the age, Unity, 
Christendom, and Feudalism (though their influence was widely 
felt), were not yet strong enough to level to one plane the 
characters and thoughts of those who were most swayed by them ; 
the foreign influence now exerted by the greatest kings that ever 
ruled in Scandinavia was not oppressive but stimulating; while 
the internal political condition of the country was not highly 
developed enough to permit of the feuds which later split up the 
whole island into factions and exalted party spirit to the rank 
of patriotism. 


The state which grew up from such beginnings as this resulted 
in a form of life and social habit peculiar to the Island. The 
geographical characteristics of the new land precluded centraliza- 
tion or town life, while the spirit of independence, the circum- 
stances of the freeholders were far too strong to permit the 
growth of a feudalism of the English or French type. The power 
of the Chiefs was great, but it depended on Custom and Law, 
which rigidly denned its influence ; and though in later times the 
increased wealth and family alliances of the great men, and the 
influence of the Ecclesiastical Power, brought many changes, these 
had as yet affected but little the state of things with which we are 
here concerned. Each cluster of dales opening on a separate bay, 
nay, each dale itself possessed an individuality and life of its own, 
within the circle of which a man's days were mainly passed; and 
the more so as nearly every firth had been originally the ' claim ' 
of a single settler, who had divided it out by gift or sale among 
his kinsmen or dependents, later comers being obliged to buy of 
the earlier settlers where and how they could. Thus a series 
of almost 'family' groups was formed, each living its own life 
amid its own interests, cares, and politics. 

But for all this isolation, there were for every Icelandic yeoman 
two great outlets .the one, the Althing ; the other, the Sea. The 
former strengthening the bonds which made the Island one 
state, by bringing together men from every quarter yearly at 
regular intervals, and exercising much the same sort of influence 
on Iceland as the feasts, fairs, and games of Tara, Ohud, and the 
Isthmus had on the scattered tribes of Ireland, Arabia," and Hellas; 


keeping up the ties which made them one in civilization if not in 
polity. The second, the sea, beside being the field for adven- 
ture and trade in which every young chief proved himself, was 
also the road that led to the mother-lands of Scandinavia, and the 
only path by which the arts, sciences, and fashions might reach 
these ' dwellers at the gates of the world.' The importance of the 
foreign trade alone is amply illustrated by its effect on the literature 
and even vocabulary of Iceland. In the old days the inhabitants of 
each homestead passed their lives in a varying round of labour. In 
spring the fishing, in summer the hay-harvest, and in a few farmed 
localities the grain-harvest also ; in autumn killing and salting meat 
for the winter furnished constant occupation ; while in winter, after 
the wood cutting and stump grubbing had supplied a store of fuel, 
the indoor occupations of weaving and spinning, boat building and 
making or mending the farm implements filled up the time. The 
only breaks in the year of labour in the heathen times, when time 
was still counted by pentads and neither Sunday nor Saint's day gave 
a partial holiday, were the three or four great feasts of the year, 
which were kept in greater state and with more exact observance in 
consequence. The High Summer Festival was passed by the 
chiefs and their families at the Althing, held yearly at midsummer, 
the time of the old heathen festival of the sun ; the Althing lasted 
about a fortnight, and all the chiefs and a certain number of the 
freeman of each district were expected to attend. This meeting 
was at once a court, a council, and a merry-making, and probably 
in the * old days ' a religious feast ; it decided all matters concerning 
the commonweal and such cases as concerned several districts and 
could not be therefore settled at the local moots. We have, above, 
noticed the kind of influence it exercised on the life of the people 
and the opportunities for social intercourse it afforded ; we hear of 
games of hurling and foot ball, of match making, of feasting, and 
above all of the recital of stories by those who could tell best the 
legends and traditions of their several districts, a feature which is 
highly noteworthy with respect to the origin and development of 
the Saga in Iceland. We hear also of spring and autumn sacrifices, 
which no doubt coincided with and were held at the district Things. 
But the greatest holiday of all was Yule-tide, which sometimes lasted 
a fortnight, when friends, neighbours, and kinsmen would assemble 
at some farm in the dale and pass the time eating, drinking, 
and merry-making. The homely life of those days, while it kept 
every man in his own place, yet tolerated no formal separation 
of ranks, and the meanest thrall shared with the highest chief in 
the hospitality and relaxation of the season. In early times 
religious solemnities were celebrated at this time, and the fitting 
sacrifices always concluded with a feast. Weddings and Arval- 
feasts too were opportunities for great gatherings of guests down 
to much later times, and often lasted many days. 

It was amid such scenes that the Saga came into being. 

2. SAGA-TELLING. xxiii 

There was no music, no dancing, no drama in the old times in 
Iceland, so that hearing and telling stories, and repeating verses, 
formed (besides athletic sports) the staple amusement of the 
assembled guests. The local heroes and the local traditions 
furnished the chief topics, for the Icelanders were a practical 
rather than a religious people, and though they had legends of 
a superstitious character they preferred truth to fiction, and so the 
plain unvarnished tale of some great local chiefs career abroad 
and adventures at home was woven into the permanent shape of 
the Saga. 

Thus we frequently hear of story-telling as a recognised amuse- 
ment. At the Yule-tide feasts, as in Erik the Red's Saga in Greenland, 
where the household sat playing at tables and telling stories (tofl ok 
sagna-skemtan) l . At the Althing, where Halldor Snorrison sat by 
his booth and told so truthfully the wonderful life and adventures 
of his old master Harald Hardradi (Hulda) and when Thorgrim 
tells the tale of his own exploits in slaying Thorgeir (Fostb. S.) 
At great feasts, of which we have a vivid picture in Sturlunga 
(i. p. 19) Saga of the banquet of Reykholar. On sea voyages, 
as in the pretty passage in Hauks-bok, where the crew land for 
the night, and one of them tells the story of King Vikar as they 
sit beside his howe, for which the grateful ghost appears to him 
and bids him, as his fee, take for himself the buried treasures 
of his cairn. 

We have the names of men and women renowned for their skill 
in story-telling and vast memory and thus of Ingimund the 
priest, Ingimundr var frae5ima6r mikill, ok for mjok me9 sogur, 
ok skemti vel kvseSum. . . . Hann var hinn mesti gle9ima6r, ok fekk 
mart til skemtunar (Sturlunga i. pp. 8, 16). Styrkar Sigmundson 
of Greenland, var hann sagna-madr mikill ok sannfr69r (Sturl- 
unga i. p. 87). So also Thurid, Teit, Thorkel, Odd Kolsson, &c. 
See the on Ari. 

And not only in the island but also at the courts of Norway, 
though the Icelanders shine pre-eminently here as the best tellers of 
tales, we find numerous instances of the same kind. The scene in 
Niala, in Stuf s f*attr, and, best of all, the account in the last chapter 
of Sturlunga of Sturla's own enthralling skill as a story-teller 
and the consequences thereof, will readily occur to the reader. 
Even when the Sagas had passed out of oral tradition and had 

1 The technical word for story-telling is ' skemtan ' or ' sagna-skemtan,' exactly 
Shakespeare's abridgment : 

'Say, what abridgment have you for this evening? 
What mask? what musick? How shall we beguile 
The lazy time, if not with some delight?' M.N. D., Act V. Sc. I. 

The form ' skemta' is either an iterative or derived from the neuter participle of 
' skemma,' to shorten, which again comes from skamr, as in the phrase ' |>essi saga 
var skemt Sverri konungi,' King Sverri was entertained with this story. See Diet, 
sub voce skemta. Engl. scant is a kindred word. 


been committed to writing we hear of the reading of stories, as -on 
that Sunday, 1258, when Thorgils Skardi was killed they were 
reading the story of Thomas a Becket. The language itself in such 
words as skemmta, to shorten, to kill time, bears witness to the 
practice, which is still in full force in Iceland ; where the long winter 
evenings are whiled away in the big room, where the household 
work is going on and all are gathered together, in hearing the 
same tales read, the recital of which had charmed so many 
generations of their forefathers. 


The Saga proper is a kind of prose Epic. In has its fixed laws, 
its set phrases, its regular epithets and terms of expression, and 
though there is, as in all high literary form, an endless diversity of 
interest and style, yet there are also bounds which are never over- 
stepped, confining the Saga as closely as the employment and 
restrictions of verse could do. It will be best to take, as the 
type, the smaller Icelandic Saga, from which indeed all the later 
forms of composition have sprung. This is, in its original form, 
the story of the life of an Icelandic gentleman, living sometime in 
the tenth or eleventh centuries. It will tell first of his kin, going back 
to the ' settler ' from whom he sprung, then of his youth and early 
promise before he left his father's house to set forth on that foreign 
career which was the fitting education of the young Northern chief. 
These ' wander-jahre ' passed in trading voyages and pirate cruises, 
or in the service of one of the Scandinavian kings, as poet or 
henchman, the hero returns to Iceland a proved man, and the 
main part of the story thus preluded begins. It recounts in 
fuller detail and in order of time his life in Iceland, his loves and 
feuds, his chieftainship and lawsuits, his friendships and his enmities, 
his exploits and renown, and finally his death; usually concluding 
with the revenge taken for him by his kinsmen, which fitly winds 
up the whole. This tale is told in an earnest straightforward way, 
as by a man talking, in short simple sentences, changing when the 
interest grows high into the historic present, with here and there 
an * aside ' of explanation put in. There is no analysis of character, 
the actors ' present themselves ' in their action and speech. The 
dialogue, which is crisp and laconic, full of pithy saws and abound- 
ing in quiet grim humour or homely pathos, expressed in three or 
four brief words, is never needlessly used, and therefore all the 
more significant and forcible. If the hero is a poet we find most 
aptly interwoven many of his extemporary verses. The whole 
composition, grouped round a single man and a single place, is so 
well balanced and so naturally unfolded piece by piece, that the 
great art shown therein often at first escapes the reader. A con- 
siderable choice of words, a richness of alliteration, and a delicate 
use of syntax are always met with in the best Sagas. The story- 


teller is absorbed in his subject, no description of scenery, no 
reflections of his own ever break the flow of the story. He is a 
heathen with the heathen, a wrathful man with the avenger, and a 
sorrowful man with the mourner, as his style reflects the varied 
feelings of his dramatis personae. The plot is nearly always a 
tragedy, and the humour dark and gloomy (the hearty buffoonery 
of Bandamanna is the marked exception), but this is relieved by 
the brighter and more idyllic home and farm scenes and by the 
pathos and naivete' which are ever present. 

The constant epic allusions to the 'old days/ the continual 
reference to Law, the powerful use and vivid reality of the super- 
natural element, the moral stand- point of the story-teller himself 
appreciating so fully the pride of birth, the high sense of honour, 
the quick sharp wit, ready hand and dauntless heart of his heroes, 
and last and most important the constant presence of women 
in the story, which give it that variety and interest we admire 
so much in Homer, are all noteworthy characteristics of the 

Just as every regular form of composition, whether dramatic, 
lyric, or what not, has its special beauties and advantages, so also 
there will be inherent deficiencies and imperfections. It is of course 
so with the Saga, the monotony of the subject which turns so 
frequently on bloodshed and revenge or points of law, the bald 
prolixity at times of the style, nay, the very qualities which fit the 
story for oral recitation, such as the broken succession of incident, 
and the prolongation of the action, will often weary the reader who 
will miss the artistic balance of the literary schools with which he 
is most familiar, and all these must be acknowledged as salient 
defects. But while fully admitting this, it must be remembered 
that the only true test to which the Saga should be put, is to 
consider and treat it from the position of listener, when alone one 
can fitly appreciate the reason for much that jars the solitary student. 
Thus the necessity of keeping the hearers attention alive by a 
succession of small shocks is obvious, and the need for a simple 
conventional style was felt just as much by the Saga-teller as it is 
by the Arab reciter of to-day, for so only was he able to devote 
himself to his subject without needlessly oppressing the memory, 
which must be kept free to deal with the matter. Again* war, 
whether public or private, was the ideal circumstance to an 
Icelander of the tenth century, and excited more interest than any 
other save Law, which if less romantic was perhaps more intel- 
lectually enthralling : while the local feuds, which to us are but 
imaginatively striking, affected his every interest, political and 
social. The aristocratic pride of family, the hereditary enmities 
and friendships which inspire the Sagas, were still living motives in 
the lives of the men who listened to these stories, which gave them 
the history of their district, and enshrined its heroes and villains in 
their memory in a way which we may best picture to ourselves by 


remembering the popularity of the ' Histories ' of the Elizabethan 
drama. And as the mere student can never fitly enter into the 
spirit of these plays by the most careful perusal only, so to 
appreciate rightly the peculiar excellences and idiosyncracies of 
the Sagas we must never forget the circumstances under which 
they were produced, and the fact that by the ear only can they be 
properly enjoyed. 

The period during which the Sagas were making was but brief, 
nor could it have been otherwise; the combination of circum- 
stances which will produce such a literature is rare and transitory. 
The Sagas of Iceland, like the Elizabethan drama, are the outward 
expression of the innermost heart of a great Age, the passion- 
flower, as it were, which blooms and fades in a day. Just as the 
discovery of America, the Reformation, the struggle with Spain, 
the spread of Classical Literature, metamorphosed the Englishmen 
of the sixteenth century and drew them up into a higher region of 
mental life, so, the discovery of the Western Lands (as new and 
strange to the Norsemen as Mexico and Peru to the Conquesta- 
dores), the sudden outburst of the Wiking Life (like the free career 
of the half-pirate adventurers of the Spanish Main) with all its ad- 
venture and danger on sea and land, the close contact in peace and 
war with the Kelts, whose ancient civilization was, as far as we 
can tell, in many points superior to that of the invaders, and 
therefore the stronger in its influence, all seem to have deeply 
affected the Northern mind and wrought it to a higher pitch than 
it had ever before attained. So soon as the right note is struck, 
the right form of expression hit on, the Saga, the Heroic Lay, or 
the Drama starts into life ' full-armed ' as it were, lasts a few years 
in full beauty and power, and sinks quickly back into decay. 
We have indeed the Epigonic poetry and pseudo-Sagas of the 
Decadence in Iceland, but we could almost regret that the change 
had not come sooner and snapped the thread of continuity before 
their birth. 

Nothing can be further from the truth than to imagine that 
Iceland is still the land of Saga-telling, or that the Icelander of 
to-day belongs to the Saga Age; it is as if we were to talk 
of the English dramatist of the nineteenth century as the best 
playwrights of the world because the noblest of all dramatic 
schools once .existed in England. There has been a complete 
breach in both countries between the past and present, a ' great 
gulf fixed' which can never be bridged again. We can never 
revive the Drama of Marlowe, Shakespeare, and Webster, and for 
an Icelander of to-day to write modern history in Saga-style is a 
ludicrous absurdity. Nor can he pretend to exclude the Western 
emigrants from whom he sprung from their share in the glories of 
the past; surely when all is told the debt owed to Iceland is 
heavy enough and the rank which must be accorded to its Litera- 
ture of the highest, as perfectly representative of the noblest and 


most characteristic qualities of the Teutonic mind. Qualities 
which had lain dormant as it were in continental Scandinavia, till 
the awakening came, and the Norseman came forth as * a giant 
refreshed to run his race/ With the Saga, as the main subject of 
our work, we must deal first, but we hope to devote a few lines to 
the so-called ' Eddie Poetry/ which cannot be disregarded or passed 
over in a survey of this nature. 

To sum up the matter, we have first to distinguish the Heroic 
Age or Sogu-old of Iceland (890-1030) covering first the sixty 
years of the Settlement, then the stirring and important epoch 
centring round the lives of the two great Olaves, the age when the 
events which are recorded in the Sagas took place. The last 
act of this age ends somewhat abruptly at the year 1030, marked 
by the death of St. Olaf in Norway, and of Skapti (the Lawman) and 
Snorri (the Chief) in Iceland. Next the Age of Growth of the 
Saga, the Story-telling Age, when it was gradually working into 
definite shape in the mouths of men, through the more or less 
peaceful years which succeeded the ' Sturm und Drang ' period 
of Icelandic history. Then comes the Age of Writing or Rit-old 
following on the literary labours of Ari and his school, which 
gave them their definite literary clothing and form. This division 
of time begins towards the close of Ari's life, and lasts till the 
time of the Sturlungs; it is succeeded by a series of periods of 
strictly literary development, which are affected by the various 
new interests that successively prevail in the Island. These we 
must consider separately, each in its own peculiar aspect *. 


ARI, called the Historian (fr63i), was born in 1067, of a noble 
family sprung from Queen Aud and King Olaf the White, from 
whom he was eighth in descent. Of his lineal ancestors five were 
born in Iceland, two in the heathen days, three in the Christian 
times, but only one died a heathen ; his sixth lineal ancestor, the 
Settler Olaf Feilan, was born in the Western Islands (probably in 
Dublin), but died in Iceland. On his father's side Ari was the 
great-grandson of Gudrun the heroine of the Laxdaela Saga ; on 
his mother's he was sprung from Hall o' Side, up to whom it is 
remarkable that the three great Icelandic historians trace their 
descent on the mother's side; Thorey Saemund's mother being 
Hall's granddaughter, and Joreid, Ari's mother, his great-grand- 
daughter, Gudny Snorri's mother standing to him both in the 
sixth and seventh degree of descent. It was from the noble family 

1 See the Editor's Essay on Timatal, p. 187 sqq., where this division is first 

xxviii PROLEGOMENA. 4. 

of the Reyknesings, into which his grandfather had married, that 
the historian got his name Ari, the Eagle. His father Thorgils was 
drowned in the child's infancy, hence he was brought up at Helga- 
fell (Holyfell), the house of his grandfather Gelli, who died at 
Roskild on his journey back from a pilgrimage to Rome, 1073. 
' There/ says the Heimskringla preface, ' the child came at the age 
of seven to Hawkdale to Hall Thorarinsson and was there fourteen 
years, when Hall died ninety-four years old. Hall was a man of 
good parts and clear memory ; he could remember priest Thang- 
brand baptizing him when he was but three winters old.' Hall 
was a very distinguished man, and had been much abroad ; he was 
even for some time a partner in trade with King Olaf the Saint, 
as we learn from the same authority. ' Teit, son of Bishop Isleif ' 
(whose father Gizur the White is often mentioned in the Sagas), 
' was with Hall at Hawkdale in fosterage, and dwelt there after- 
wards. He taught priest Ari and told him much history, which 
Ari afterwards wrote of. Ari also got a great deal of historical 
knowledge from Thurid the daughter of Snorri the Chief ; she was 
a woman of a good understanding, she could remember Snorri her 
father.' ' It was not wonderful that Ari should be so truly informed 
of what happened in old days both here and abroad, for he had 
gathered his knowledge from old and wise men, and he himself 
was always eager to learn and a man of good memory/ We know 
from Kristni Saga that Ari at twelve was present at the burial 
of Bishop Isleif. 

Of Ari's life till he was twenty-one we know so much, but of 
his subsequent career, long and laborious as it was, nothing, save 
the names of his wife and two children, a son and daughter. He 
was a Godi, for there were godords in his family, and he himself 
is once, in the year 1 1 1 8, recorded among the Chiefs of Iceland 
who were in holy orders : as such he must often have been at the 
Althing, where we take it he gathered much of his information. 
We do not even know his abode. The family seat was Helgafell, 
and there his uncle Thorkel (the elder brother) dwelt till old age, 
and probably his son Brand the priest after him, so that Ari must 
have lived elsewhere; and as we find his son Thorgils living at 
Sta8 in Snowfellsness, where also lived long after Ari's great- 
granddaughter Helga, the wife of Thord Sturlasson (father of 
Sturla the Historian), we may conclude that to have been his 

Ari died 1148 (as we learn from the Annals), on Nov. 9, so says 
the Obituarium, aged eighty-one, or even in his eighty-second 

THE WORKS OF ARI. Snorri in the Life expressly states that ' Ari 
was the first man, here in this land, who wrote in the Norse tongue 
histories relating to times ancient and modern.' To begin with the 
evidence on this head, waiving non-essential points and stating the 
facts of the case in order, three works of Ari are distinctly men- 


tioned: i. KoNUNGA-B6K, or Book of Kings; 2. LANDNAMA-BOK, or 
Book of Settlements ; and 3. IsLENDiNGA-B6K, or Book of the Ice- 
landers. The very use of the word 'bok' is distinctive of Ari; for, 
when he wrote, all preceding histories were ' Sagas ' in the true 
sense of the word, vivd voce tradition ; and it would seem that he 
thus distinguishes his own written work, perhaps as a clerk, bor- 
rowing the idea from the Books of Scripture. 

i. As to KONUNGA-BOK, we have the distinct testimony of the 
superscription to Cod. Fris. (whence that MS. was afterwards known 
as the < Book of Kings '), ' Here beginneth the Book of Kings 
according to the records of Priest Ari the Historian; opening 
from the threefold division of the World, which is followed by 
the History of all the Kings of Norway.' To this statement 
a short introduction containing a Life of Ari is prefixed. These 
words can only mean either that the following Sagas are Ari's 
' Book of Kings/ or that they are derived therefrom. And the 
Ynglinga we take to be the very work of Ari, abridged here and 
there, but still preserving in many chapters (especially those which 
depict the life and rites of the heathen days) his characteristic style 
and words. The discrepancy between the mythology of the 
Ynglinga and the Prose-Edda may be noted as some slight con- 
firmation of this view. 

Towards the end of St. Olafs Saga we find, ' Priest Ari Thorgils- 
son the Historian first wrote these records (grein) of the King's 
reign, a man both wise and of truthful speech, having a good 
memory, being also of such age that he could remember and draw 
information from men old enough to have well remembered these 
tidings, as he himself has written in his books, naming those 
men from whom he had gotten his information/ Although this 
sentence is awkwardly placed in the midst of a passage bearing 
on chronology, we take it to be a general acknowledgment of the 
author's (Snorri) obligation to Ari, upon whose Book of Kings 
he had founded his own Lives of the Kings. The word ' grein * 
must here be translated ' records V It is not solely for information 
as to the question of the precise length of St. Olaf's reign, fifteen 
or fifteen and a half or sixteen years, but for the whole life of the 
King, that we are indebted to Ari's book and researches. This 
is corroborated by the Life in the preface to Heimskringla, ' Ari, as 
he has told us himself, wrote the Lives of the Kings of Norway 
as 1 told him by Odd Kolsson, the grandson of Hall o' Side. Odd 
again had learnt the story from Thorgeir, who was a wise man 
and of good memory, and so old that he lived at Nidarnes (in 
Throndheim) when Earl Hakon was slain.' 

Ari is indeed cited in various other instances with clear reference 
to mere chronological points, as twice in the great O. T. Saga ; and 
Odd the Monk spends a whole chapter on the respective chrono- 

1 See the Editor's article on this word in the Dictionary. 


logical systems of Ari and Saemund. Ari's Konunga-b6k probably 
ended with the death of King Harald Sigurdsson, as far as we 
can judge from the style of the ' Kings-Lives ' and from divers 
scattered indications. It has perished, except so far as it is em- 
bodied in Snorri's work, in which we can detect some fragments 
of it apparently verbally cited, e. g. the preface, * a b6k J)essi . . . / 
which certainly cannot be ascribed to Snorri, as Gisli Brynjulfsson 
long ago maintained. This is clearly borne out by the wording. 
The writer repeatedly speaks of viva 1 voce sources, never of books 
' as I have heard wise men say,' ' as I have been told/ * old 
traditions ' (fornar frasagnir), ' poems ' (kvseSi), ' epic lays (sogu- 
1J66) used for entertainment' these are his sources. He also 
speaks tf Langfedgatal, by which we take him to mean genealogical 
lays, which indeed were specially styled tal ( Ynglinga-tal, Haleygja- 
tal). All this is in good keeping with Ari and his age ; when 
Snorri wrote a century later, a whole cycle of written Sagas had 
sprung up; whilst tradition had at the same rate died away, or 
was becoming extinct. 

2. LANDNAMA-B6K (as it is entitled in the two editions of Sturla 
and Hauk and cited in Floamanna Saga), in accordance with the 
usual MSS. custom, does not contain its author's name. But Law- 
man Hauk, at the end of his recension, says that he had compiled 
his book * according as former historians (fr69ir menn) have written 
it, first priest Ari the Historian, and Kolskegg the Wise.' He says 
further that he compiled his book from two copies, Sturla's and 
Styrmi's, and that these two books agreed with each other in the 
main J . The evidence of the book itself is, ' Now I have taken one 
by one all the Icelandic settlements that we have heard of,' which 
surely points to oral tradition. The suggestion that Ari only 
began the work is idle, for the whole book is of one cast, and the 
conception of such an undertaking, unique in the whole field of 
literature as it is, must be due to a single mind. Moreover, the 
interpolations of Sturla and Styrmi, the later editors, mainly 
consist in bringing certain pedigrees (the bulk of the genealogies 
ceasing at the beginning of the twelfth century) down to their own 
times; Sturla tracing them to his grandmother Gudny and his 
grandfather Sturla of Hvamm, and Hauk to himself. Styrmi's 
text, possibly the best, is unfortunately lost, except so far as it 
is represented in Hauk's edition. Both editions, that of Sturla 
and Styrmi, we take to have been independently taken from Ari's 
work ; and as in Hauk's days both were mainly identical, Sturla 

1 The words of Hauk run thus : c Nu er yfir farit um landnam bau er verit 
hafa a Islandi, eptir bvi sem hafa skrifat, fyrst Ari prestr hinn Fr65i f>orgils son, ok 
Kolskeggr hinn vitri. En pessa bok ritada ek Haukr Erlendz sun eptir peirri bok 
sem ritaft haf&i Herra Sturla Logmaor, hinn fro&asti ma&r, ok eptir peirri bok 
annarri, er ritaft hafdi Styrmir hinn FroSi. Ok hafda ek pat 6r hverri sem framar 
greindi; en mikill pori var pat, er paer sog5u eins baoar; ok bvi er pat ekki at 
undra po pessi Landnuma-buk s6 lengri en nokkur onnur.' 


at least could not be the author, for when Styrmi died (1245) 
Sturla was only thirty years of age, which would not give him 
time to have written any considerable part of such a work. On 
the other hand Landnama is often cited (though not by name) in 
the Sagas, being the groundwork or matrix to them as it were ; 
and in style and character lying behind and beyond all other 
Icelandic literature. 

We have therefore no hesitation in ascribing to Ari and his 
contemporary, Kolskegg, the sole authorship of this peerless work, 
an opinion entirely in consonance with all existing tradition on 
the subject ; e. g. an early editor of Gunnlaug's Saga (Snorri ? the 
style is very like that of Egla and the Kings' Lives), who has 
interpolated the text largely with quotations from lost works of 
Ari, chiefly Islendinga-bok, bears witness to Ari as the greatest 
Icelandic authority on the traditions of the Settlement and the 
history of old days, ' er mestr fraedi-maSr hefir verit a Islandi a 
Landnams-sogur ok forna fraeQi.' 

With reference to Kolskegg's share of the work in the text of 
Landnama-bok (IV. ch. 5) itself, speaking of the Settlement on the 
East coast, we find, ' Nu hefir Kolskeggr sagt he3an fra um land- 
nam,' and for a while the style has a peculiarity of its own, stating, 
for instance, in reference to each ' claim/ ' from hence came such 
a family ' and so forth, a peculiarity less marked elsewhere ; but 
though we can fairly guess, we have no actual notice of the 
extent of Kolskegg's collaboration. As to the two editions 
they are. chiefly at variance in the first chapters (the order in 
which the three discoverers reached the island, &c.) How is this 
discrepancy to be accounted for ? Did Ari revise his earlier work 
by the light of later and as he judged better information, or 
have later editors used independent authorities (Saemund?) to 
correct the original text? We prefer the former alternative, as 
entirely consonant to Ari's habit of mind, which we know was 
ever open to fresh information and eager to get at the exact 

3. IsLENDiNGA-B6*K. This book itself is lost, but we have a 
partial revision of it, called ' Libellus,' by Ari himself, in the brief 
preface to which he says, ' The Book of the Icelanders I first 
made for our bishops Thorlak and Ketil, and showed it both to 
them and to Saemund the priest. But according as it liked them 
so to have it or to add thereto (sva at hafa ej)a J)ar vi>r auca), 
I afterwards wrote this one of the same purport, without (fyr utan) 
the Genealogies and the Kings-Lives/ &c. The prefaces of old 
authors are proverbially difficult to understand, and this is true of 
Ari no less than of Livy. Moreover, we have constantly to bear 
in mind that the technical language of authors and editors of our 
own days is a recent creation, and here in especial Ari has to give 
expression to ideas which had never before been expressed in 
speech or writing in his native tongue. Thus the phrase above 

xxxii PROLEGOMENA. 4- 

quoted must be taken to refer to two of the ordinary forms of 
criticism, ' sva at hafa/ alteration, and ' ar vi8 at auca/ addition. 
No one would be likely to suggest any omissions or compressions 
to one who was essentially, as Arni Magnusson justly says, ' auctor 
brevis.' Upon the words 'fyrir utan' there have been two con- 
structions put, one of Arni Magnusson's, one by the present 

Here the reader will find it convenient to have by his side 
a text of the Libellus, which has been printed several times, and 
latterly edited by Mobius, whose correct and handy edition may 
easily be procured. Chapter 10 closes with the words, ' Here endeth 
this Book/ upon which in chapter 1 1 follows the pedigrees of the 
two ' present bishops ' of Iceland, and in chapter 1 2 the genealogy 
of the author himself traced up to Odin through several early 
kings, and concluding with ' father of Thorgils, father of mine, 
but I am named Ari.' These two final chapters Arni took to 
be the ' JEttar-tolur ' and ' Konunga-JEfi/ which Ari had added 
to his new revision ' fyr utan/ meaning ' besides.' Our text would 
thus be an enlargement of the older ' Islendinga-b6k.' But why 
then should Ari style his former work 'Liber' and the present 
one ' Libellus ? ' Or how can a mere pedigree be referred to as 
'Life of Kings?' Moreover, in chapter n, Ari says, 'Thorlak 
who is now Bishop in Skalholt next after Gizur;' but we know 
from internal evidence that Thorlak was already dead (died 
ist Feb. 1133) when the Libellus was written, hence these two 
chapters must have formed part of the original work, from which 
they have been transferred to this new one. The explanation 
seems to be that these two chapters stand really in the place of 
a dedication and title-page. Our modern devices for this end 
were of course unknown till some time after the invention of 
printing, and many are the ways taken by classic and mediaeval 
authors to effect the purposes for which we utilise the first pages 
of our books. Ari's is certainly one of the most ingenious and 
reasonable, especially when we consider the habit of Icelandic 
scribes in later times of omitting all such superfluities (in their 
eyes) as prefaces, titles, and authors' names when they copied out 
a book. These two chapters were important enough to be allowed 
to remain untouched, while the compliment they convey was one 
which would be most highly appreciated in an age when oral 
genealogies were the title deeds as it were to consideration and 
social position. We must therefore take the words ' fyrir utan ' 
in their natural sense of ' excepting/ and believe that they referred 
to something which the Islendinga-b6k contained, but which 
was omitted in the Libellus. Again, Snorri's short Life of 
Ari, in the preface to the Kings' Lives, tells of a 'book' of Ari, 
which besides containing ' records of Iceland ' included ' Lives 
of Kings' and a section on 'Islands bygd ok Laga-setning/ 
the Settlement of Iceland and the Constitution thereof, which 


last item is just what we do find in Libellus whilst the others 
are omitted 1 . 

Ample corroboration of this view is afforded by other sources. 
In the Sagas we often find paragraphs, sometimes whole chapters, 
inserted from Ari's Islendinga-bok, though the authority is not 
always given; as, for instance, Sturl. VII. chaps. 12-15 (vol. i. 
pp. 203-6), the scattered interpolations in Gunnlaug's Saga ; the 
great extracts in Hsensajx (Vatzhyrna text) ; the important chapters 
in Eyrbyggia, and the account of the oath and old heathen rites 
noticed by Maurer. In all these cases it is from the Liber that 
the insertion comes, never from our Libellus. The Liber therefore 
contained a fuller text where it ran parallel to the Libellus, as well 
as an abridgment of the Lives of Kings and of Landnama-b6k, 
a fragment of which last is, we believe, preserved in the extracts 
from the lost Mela-b6k. 

In an unpublished Essay on Ari, written in Icelandic some seven- 
teen years ago, the Editor, besides setting forth his present views 
on the connection between Liber and Libellus, strove to establish 
the theory that Ari had written one book only, an Islendinga-b6k, of 
which our Landnama-bok and the Lives of Kings had once formed 
an integral part. This latter opinion he has long since given up as 
unjust to the memory of Ari and lacking in probability, for the fol- 
lowing reasons : Landnama-bok we have, and it is too large a work 
to have ever formed only part of a book, moreover the introduction 
of Fris-b6k is, as we have tried to show above, conclusively favour- 
able to our present theory. In the next place Ari must have been 
about sixty years of age when he wrote the Liber (c. 1127), and 
seventy when he partly revised it in Libellus (in the days when 
Rafn was Lawman, 1135-9), an d it is most unlikely that he wrote 
his first book at such an advanced age. In fact the negative 
evidence is almost conclusive : Ari himself gives us the names of 
eight persons from whom he derived information for much of his 
work. Of these, five died towards the beginning of the century 
Thurid the Wise, in 1112, aged 88; Teit, in mi (who was 
brought up with Ari); Lawman Marcus, in 1108; Ulfhedin, in 
1118. As to Ari's uncle Thorkel, his death is not recorded, but 
it cannot have taken place much after uoo, as he was the eldest 
son of a man born in 1008. Lastly, Odd Kolsson, who was a 
grandson of Hall o' Side, and Ari's second and fourth cousins. 
We have therefore to imagine the young Ari listening to the old 
Odd Kolsson. Ari himself, as well as Snorri, states that the 

1 The preface to St. Olaf's Saga says: 'He wrote most in the beginning of his book 
of the Settlement and Constitution of Iceland, then of the Law Speakers, how 
long each had been Speaker, and fixed the chronology first up to the coming of 
Christianity to Iceland and then right down to his own day. He also treated many 
other questions, both of the Lives of the Kings in Norway and Sweden, and in 
England as well, and also the great events that had happened here in this land ; 
and all he has written carries with us the greatest weight.' 


xxxiv PROLEGOMENA. 4- 

Islendinga-bok contained a brief life of all the Law-speakers from 
the oral records of Markus Skeggjason, and the loss of these Lives 
is indeed a great one, especially as regards the legal and con- 
stitutional history of the country. Ari's literary life must therefore 
have begun early, and we should put the composition of the Book of 
Kings and the Landnama-b6k about mo, certainly not after 1120. 

What we take to have been the case is this. Ari having already 
written two distinct works, the Book of Kings and the Book of 
the Settlement (the Icelandic ' Joshua '), undertook, at the Bishop's 
instance, the Book on Iceland, in which, besides fresh matter, he, 
as it were, summed up and epitomised his two former books, 
working them into the new one, but again eliminating them in 
the Libellus, his last work on the subject. 

KRISTNI SAGA, the history of the Christian missions to Iceland 
and finally of the introduction of the New Faith, which is suffixed 
to one of our MSS. of Landnama-b6k (Hauks-b6k), seems to be 
an appendix to the Landnama. Part of it is actually quoted in 
Bishop Paul's Saga as Ari's, in the style and frame of whose works 
it is entirely moulded, so that although it has not come down to 
us altogether untouched by the hand of a later editor (Odd the 
Monk ?), we take it to be clearly his. 

Besides these works Ari seems to have written something on the 
life of his friend the good Bishop Ketil, who died while on a visit 
to Skalholt in 1145, 'about sunset on Friday, in the octave of 
SS. Peter and Paul, as Bp. Magnus, who was himself present at his 
death, told Ari the Historian' (see vol. ii. p. 502). Ari outlived him 
three years and four months. 

Snorri sums up Ari's character in the words sann-sogull, vitr ok 
minnigr, ' a man of truthfulness, wisdom, and good memory,' and 
assures us of the high importance attached to all his work. And 
indeed, truthfulness, the foundation of all real knowledge, is 
certainly the distinguishing quality of his works, and gives him 
a very high place among the great historians of the world. His 
sagacity, his careful and orderly method, and plain, straightforward, 
but pure and dignified style enhance the x value of the immense 
amount of information which he carefully gathered from the best 
sources, the relative worth of which he guages minutely. Neither 
was he a mere antiquarian ; on the contrary, his view of history is 
both poetical and scientific, and differs in every respect from the 
narrow and distorted vision of the ordinary mediaeval writer, 
with whom indeed he has nothing in common. His greatest 
work is undeniably Landnama-b6k, which is truly the creation 
of a master mind, when we consider the excellence of plan, 
the enormous difficulties to be encountered in its prosecution, 
and the success with which it was accomplished. This book, 
at once the Domesday and Golden Book of Iceland, is worthy 
to be ranked with the Bible of Ulphilas, the Saxon Chronicle, 
and the Norman Survey, among the foremost monuments of the 


history of our race. Opening with a brief sketch of the Settle- 
ment, it proceeds to give a notice of each settler (some 400 
in all), his pedigree and descendants, and his claim, in geogra- 
phical order (beginning with the South Firths and going com- 
pletely round the island from West to East). This plan is filled in 
with a great mass of interesting detail, short accounts of famous 
men and women, notices of old customs, laws, rites, and nomen- 
clature, &c., verses and sayings, references to events which took 
place abroad in England, Ireland, Scotland, and the eastern Scan- 
dinavian countries. Arngrim 1 , who mentions it (1594) for the first 
time after the Reformation, when the author's name was still 
unknown, writes of it as containing some 2000 names of home- 
steads, nesses, hillocks, brooks, rivers, dales, firths, creeks, moun- 
tains, and islands, besides some 4000 names of real persons (of 
whom about one-third are women). Indeed it would hardly be an 
exaggeration to say that whatever we know for certain of life, 
religion, and constitution of the old days in the Scandinavian States 
is in one way or other due to Ari. And it is well for us that he 
lived when he did, like Herodotus, just in time to gather up and 
garner for us traditions that were dying or being driven out of 
men's minds by new interests and new ideas, and not in vain does 
Snorri, perhaps half regretfully, notice his age and the oppor- 
tunities it gave him, advantages which he himself was denied. 

In our complete ignorance of this great historian's life after the 
age of twenty-one, we cannot tell how all this information was 
brought together. Did Ari travel over Iceland, making his en- 
quiries in every dale, or did he learn it, like a Socrates of history, 
from questioning the men from all quarters whom he met at the 
Althing? which latter hypothesis we should rather incline to. 
Was Ari ever out of Iceland ? Did he know Norway ? Had he, 
who has preserved the lives of so many kings for us, ever beheld 
a king's face? We believe not 2 . There is an air of romance 

1 ' Hi plures quam 400 cum cognatis et agnatis et praeterea numerosa familia 
nominatim in annalibus nostris recensentur : nee illorum tantum numerus describitur, 
sed quas oras, qnae littora, et quae loca mediterranea singuli occupaverint et incoluerint, 
et quomodo primi inhabitatores, fretis, sinibus, portubus, isthmis, porthmis, promon- 
tariis, rupibus, scopulis, montibus, collibus, vallibus tesquis, fontibus, fluminibus, 
rivis, et denique villis seu domiciliis sua nomina dederint, quorum hodie pleraque 
retinentur ct in usu sunt, aperte narratur.' Brevis Commentarius, p. 57. This 
quaint passage of Arngrim's is worth inserting for comparison with a statement of 
Peter Claussen, which has, rashly we think, been taken as proof of that writer 
having had access to a copy of the lost ' Liber Islandorum/ A comparison will 
however show that there is nothing in his words but what could have been arrived 
at from acquaintance with Arngrim's works, and especially the passage before us. 

2 At the decline of Ari's life royalty was at her lowest in the North. In Norway 
the old line of Harald Fairhair became extinct (in 1130), and the Gaelic Gilchrist 
ruled in the land. In Denmark the last of the famous sons of Svein Ulfsson was 
slain, and small men for a time held the throne. The bright star of future days, 
King Waldimar, was a boy. In Sweden there were kings of little mark. The future 
national saint of Sweden, King Eric, belongs to the next generation. 

C 2 

xxxvi PROLEGOMENA. 4- 

breathed through the Kings' Lives, a lack of precise detail in the 
scene and circumstances, the private life, the law, &c., and a 
meagre geographical knowledge, which is very striking in com- 
parison with the minute accuracy of the Landnama-b6k. It is 
only in the Sagas which follow Sigurd the Crusader, and espe- 
cially Sverri's, the Boglungs', and Hakon's, that we find a rich and 
correct topography certifying to personal knowledge and eye- 

Ari, like other great men, has suffered at the hands of his 
commentators, and notably from the dry formal criticism of the 
last century writers, who looked on him chiefly as a chrono- 
logist, and held his chief merit to lie in the care with which he 
discusses the exact length of a reign, &c. To us, after all, his 
chronology appears his weakest point, and this by no means 
implies any disrespect to his memory, for it could hardly have 
been otherwise. It was no easy thing in Ari's day to find out 
from oral tradition the exact sequence of events which took place 
many years before one's own time, and still harder was it to assign 
a precise date to each. The notation of years from A. D. was 
unusual if not quite unknown in Iceland at Ari's time. The very 
eifort of calculation was very great, and the system of notation 
confusing and clumsy (see the Editor's collectanea in Diet. s. v. 
tigr, Jjusund, &c.) We see, for instance, what hard work Ari 
had to fix the death year of his contemporary Bishop Gizur. 
Sometimes he has gone altogether wrong ; thus our Annals, on his 
authority no doubt, put Sweyn Twy-beard's death and Cnut's 
accession six years too soon. Here the Saxon Chronicle helps us 
to the right date. So the battle of Clontarf (1014) was placed by 
him 1004. The very year of the Settlement of Iceland will, we 
take it, never be made out. Ari at all events put it too early. 
But when it is no longer a matter of a particular year, we may 
follow him more surely ; thus, though we may not blindly accept 
his conclusions as to the year of Ingolf's coming to Iceland (and 
he is never dogmatic on such points), we should be ready to 
believe his statement that the ' settlement ' ran its course in about 
sixty years. 

To Ari's wise choice of his native tongue for his books we owe 
the classic style in which the masterpieces of the Icelandic his- 
torical writers are composed. In the rich simplicity of Egla and 
Laxdaela, the poetic boldness of Snorri, and the vivid colouring 
of Sturla his influence may be distinctly traced. The truth of this 
may be felt by any one who will read the first few chapters of 
Landnama or those relating to the Thorsness Settlement, in which 
all those peculiar excellencies and well-marked qualities with 
which we are familiar in their full development by Snorri and 
Sturla may be found, qualities which are totally distinct from 
those which characterise the local Sagas or the unique style which 
marks out a Niala as a thing apart. 


The true father of Icelandic letters, as well as the first prose 
writer and the first historian, Ari's influence and example kindled 
the flame which burns with no uncertain light in many a noble 
story, and shines fairest and brightest in the works of his true 
spiritual sons the Sturlungs. 


SJEMUND SIGFUSSON of Oddi (b. 1056, d. 1133), surnamed Frodi, 
an elder contemporary of Ari. He studied in Saxland (Westphalia), 
or, as some say, Paris. There it was that Bishop John found him 
absorbed in the study of the black art under a great magician : 
the legend of his escape is well known. See St. John the Bishop's 
Saga. From this in later days arose the traditions which made 
him the Vergil of Iceland. The Ann. Reg. record his return at 
the age of twenty to Iceland, 1076. In the Sagas he appears as 
the greatest churchman of his day, as an historian, and as the 
founder of a great family, the Oddverjar, His cognomen attests 
his learning. He wrote a brief * Kings-book/ whether in Latin 
or in Icelandic one cannot tell, containing lives of the ten 
rulers of Norway from Harald Fairhair to Magnus the Good 
(850-1047), fixing the chronology of each reign. Odd the Bene- 
dictine quotes this book once, and once refers to it on a point 
of chronology. In the Flateyar-bok, ii. 520-8, Konungatal, a 
poem composed in honour of Jon Loptsson, Saemund's great- 
grandson, these lives are mentioned as the foundation of the 
singer's verses. ' Now I have counted ten rulers, each of whom 
sprung from Harald, I narrated their lives according to the words 
of Ssemund the Wise.' Saemund is also cited in one vellum, 
AM. 510 of Jomsvikinga. He was consulted by Ari, as the 
Islendinga-b6k tells us. It is not till the revival of Icelandic 
literature that his name is mentioned by a confusion of words in 
connection with the Poetic Edda, a conclusion which is not sup- 
ported by the slightest scrap of evidence. 

BRAND, surnamed Frodi, a contemporary of Ari, is quoted in 
Landnama as author of ' Brei6fir6inga-Kynsl66,' which, like ' Olfu- 
singa-Kyn,' the author of which is unknown, was one of the 
sources of Ari's work. Both works, we take it, were genealogical. 
He is called ' prior' (perhaps a mistake for ' prestr'). His name is 
found nowhere else. 

KOLSKEGG ASBIORNSSON, also called Frodi, and also the ' Wise,' 
of a good family in the East of Iceland, was Ari's fellow-worker 
in the Landnama. His co-operation was probably limited to 
supplying the genealogies of his district. It is told of Kolskegg 
that he saw the horn which King Harald Fairhair gave to Earl 
Hrollaug the Settler. It had in all likelihood perished by the 
' Sturlunga' time. 

xxxviii PROLEGOMENA. 6. 


The famous Codex Wormianus, or, as it might be better called, 
Codex Arngrimi, contains besides Snorri's Edda a collection of 
small grammatical treatises, which, as this MS. was early known (it 
was in Arngrim's possession in 1609 when priest Magnus Olafsson 
compiled from it his recension of the Edda), are mentioned by 
Biorn of Skardsa, who, without a shadow of reason, attributed 
them, under the name of ' Skalda/ to Gunnlaug the monk. Later 
on it was observed that Olaf Hvitaskald is mentioned as the writer 
of one of them, whereupon the whole were attributed to him, an 
opinion held by Eggert Olafsson in 1762. When Rask edited 
them for the first time in 1818 he observed the great difference 
between the separate pieces, and concluded that they must be 
the work of several authors. Dr. Egilsson, in his editions 1849 
and 1852, upholds the same hypothesis, but with little further 
progress. The following theory identifying Thorodd as author 
of the First Treatise was worked out by the present Editor in 1860, 
in an unpublished Essay, which was communicated to Dr. Maurer 
of Munich at that date. 

' Skalda' consists of three short Essays preceded by a prologue, 
and completed by an epilogue, which latter, to judge from the 
verses therein quoted, must be the work of a man writing about 
1330. The prologue is plainly by the same hand, possibly that of 
the editor or collector of the whole Codex. In it we find the 
following statement: Skal ydr sj^na hinn fyrsta letrs-hatt, sva 
ritinn eptir sextan stafa stafr6fi i Danskri tungu, eptir J)vi sem 
t>6roddr Riina-meistari ok Ari prestr hinn FrocH hafa sett i moti 
Latinu-manna stafr6fi, er meistari Priscianus hefir sett, ' I will 
place before you the first alphabetical system . . . according as 
Thorodd the grammarian and priest Ari the historian have ordered 
it, in comparison with the alphabet which Master Priscian had 

This can only mean that the editor intends to copy out first an 
account of the alphabet according to Thorodd and Ari, a descrip- 
tion which entirely suits the First Treatise, in the first chapter 
of which the author declares himself the contemporary of Ari, and 
says that his work is the first on the subject in the Norse tongue. 
That the prologue had in view the next following Essay is proved 
by his own words, Skal y5r s^na \uxmjyrsta letrs-hatt, and by 
the following words: The prologue says, Hafa J)eir JDVI fleiri 
hlj66s-greinir me6 hverjum raddar-staf, sem J)essi er tungan fa- 
talaSri, ' and they [viz. Thorodd and Ari] had [in their alphabet] 
as many more vowel symbols to each vowel [of the Latin] in 
proportion as that tongue [Latin] has fewer vowels.' While in 
the Essay the author says that he has made an alphabet for the 
Icelanders, using the Latin alphabet as his foundation: 'As to 
the Latin consonants, I have added some and left out some ; but 


as to the vowels, I have left out none, but added very many, for 
our tongue has by far the most vowels.' The identity between 
the words of the prologue and the First Treatise is clear and in- 
controvertible. The mention of Ari as collaborateur we take to 
be the guess of the collector from the mention of Ari's name. 

The words which we have omitted above, ' as it is, written 
according to the sixteen-letter alphabet in the Danish tongue/ are, 
if taken literally, in absolute contradiction to the statement below, 
as to the comparative richness of the two alphabets, and if they 
are not a mere flourish of the prologue writer, must be a confused 
allusion to the Runic chapter of the Third Treatise, or even a 
clumsy interpolation. 

Runes were little known to the Icelanders of those days, and 
the epithet of Runa-meistari here applied to Thorodd, which is 
very possibly of later coinage (as in Saxo's case, whose real nick- 
name was Longus), perhaps an ornamental addition of the col- 
lector's, must be translated ' Grammaticus ' in the sense in which 
Snorri in Hattatal uses Runes as equivalent to characters, Homer's 
TpdfjLfjLara. Indeed the first account of the real Runes seems to be 
that by Olaf Hvitaskald, who got his knowledge of them from 
King Waldimar of Denmark, as he tells us in his Runic chapter 
in the Third of these Skalda Treatises. 

We have external evidence as to Thorodd's age and identity 
from an entirely independent source. John the first Bishop of 
Holar, 1106-1121, built a new cathedral church of timber. His 
architect was Thorodd (Gunnlaug the Benedictine here adds 
' Gamlason '), who was held to be the best craftsman in all 
Iceland. Now the bishop had set up a school-house or seminary 
wherein the young scholars were being trained up as priests, and 
we are told that this Thorodd, while engaged on his building, 
listened to the teaching of grammar, and held it so well in his 
memory that he afterwards became a great master ' in that art.' 

We also find in Sturlunga (i. p. 41) a certain Thorodd Gamlason, 
styled ' a good yeoman/ mentioned as living at a time which tallies 
with his being a contemporary of Ari's. If we suppose the cathedral 
to have been built about 1115, Thorodd could not have been very 
young to have already gained at his craft the high respect in which 
he was then held ; nor, had he been very old, would he have been 
so apt a scholar or indeed likely to have been attracted at all to the 
new and difficult pursuit of book learning : his work too is fresh and 
original. We may therefore fix his birth about 1085, which would 
make Ari his elder by some eighteen years. Thorodd is rather a 
rare name (occurring indeed only four times in the Landnama- 
b6k), and Gamli still rarer, so that the coincidence of these in the 
case of a man who was also famed as a 'grammarian/ leaves 
hardly any doubt as to the identity of our author, who would then, 
according to the pedigree in Sturlunga (ii. p. 492), be the uncle of 
Odd the Benedictine historian, and the great-grandson of Gretti 


the Strong's sister, of the old and famous family of Anund Wood- 
leg, a settler in the North-west of Iceland. 

Turning to the internal evidence afforded by the First Treatise 
we find the author speaking of writing in the vernacular as a new 
thing, mentioning only ' the laws, homilies, and the wise historical 
works (spaklegu frae6i) of Ari Thorgilsson the priest,' whom he 
speaks of as contemporary, omitting also the universal epithet 
' fr63i.' The language is archaic (kannk-a, sekka-a, vilja subj.) and 
the style simple; the only verse quoted is one of King Harald 
Sigurdsson's time, and the only work cited is Cato's Moralia. 
The author knows the ' English' handwriting. Moreover, the 
peculiar alphabet which he invented, though never adopted in 
its entirety, is partly used in most of the early Icelandic MSS. 
(Islendinga-b6k, Rfmbegla, the Laws, the Eddas, &c.); all indi- 
cations which tally with what from other sources we know of 

Thorodd's work shows great sagacity, apart from the delicate and 
exhaustive phonetic analysis and ingenious practical suggestions 
which alone would give it a high value ; thus we find him holding 
the hypothesis of the development or 'branching' of languages 
from a common stem. He was acquainted with the Hebrew and 
Greek alphabets, and knew something of the Latin tongue. He 
has preserved to us many important philological facts ; for instance, 
the nasality of the vowels in certain cases, a phenomenon which 
has left no later traces and which was perhaps disappearing even 
in his days. If the time and circumstances of his life be con- 
sidered, Thorodd may with justice be ranked among the foremost 
in genius as in time he was perhaps the earliest of Teutonic 
grammarians. He especially reminds one of Jacob Grimm, whose 
keen observation and homely language, full of images drawn from 
carpentry, &c., denote a man of kindred spirit and character. The 
edition of 1852 (Edda ii. 10-42) leaves much to be desired; even 
in the first few lines an important word ' J>egar ' is omitted, and in 
the alphabet the lines of the vellum are reversed. 

ANONYMOUS GRAMMARIAN. The Second Treatise in the Skalda 
is the work of a man of considerable power of observation and 
scientific habit of thought, who also possessed a somewhat poetical 
imagination. He is later than Thorodd, whose work he knew, 
but cannot be dated much after 1180. He was a clerk, if we 
may judge from the pious tone and allusions of the Treatise. 
The strong point of this writer is phonology, and he evidently 
had a musical ear; his analysis of letter position appears to be 
derived from the Hebrew Grammar. He invented several useful 
phonetic terms. In his day vowel nasality had already vanished, 
and the mediaeval handwriting was coming in. 

There is an abridgment of his treatise in the Upsala Prose-Edda, 
in which the curious tables omitted in Cod. Worm, are given. 

For the Third Treatise by Olaf the White Poet see 20. 



These we might arrange into five great groups (see the map). 
The North-western, which comprises some of the oldest Sagas. 
Those of the North-east and East, which are of distinctly local 
character, dealing little with events which touch the rest of Iceland. 
Those grouped round the ' Neck ' which unites the North-western 
headlands to the continent and those of the ' Dales/ rich in varied 
interest and scene. Those of the South-west, the most complete 
and perfect, are usually in a late and complex form (containing 
each one the substance of a small set of Sagas), and of widest and 
most universal interest, as the frequent mention of the Althing 
would alone suffice to prove. 

The smaller Icelandic Sagas are distinctly local in character and 
simple in plot and interest, representing more or less completely 
'the original oral tradition as it was first committed to writing. 
The greater Sagas are wider in interest, dealing with more than 
one generation or more than one locality, broader in scene, and 
more intricate in plot. They are the productions of literary men, 
working up existing scattered material into an artistic story. They 
do not sway loosely, following the fortunes of their hero, but 
proceed in obedience to literary law with a certain consistency of 
purpose and balance of execution, subordinating less important 
incidents, leaving out less important detail, rounding off their 
somewhat chaotic material into strict and finished shape. 
Whether love, law, politics, or aristocratic feeling be the hinges 
on which the story turns, whether it be as artfully constructed 
as Laxdaela or as loosely strung as Eyrbyggia, whether it be 
in the style of the Sturlungs or of the unknown author of 
Niala, these characteristics run through them all. These Sagas 
we owe in their present shape to the thirteenth century. They are 
the fruit not the blossom of Icelandic literature, consonant to the 
age of Sturlungs and the Kings' Lives. Such evidence as we 
have with respect to their composition in their present shape 
(which we have considered in the heading prefixed to each Saga) 
points to the same conclusion. They bear the same artistic 
relation to the earlier Sagas of which they are compounded as the 
revisions of Shakespeare do to the earlier plays on which he worked, 
and in both instances, the earlier works which were thus used have 
perished almost completely, so that we find a blank area round the 
district treated of in any great Saga. Thus Niala covers the south 
coast from Markfleet to Ingolfs-head, even Hall o' Side's Saga 
having perished. The Sagas included in the greater one were 
neglected, those not so included were eclipsed and forgotten by its 
side. The complex Sagas, with the exception of Niala, we take to 
have been worked up in that Icelandic Ionia, the classic country 
of the West. We have instances among the smaller Sagas of the 
materials out of which these greater stories are woven, as the 


Weaponfirth cycle, and even incomplete realisation of these later 
artistic processes in distinction to the living growth of tradition 
in earlier times, as in Floamanna Saga. Gretti's Saga demands a 
special notice to itself, as differing from the other four great Sagas 
in important respects, though in size, date of composition, com- 
plex character, singleness of purpose, and extent of locale, it is 
fully entitled to rank with them. 


[South of Iceland c. 970-993, 1000-1014.] 

This Saga has always, and justly, been placed foremost of all. 
In many respects it stands alone, belonging to no school, and 
peculiar in matter, style, and spirit. In area the widest, in 
interest the most universal, having the Althing, the focus of 
Icelandic political life, for its centre, but noticing men and places 
throughout the whole Scandinavian empire. The Saga of Law, 
par excellence, it is based on that most important element of early 
society, and the lesson it teaches is of a Divine retribution, and 
that evil brings its own reward in spite of all that human 
wisdom and courage, even innocence, can do to oppose it. 
Hence, while inspiring the deepest interest and the warmest plea- 
sure, it has almost the character of a sacred book, and is read 
with reverence. The very spirit indeed of Early Law seems to 
breathe through its pages, showing the modern English reader 
the high ideal which his kinsmen strove long ago to attain. To 
judge of this work fairly it must be read in the original, for much 
of the subtle beauty of its style, the admirable play of its dialogue, 
and at times the very technical peculiarity of its matter, must of 
necessity be lost in any translation, however faithful. 

The subject, like a Greek trilogy, falls into three divisions, each 
containing its own plot and dramatis personae; all three loosely 
connected in one Saga by the weaker and later parts of the work, 
(i) The first plot (founded we believe on a now lost 'Gunnar's 
Saga ') tells of the friendship between Gunnar, the simple-minded 
brave chief, the ideal hero of his age, and the wise lawyer Nial, a 
man of good counsel and peace who never bore weapons. The cold 
envious heart of Hallgerda, which is here contrasted with the proud 
honesty of Bergthora, has caused the death of her two former 
husbands, and at length, though she is unable to break the tie that 
binds Gunnar to his trusted counsellor, Hrut's prophecy and Nial's 
forebodings are finally fulfilled, and after a brave defence the 
Lithend chief is slain in his own house by his half-regretful foes. 
His son and Nial's avenge his death. Then comes an episode 

8. NIALA. xliii 

abroad which is merely a link to connect the second and most 
important of the three dramas with the foregoing one, and to 
introduce fresh characters on the scene. (2) Nial is now the 
central figure, his character is heightened, he is almost a sage and 
prophet ; the writer's highest skill is lavished on this part of the 
Saga. The death of Thrain, slain by the sons of Nial, at length 
brings down on himself and his house the fate which he is power- 
less to avert. The adoption of Hoskuld, his foeman's son, by 
which he strives to heal the feud, is but a step to this end. And 
when, to further his foster-son's interest by a great marriage, he 
obtains for him one of the new ' Priesthoods,' which were set up 
in consequence of the great Constitutional Reform he had carried, 
the hatred of the old aristocracy whose position he had thus 
assailed, while the change of Faith was threatening it from another 
side, broke out in the guile of Valgard and his cunning son, 
Mord, who sowed hatred between the Whiteness Priest and his 
foster-brethren. A fancied slight at last rouses these latter to 
murder the innocent Hoskuld. Nial, cut to the heart, still strives 
for peace, but a few bitter words undo all his work, and the end 
he has foretold is near. The scenes at the Althing, which relieve 
the story, by introducing portraits of every great chief of that day 
in Iceland, boldly and humorously depicted, are very noteworthy. 
Flosi, the widow's kinsman, driven unwillingly to action, now takes 
up the holy duty of blood-revenge, and by his means Nial and his 
wife and sons perish in the smoke of their burning homestead. 
This awful catastrophe closes the second part. (3) Of the con- 
cluding drama Flosi is the hero, and the plot tells of the Burners' 
fate. The great suit against them at the Althing fails by a legal 
technicality, and the ensuing battle is stayed by Hall and Snorri, 
by whose award they are exiled. But Kari, Nial's son-in-law, who 
alone escaped from the fire, pursues them with unrelenting ven- 
geance, one by one they fall by various fates, and when in the 
great battle of Clontarf, 1014, those of them who have hitherto 
evaded their destiny perish, fighting against the new Faith, by the 
swords of the Irish, his revenge is at length complete, and Flosi 
and he are reconciled. 

This story is, from internal evidence, the work of a lawyer, well 
acquainted with Icelandic history and genealogies (the pedigrees 
do not come from the Landnama, but point to a different tradi- 
tion), and living in the far East of Iceland he makes mistakes in 
the geography of the West and South: for instance, he never 
names the ' f>vera ' which runs by Gunnar's homestead, whereas 
the river Ranga is ubiquitous throughout the Saga, and Gunnar is 
continually introduced riding by it. Of course if we had the old 
Gunnar's Saga this confusion of the two rivers would be proved to 
be the later editor's. Again later on in the Saga the distance 
between Kirkiubaer and Bergthorshvol is miscalculated, and the 
site given'to Fiskivatn is much out of place. He also confounds 


Bjarneyjar on Hvammfirth over against Thorwald's farm with the 
better known fishing station of the same name on Broadfirth off 
Reykjaness. He deals freely with his facts; thus we find the 
death of Gunnar told in a less romantic way elsewhere (see 
Landnama V. ch. 5), and his sons mentioned in a different con- 
nection. His age it is less easy to fix. The Saga is certainly to 
be taken as a whole and ascribed to one man, who cannot have 
composed it earlier than 1230, nor later than 1280, for though it 
is risky to argue from genealogies, yet all the MSS. name the 
Sturlungs, and trace (ch. 25) to Kolbein the Young (1209-45), 
who married Snorri's daughter, and we know that the Sturlungs 
flourished in the earlier half of the thirteenth century, to which 
date our Saga cannot therefore be antecedent. A few forms and 
words, such as 'aSila' from 'aSili,' and 'justa/ a foreign word (though 
such an argument must be cautiously used), support this opinion. 
The weakest parts of the Saga are chaps. 28-31, 83-87, 154, 159, 
where the diction sinks to a common level, and it will be seen 
that this takes place especially at the junction of parts i and 2 of 
the trilogy. The whole has undergone a final recension about 1300, 
when a number of spurious verses were inserted. Those, about 
thirty in all, which occur in the early part of the Saga (chaps. 
7-99) are worthless, not in all MSS., and should never be printed 
in the text. The later verses, nine in number (ch. 131 ff.), are 
poetical but not genuine ; they are of the same school as those in 
Droplaug. There are genuine verses in ch, 103, as are also the 
historical verses in ch. 78, though of a late date, early in the 
fourteenth century, and found only in the later MSS. Genuine 
also the Lay of Darrad, and a few extemporised bits in chaps. 
34, 126, 146. 

The stories, whether written or not, of Thorstein Hall o' Side's 
son, Gauk Trandilsson, Thorkel Fullmouth, the Men of Light- 
water, Brian Boroimhe, the Christening of Iceland, were known 
to the writer, though most of them have since been lost. He also 
knew St. Olafs Saga, for the episode (ch. cliv), when Kari strikes 
off Gunnar Lambi's son's head before the King and Earls, copies 
the very words of Snorri (O. H. ch. 105), and perhaps Sturlunga, 
for the death of Kol (ch. clvii) may be taken from the death of 
Skidi (1235), although a similar incident occurs elsewhere. (See 
Sturlunga, ch. 113.) The earlier episodes abroad after Gunnar's 
death are copied probably from scenes in other Sagas, and are 
full of epic common-places. Orkneyinga was also known in 
some shape to our author. Finally, all the long pleadings so 
characteristic of this Saga are clearly drawn from written law 
scrolls and law manuals, such as were used in the twelfth and 
thirteenth centuries, and form no part of the oral, story as told. 
These all point to a literary man writing when tradition was 
fast dying. 

There are accounts preserved elsewhere of several of the events 

8. EYRBYGGIA. xlv 

mentioned in this Saga besides those relating to Gunnar. As 
Nial's burning, the battles at Hof and Knafa-holar, the founding 
of the Fifth Court, &c. 

We have about fifteen vellums of this Saga, seven of which are 
in a more or less complete state, the rest mere fragments. The 
oldest are of the end of the thirteenth century, and the earlier of 
the fourteenth, a few of the fifteenth, and one of the sixteenth 
century. As for the name, the vellums (AM. 468) give ' Brennu- 
Nial's Saga/ In the Saga of Thorstein, son of Hall o' Side, 
where only it is cited, it is called Nial's Saga. The modern use is 
Niala as a feminine, an abridged form. 

The classical edition is that of Copenhagen, 1772. Dr. Dasent's 
Burnt Njal contains a full translation of this Saga. 


[West of Iceland c. 890, 920, 1010-1031.] 

This is the Saga of Politics, as Niala of Law, and is of the 
highest importance for the numerous notices it preserves to us of 
the institutions and manners of the heathen times, most of which 
are no doubt derived, if not inserted bodily, from the lost works of 
Ari. It consists of a set of stories loosely connected, and covering 
about 140 years. The early days of the Settlement and the 
naming of the Land, the story of Thorarin, the adventures of 
Erik the Red, the discoverer of Greenland, the career of Biorn, the 
Broadwick champion, and fullest of all, the life of Snorri, the 
greatest chief of his time, are successively told in an unequal style, 
sometimes vigorous and pointed, at others weak and inferior. It 
has always been a favourite, especially in later days, and indeed it 
is, as one MS. calls it, ' a good Saga.' (' Her hefr Eyrbyggiu ok er 
god saga,' AM. 309.) 

It is cited once in Hauks-b6k, and named in the list on the 
fly-leaf of St. Olaf s Saga, No. 2, at Stockholm. But the most 
important indication of its age is derived from itself, ch. 65, in 
which the moving of the church of Tunga and consequent transla- 
tion of Snorri's bones are mentioned, ' And there stood by then 
Gudny Bodvar's daughter, the mother of the Sturlungs, Snorri, 
Thord, and Sigh vat, and she used to say I &c. Gudny died in 1221. 
The whole tone also of the Saga forbids it being later than 1260. 
We should therefore fix it as between 1230-60, in the days of Sturla 
the Lawman (d. 1284), to whom the Editor is inclined to ascribe the 
editorship of the whole, and the authorship of at least ch. 56 and 
the last chapters. The subject, a peculiarly interesting one to his 
family, and the topographical accuracy displayed, which could only 
be acquired on the spot, strengthen this view. The composite 
character of the Saga is strongly marked by its title, which the text 
declares to be ' Saga 6rsnesinga, Eyrbyggia, ok Alptfir6inga/ It 


has been also called ' Kjalleklinga ' and 'Bjarnar Saga Breidvfk- 
inga-kappa.' The various localities and interests touched on are 
strongly illustrated by this variety. It, however, was early known 
as ' Eyrbyggia/ for so it is called in Hauks-bok and on the fly-leaf 
of the Stockholm O. H. That it is made up of many smaller sepa- 
rate Sagas, each giving its own local story, is very evident, and 
supplies strong proof of the origin of the other greater Sagas. The 
verses inserted in this Saga are genuine. Vatzhyrna is no doubt 
the best foundation for an edition. There are five MSS. or frag- 
ments in existence. It was edited by Vigfusson in 1864, Leipzig. 


[West of Iceland c. 910, 982, 1003-1026.] 

This, the second only in size of the Icelandic Sagas, is perhaps 
also the second in beauty. It is the most romantic of all, full of 
pathetic sentiment, which, like that of Euripides, is almost modern, 
and brings it closer to the thoughts and feelings of our day than 
any other story of Icelandic life. The characters of the plot, the 
varying situations, the fine dialogue, and the clear sunny atmo- 
sphere which forms the background to the quickly moving incidents 
of the subject, all confirm to strengthen this impression. The style 
is remarkably rich and flowing, and skilfully adapted to the 
changing emotions on which the story touches in rapid succession. 
It evidently belongs to the School of the Sturlungs, though it is 
neither the vigour of Snorri nor the detail and precision of Sturla, 
but rather a peculiarly dramatic word-painting, which strikes the 
reader as the leading characteristic of the unknown author. It is 
worthy of notice that this Saga seems to reflect the tone of mind 
of the later Eddie poetry; and especially to catch reminiscences 
of the later lays of the Volsung cycle. Nay, the very fact that 
the heroines of the poet and the prose writer bear the same 
name strikes one as something more than a coincidence, and often 
throws light upon the development of Gudrun's character in our 
Saga. Besides the customary but always interesting introduction, 
the story falls into two parts. First, the early love of Kiartan 
and Gudrun, the hero and heroine, and the poet's career in 
Norway. The second part goes on with the story after Kiartan's 
return to Iceland, relating his death at his rival Bolli's hand, Bolli's 
death no long while after, and the vengeance taken for them both. 

To fix the age of the Saga we have but few indications. On the 
one hand, the mention of the priest who built the church at Husa- 
fell late in the twelfth century; the allusion to the cloister of 
Helgafell (1184). On the other, the quotations from it in Gretla, 
Eyrbyggia, and the great Olaf Tryggvason's Saga, which latter 
was put into its present shape about the end of the thirteenth cen- 
tury, would lead us to fix the Saga about 1230-40, a date which 
the internal evidence of style and thought most certainly confirm. 

8. LAXD^ELA AND EGLA. xlvii 

While admitting that age for the Saga in its present shape, we 
can of course offer no conjectures as to the original form of the 
story, for it is evident that it was well known in an earlier stage, 
before the handling of the artist had wrought it to its present shape. 
The scene of the story, we may notice, was one well known to 
the Sturlungs. The curious chronological difficulty which so long 
puzzled all commentators may be here referred to as a proof, if 
any indeed were needed, that the author used his materials freely. 
Helgi, as he wiped his bloody sword on Gudrun's cloak after the 
slaying of her husband Bolli, prophesies that the child she should 
shortly bear would avenge his father on him. Helgi is accordingly 
slain by the child twelve years after, whereon Gudrun marries 
Thorkel. This has been a crux to all Icelandic chronologists ; 
for we know from other sources that Gelli, the son of Thorkel 
and Gudrun, was a hostage at King Olaf's court in 1025, and 
returned to Iceland charged with a mission from him in 1026, 
whilst Bolli was slain in 1005 or 1006. The riddle was, we hope, 
unravelled by the present Editor in Timatal, 1855; where it 
is shown, that in fact Gelli was born in 1008 ; the marriage of 
Gudrun and Thorkel accordingly took place not later than 1007 ; 
and the blood-revenge was wreaked on Helgi c. 1007, only one year 
or so intervening between that event and the death of Bolli. From 
which it follows that the posthumous son Bolli the younger was 
quite unconcerned in that event. We are thus beholden for this, 
one of the most powerful scenes in the whole Saga, to the strong 
dramatic instinct of the author, who has seized, just as an Eliza- 
bethan dramatist would have, on the facts Helgi's wanton out- 
rage and Gudrun's remaining a widow till her husband was 
revenged, to add the prophecy and thus create a powerful and 
lifelike situation. 

Five more or less complete vellums of this Saga exist, the chief 
vellum being the great vellum 132; the last third part of which 
however is but a poor version, and comprises the spurious story of 
Bolli. This blemish however is made good by the vellum fragment 
AM. 309, a fifteenth-century MS. in bad condition, which contains 
the best text of the latter part. A new edition of the whole Saga 
is much needed. Mr. Morris' poem, ' The Lovers of Gudrun/ 
part of the Earthly Paradise, is founded on this story. 


[Norway, England, and West of Iceland c. 870-980.] 

This story is the most complete embodiment of the aristocratic 
spirit of the great Norse families in the early Middle Ages. The 
proud independence and fierce hatred of royal encroachment, 
above all of personal subordination or feudal innovations which 
drove so many great men from the continent to the Western Isles 
and Iceland, is singularly well shown therein. The whole story 

xlviii PROLEGOMENA. 3. 

is but, as it were, the history of the deadly feud between a noble 
family and Harald Fairhair and his descendants, carried through 
three generations. The origin of the quarrel is the wrongful slaying 
of Kveldulf s son by the tyrant king, whereupon the aged father, 
who had always been against his son's forming any connection 
with the new royal system, resolves in despair of vengeance to 
seek freedom at least. On the voyage to Iceland he dies. But 
his son Skallagrim settles and becomes lord over broad lands of 
the best in the new country. But it is with the career of his son 
Egil, the greatest chief and most famous warrior of his kin, that 
the main part of the tale is concerned. In his life and character, 
as in his person, he seems to unite extremes which make him 
a type of the age in which he lived. Steadfast in love and hate, 
cool and passionate to madness, crafty and reckless, grasping and 
generous, he passes through a chequered life as poet and pirate, 
chief and champion, the henchman of ^Ethelstan and the hereditary 
foe of Eirik, now an honoured guest at court, now a helpless 
prisoner, now a mighty lord, in such fashion as fits the typical 
Northman of our traditions. The Saga is especially interesting to 
English students from the numerous notices it preserves of the 
days of the Danish invasions, the settlements, the piracy, the great 
fight at Brunanburh, &c., though the late date and the epic character 
of the work, as we have it, of course forbids too literal credence to 
its vague traditions. The style is bold and vigorous, well suiting the 
subject, and resembling in a marked degree that of Snorri, who 
may well have felt an interest in the hero, in whose home, Borg, he 
himself had dwelt, wielding the chieftainship of the district as Egil's 
political descendant. He quotes Egil's poems six or seven times 
in the Prose-Edda. The verse in this Saga is partly genuine 
(Sona-torrek HofuS-lausn, &c.) and of great philological and 
literary interest, and partly the work of a thirteenth-century editor 
(for instance, the stanzas relating to the Brunanburh battle are 
certainly not genuine). In the best MSS. a blank is, in many 
places, left for the verses, which have been partly filled up in 
another hand. 

The Saga has always been popular, and none, save Niala, has 
survived in so many MSS., twelve or fourteen, only two or three 
of which are more or less complete, the rest being mere shred 
and fragments. One of these fragments is old, not much later 
than c. 1240, and yet it belongs to class B. The old edition 
(Copenhagen, 1809, reprint of which 1856) is too ponderous and 
scholastic, and a new one is needed. 


Grettis Saga (North of Iceland and Norway, 1010-31), though 
complex in structure, differs by the nature of its components from 
the other greater Icelandic Sagas. Three separate parts may be 

8. GRETTIS SAGA. xlix 

clearly distinguished, (i) Historical, founded, we can hardly 
doubt, on an early Grettis Saga, which narrated the real life of the 
great outlaw. (2) The Mythical portion (chaps. 32-36, 64-67), 
which is the most interesting to us as containing a late version of 
the famous Beowulf Legend 1 . Gretti's fight with Glam, and 
afterwards with the troll-wife and the monster below the water-fall, 
is thus the Icelandic version of the Gothic hero's struggle with 
Grendel and his witch-mother. (3) The Fabulous and Romantic 
parts of the story are of twofold origin, derived, on the one hand, 
from Icelandic folk-tales of the half-trolls dwelling in hidden dales 
of the uninhabited deserts which cover the centre of the land, &c. 
(chaps. 54, 6 1, 62) : on the other hand, from literary and foreign 
sources, Tristram and Isoult (the last chapters, 88-94), such as form 
the basis of Skrok-sogur ; or by amplification of hints in Landnama 
(Sturla's edition) and HeiSarviga Saga, and copying incidents in 
Konunga-bok, FostbraeSra Saga (chapters i-io, 22-25, 59, 60 are 
mainly fabricated in this way). The Saga must have been put 
together into its present shape no long time after the death of 
Sturla the Historian, as the compiler speaks of the later days of 
his as ' lying within the memory of still living men.' Sturla is also 
alluded to in the epilogue as if he had something to do with the 
composition of the story, and more ambiguously in chapter 49, 
where it is told that Gretti's spear-head, which was lost at the 
slaying of Thorbiorn Oxmain, was found 'eigi fyrr enn i JDeirra 
manna minnum, er mi Ufa ; J>at spj6t fannz a ofanverSum dogum 
Sturlu logmannz torctar sonar/ We may even conjecture the 
mythical part to be Sturla's own addition, and the Saga as we 
have it now to have been finally edited c. 1300-10. 

Looking at the story as a whole, though singularly unequal in 
style and matter, it is not unworthy of its popularity. Some parts, 
for instance, the slaying of the Bearsarks, the wrestling with 
Glam, the stay of Gretti in the hidden valley (Thorisdale), are 
well-nigh peerless in old Sagas, and are told in a way worthy of 
Lawman Sturla. On the other hand, the additions in (3) are of a 
commonplace order, wordy and diluted, poor and weak, and often 
coarse and gross. The hero Gretti is a man of good birth, great 
gifts, and dauntless courage, none of which could avail against the 
fate that brought down on him one after the other, misfortune, 
outlawry, and death. The Icelandic proverb, that 'good parts 

1 This was noticed by the Editor in the spring of 1873, when he first read Beo- 
wulf in the original. It gives the clue to Grettis Saga, which is otherwise obscure. 
The old legend shot forth from its ancient Scandinavian home into two branches, 
one to England, where it was turned into an epic, and one to Iceland, where it was 
domesticated and embodied in a popular Saga, tacked to the name of an outlaw and 
hero. One remark more Where everything else is transformed, one word still 
remains as a memorial of its origin, viz. in the English epic hceft-nu'ce and in the 
Icelandic Saga hefti-sax, both occurring in the same place of the legend, and both 
07ro \cy6fj.eva in their respective literatures. 

VOL. I. d 


and good luck are very different things,' well expresses the motive 
of the Saga. Its general tone is gloomy, but it is relieved by light 
and even humourous passages, and the clever dialogue is full of 
old saws. The verses, with the exception of two stanzas and 
a half taken from Landnama and Edda, are spurious, and show 
very little true poetic spirit *. 

There are five vellum MSS. of this popular story, all of the 
fifteenth century, AM. 551 (or perhaps 556) is the best; it is 
taken as the groundwork of Gisli Magnusson's edition, Nord. 
Old., Copenh. 1853. Mr. Morris has Englished the story in his 
' Gretti the Strong/ 

9. THE MINOR ICELANDIC SAGAS (arranged geographically). 

HARDAR or HOLMVERIA SAGA (South-west of Iceland, c. 980), 
one of the older Sagas, containing, amid much of interest, a curious 
account of a band of outlaws living, Robin Hood fashion, on a 
holm in Whalesfirth ; a feature of the early state of things in 
Iceland, which, though single outlaws and their deeds are often 
told of, is not elsewhere illustrated. The hero, named Hord, the 
ringleader of the band, is a man of great gifts, good family, but 
evil fortune. The epilogue to the story is noteworthy for the 
chronological evidence it supplies. The verse is entirely spurious. 
We have but one vellum, AM. 556, of the whole Saga, which 
yields a very ' stuffed-out ' text, but a leaf of Vatzhyrna shows the 
primitive form of the story. Vatzhyrna, as well as Landnama, 
entitles it ' Hardar Saga,' while AM. 556 twice calls it ' Holmveria 
Saga.' Published by J6n Sigurdsson in Islendinga Sogur, 2nd 
series, vol. ii, Copenh. 1847. 

HGENSA-^ORIS SAGA, the story of Hen-Thori (South-west of 
Iceland, c. 993), a very old Saga, preserves perhaps the best 
picture of the Icelandic chief of the old days, illustrating his 
rights, duties, and authority. The story narrates how the worthy 
and humane chief Blund-Ketil, after whom, rather than his despica- 
ble foe, the Saga should have been called, is wickedly attacked and 
burnt in his house. The lawsuit that arose from this outrage led to 
Thord Gelli's Constitutional Reforms, about c. 964. Our Saga, after 
the manner of a true, local, old story, is wholly unaware of and 
unconcerned about the political and constitutional sequel. But 
Vatzhyrna, our sole authority for the whole Saga, contains an 

1 This is the judgment of Ami Magnusson ' Grettis Saga gengr naer fabiilae en 
historiae ; er full med fabulas, parachronismos ; er interpoleru6 lir einhverju opere 
Sturlu, og hans aetla eg visurnar se\ Grettis Saga sii er ver hofum, er interpolerud 
ur peirri er Sturla {>6r6arson hefir rita&, og pa6 kannske seint a timum. Interpo- 
lator mun hafa sett fabulas par inn. Eg minnist mig a6 hafa sc3 gamalt fragment 
ur bessari Grettis sogu. Annars er eigi ovist ad Grettis Saga Sturlu hafi og fabulosa 
verid, og likara pykir mer a& Sturla hafi komi9 vi6 visurnar, er standa i peirri sem 
ve"r mi hofum. fiessi Saga er fabulis plena.' MS. Nye Kgl. Sand. 1836. 


interpolation' from Ari's Liber Islandorum in a mangled text and 
oddly inserted. Of another text two vellum leaves, AM. 162, 
only are left; from which the present Editor has been able to 
calculate from the volume of the text intervening between the two 
leaves, making exactly four leaves, not counting the interpolation 
from Liber, for which there is no room that it could not have 
contained this insertion. Published in Islendinga Sogur, 2nd series, 
vol. ii, Copenh. 1847. 


BIARNAR SAGA (South-west of Iceland, 1010-24), telling of the 
rivalry in love, hatred, and song between Biorn and Thord, the two 
greatest men in Hitdale, which ended in the death of the former. This 
Saga is mentioned by name in Gretla, and has been preserved in a 
single defective vellum, now lost save two leaves in AM. 162, but 
extant in a paper transcript of the seventeenth century; a blank in 
the middle cannot be filled up, whilst the beginning, lost in the 
vellum, is bodily inserted in one copy of St. Olaf's Saga (Baejar- 
bok) r though something curtailed. Both the rival heroes, Biorn 
and Thord, were brought up in the same neighbourhood ; even 
there brawls and quarrels arose between the two youths, ' which 
we however/ says the editor of St. Olafs Saga, ' leave mentioning r 
as not concerning this Saga.' One would wish he had not. The 
only edition is by Haldor Fridriksson, Nord. Old., Copenh. 1848. 

GUNNLAUGS SAGA ORMSTUNGU, which the vellums call more 
aptly 'the Saga of Hrafn and Gunnlaug' (West of Iceland, England, 
and Norway, 980-1008), is a pure love-story, simply and deli- 
cately told, neither falling into the gross frankness of Kormak's 
nor the unromantic realism of Hallfred's Saga, though the subject, 
a poet's luckless love, is the same in all. Gunnlaug's rival Hrafn r 
a poet also, who betrays him twice, taking first his mistress, 
Helga the Fair, and lastly his life, though he himself wounded to 
the death in the ' holm-gang ' or judicial combat. The contrast 
between the two rival poets and lovers, Hrafn, with his dark, fierce, 
Norse nature, and Gunnlaug, the hot, explosive man of the south 
(cf. Kiartan and Bolli), is boldly worked out. As a poet Hrafn (in 
Landnama surnamed Skald-Hrafn) bears the palm, judging from 
the verses in the Saga. The pathos of the plot, the adventures 
of Gunnlaug, especially his poetical circuit round the courts of the 
Princes of the North, and the pure style in which the Saga is told 
make it one of the best of the smaller Sagas. Poems of Gunn- 
laug are quoted in the Prose-Edda, and both his and Hrafn's 
verses in the Saga are genuine. The plot of the story is referred 
to in the Landnama ; and in the Rimur. The reference to Ari in 
this Saga is discussed in our account of that Historian. The text 
survives in two vellums, of which one, the famed Stockholm MS. 18, 
brought from Iceland in 1682, is much the better. The second 
vellum is AM. 557, of which the two last chapters were already 
lost in Biorn of Skardsa's time; whilst the Stockholm vellum is 

d 2 


complete. This story has been edited by J<5n Sigurdsson, Isl. Sog., 
2nd series, vol. ii, Copenh. 1847. There is an English translation 
of this Saga in Mr. Morris' ' Three Northern Love Stories.' 

and West of Iceland, c. 930), is a curious story, containing several 
interesting notices of the heathen days in Iceland. The hero's 
adventures abroad are mythical, but his later career in Iceland is 
historical. In subject this is the earliest Saga we possess, which 
accounts for tradition having seized upon the life of tori at so 
early a date. It should be noticed that our present text is rather 
a late recension. The story is cited as forskfirdinga Saga, from 
the scene of the Icelandic part of it, in Landnama. We owe our 
text to one MS., AM. 561 (which gives the present title ' Gull- 
fcoris Saga '). The outsides of the four sheets of this vellum have 
been washed out, and even in 1720 Ami Magnusson was unable to 
read more than a few lines of the last ; and the end of the Saga 
was consequently so completely lost that a false local tradition on 
the subject grew up in Iceland. In 1860 the present Editor 
succeeded in deciphering the whole of the last page and 
restoring the hitherto unknown ending; which disposes of the 
false tradition, as well as of an apocryphal ending lately fabricated, 
but in full credit until then. (See N^ Fe'lagsrit, 1861.) But there 
are yet three pages left to be read, two in the middle and the 
last but one. Dr. Maurer's edition, Leipzig, 1857, is the editio 
princeps of this Saga. 

GISLA SAGA SURS SONAR (West of Iceland, 960-80), a fine story of 
a somewhat gloomy cast, recounting the weary restless life of the 
famous outlaw Gisli under the unmerited curse that lay upon him 
and pursued him to the death. It is well told, the dialogue is 
terse and good, and the imaginative parts of the Saga beautiful and 
appropriate, especially the introduction of the two Dream-Ladies 
that foretel by their appearance the hero's fate, till at last the white 
one leaves him, and the dark one alone fills the dreams of the 
doomed man (like the good and the bad angel in Marlowe's 
Faustus). The thirteenth-century editor, to whom our recension 
is due, was a writer of the first class, and no mean poet, if the 
verses, of which the Saga contains many, be his (Gisli's they cannot 
be ; we do not even know that he was a poet at all), and they are 
certainly by a thirteenth- century Icelander. The text rests on 
two vellums, each containing a different recension : one late, wordy, 
and amplified, especially the beginning, which is quite rewritten 
and stuffed up by a person ignorant of the topography of Nor- 
way; after the arrival in Iceland the two texts mainly agree, though 
the one is somewhat wordier, presenting also a few interpolations 
from Landnama and Egils Saga. The other one, in our opinion the 
truer text, is that of AM. 556, simpler and earlier. A fragment of a 
third vellum of the Saga exists (four leaves together with a fragment 
of Gluma, in AM. 162). Konrad Gislason has edited both texts in 


Nord. Old., Copenh. 1849. Dr. Dasent has given English readers 
a spirited version of this Saga, in his Gisli the Outlaw. 

HAVARDAR SAGA ISFIRDINGS (West of Iceland, 997-1002), a tragic 
tale ; the cruelty of the powerful chief Thorbiorn, the innocence of 
the murdered Olaf, and the terrible grief of his old father Havard, 
strung at last to unfaltering vengeance, are conceived in the true 
-ZEschylean vein. For the text we depend on paper copies from 
a single vellum now entirely lost. The latter part of the Saga, 
following upon the death of Thorbiorn (chaps. 1 1-23), seems to be 
stuffed out with added matter by a later hand. Thus the matter of 
one chapter is taken from Landnama, but in a vilified state. These 
aimless and ill-told scenes of slaughter of all the brothers of the 
slain chief Thorbiorn are both absurd and ill-considered, besides 
being impossible, considering time and circumstances. They 
weaken the impression left by the early genuine part of the story. 
The verses are so hopelessly corrupt throughout that it is hard to 
tell whether they are entirely genuine. Edited in Nord. Old. 1860. 


BANDAMANNA SAGA (North of Iceland, 1050-60) stands apart 
from all the rest, both in plot and matter. They are tragedies, 
telling of the lives, loves, and deaths of noble gentlemen and ladies. 
This is a comedy, with a man of low estate for hero, and a success- 
ful intrigue for subject. Odd, a small farmer's son, gets rich by 
smuggling voyages to Finland, comes home and takes a chief- 
taincy. Seven chiefs of the jealous old families enter into a league or 
bond (whence the name ' The Story of the Bond-men, or Confede- 
rates ') to ruin him, and contrive to bring him into great straits ; 
so that he is well-nigh lost, when he is rescued by the cunning of 
his old father, whom he had treated coldly in his prosperity, and 
who now manages to hoodwink and outwit the seven chiefs, by 
detaching two of their number ; then follows the banter between 
Egil and the crest-fallen chiefs. An essentially plebeian story. 
The style is dryly humourous, full of pithy saws and broad homely 
jesting. Olkofri's Jmttr is evidently closely connected with this 
Saga, from which its plot is indeed borrowed; both cannot be 
true, and we have other evidence to the fact of Odd's existence and 
character *. The Bandamanna Saga is cited in Gretla, and one of 
the hero's smuggling adventures is told in the Saga of Harald 
Hardradi, in Hulda. He is also mentioned in Heming's J)attr. 
We thus find that he traded with England, whence he brought 
certain relics of St. Stephen, which were long preserved in Iceland. 
The Roy. Lib., Copenh. 2845, 4to, though a late vellum, contains the 
old text. It was edited by Dr. Cederschiold of Lund, 1874. The 
other MS., AM. 132, gives a late enlarged and far inferior text, 

1 Ami says ' Bandamanna Saga synist a5 vera fabula, dictuS ad imitationem et 
methodum Olkofra-^atts. f>ar i er oil onnur jurisdictio eda methodus juris en 
Gragasar-log fyrir skipa, og 6 eru res gestae manifesto um a ti6 er Gragas var log. 
VerSr J>essu e kki vel saman komiS.' MS. Nye Kgl. Saml. 1836. 


adorned with spurious verses ; it was published by Haldor Fridriks- 
son, Nord. Old., Copenh. 1850. An adjunct to this Saga is 

QLKOFRA-^ATTR (South of Iceland, early in the eleventh 
century). The hero of this comical tale is Thorhall, nicknamed 
Ale-hood, who brewed the beer at the Althing. It is a clever 
composition, and interesting from the rough banter and broad 
humour which runs through it. It is given in AM. 132, and is 
now being edited by Dr. Gering of Halle. 

HEIDARVIGA SAGA, the story of the Battle on the Heath (the Heath 
connecting the North and West of Iceland, 990-1014), a celebrated 
story which, if perfect, would be perhaps the best specimen of an 
antique Saga we have, with a plot of the true old type centring 
round a famous blood-feud, and a style incoherent through the 
writer's lack of skill in prose composition, which was as yet a new 
art. This story is quoted in Eyrbyggia, and was known to the 
composer of Gretla. The text is found in one vellum, the oldest 
Icelandic Saga MS. we possess, of which the beginning was lost 
ere it came to Stockholm in 1682. Half of the remainder (twelve 
leaves) was lent to Ami Magnusson at Copenhagen in 1724, and 
perished in the fire 1728. To complete this misfortune J6n Olafs- 
son's transcript of it (the only one ever taken) was also destroyed, 
so that all we know of this portion is derived from his recollections, 
written down a year after, and a few phrases which he had copied 
out separately. The principal contents are the exploits and death 
of Viga-Styr, and Snorri's foray to Borgarfiord, the slaying in 
Norway of Hall Gudmundson, which was the cause of the Heath 7 
slaughter. The Lykewake scene must have been very striking, 
and is referred to in Eyrbyggia. The vellum came from the North 
of Iceland, and was once in the hands of Magnus Olafsson, but no 
copy seems to have been taken. This Saga was edited by J6n 
Sigurdsson in Isl. Sog., 2nd series, vol. ii, Copenh. 1847. 

KORMAKS SAGA (North of Iceland, 930-60), the most primitive 
piece of Icelandic prose writing that has come down to us. The 
style is so rough and broken that it is at times hardly intelligible, 
from the sudden transitions and want of connection which occur 
not only in its wording, but even in the matter. It is a coarse 
rough story of coarse rough life. The subject is the unfortunate 
love of Kormak (note his dark eyes and Gaelic name), a wild roving 
poet, for Steingerda, The hero's generous passionate character 
shines out through the obscurity of the story, in which many of 
his verses are inserted somewhat at haphazard, rendering confusion 
worse confounded. Others are to be found in the Prose-Edda. 
To this Saga we are indebted for the best and earliest account of 
the ' holmgang ' and its rules. The legend of the magic sword 
Skofnung points back to very early myths, cf. Mitford's Tales of 
Old Japan, p. 78. The text is founded on AM. 132, which was here 
transcribed from a very old vellum. Two small leaves in AM. 162 
are the sole remains of a lost MS., which also contained Biarnar Saga. 


A new edition is much needed; it has only been printed once, by the 
Arna-Magnaean Fund, Copenh. 1832, with a Latin translation. 

VATZD.ELA SAGA, the story of the Waterdale Men (North of 
Iceland and Raumsdale, 890-980), one of the oldest Sagas in 
point of subject, telling the lives of Ingimund the old and his sons 
at the time of the Settlement ; how Ingimund's coming to Iceland 
was foretold, how the prophecy was fulfilled, and how he settled and 
gave names to the new home. All this is recounted after the 
manner of Herodotus, and the mainspring of the whole is one of 
his most characteristic maxims, to wit, no man may withstand his 
fate. The calm steadfastness of the hero, his death, and the 
revenge are nobly drawn; and there are several interesting inci- 
dents in the story, the account of the Volva (Sibyl), the spirit 
journey of the Finns, &c. Vatzhyrna is the foundation of the 
text. After Ingimund's death and revenge (chaps. 28-47) tne storv 
flags ; and the latter part of the Saga is greatly inferior, and has 
evidently been worked up in a weak and confused manner by 
a late hand, while the early part (chaps. 1-27), though somewhat 
wordy and diffuse in style, probably preserves the plain original 
work. No verses occur in this Saga. It was published by Vig- 
fusson in Fornsogur, Leipzig, 1860. 

toRVALDZ SAGA VIDFORLA (North of Iceland, 980-4) belongs to 
the same class of Sagas as Kristni Saga, telling how Thorwald 
Kodransson the Far-travelled, fellow-missionary and companion 
of the Saxon Bishop Frederick, preached the New Faith to the 
Icelanders during four years, but in vain. Thorwald's Wiking 
spirit and the Bishop's Christian meekness are well contrasted. 
The text is preserved in Olaf Tryggvason's Saga, and published in 
Biskupa Sogur, pp. 35-50. 

SVARFD^ELA SAGA (North of Iceland, tenth century), the coarsest 
and worst of the Islendinga Sagas, told in a rough confused way, 
seldom rising to a higher level, but preserving to us some few 
notices of the old heathen life and manners. Thus the slain 
Bearsark Klaufi walks again ; and so we have the battle between 
Karl the Red and Ljotulf Godi, and the episode of Skidi and 
Yngvild Faircheek (The Taming of the Shrew), cruel and brutal 
scenes. The tale of Thorleif Earl's poet quotes the Saga. The 
story mentioned in Landnama is not our Saga, but a better one, 
which may never have been written down. The text depends on 
paper transcripts from one lost vellum (either that part of AM. 561 
which has perished, or rather the Liosvetninga Saga vellum). One 
leaf of another MS. exists. The beginning (ch. i to the middle of 
ch. 10) is an undoubted forgery of the sixteenth or seventeenth 
century. Islendinga Sogur, ist series, vol. ii, Copenh. 1830. 

LIOSVETNINGA SAGA, or story of the Lightwater Men (North of 
Iceland, 1009-24, 1050-60), treats first of the feuds between 
Gudmund the Mighty and the men of Espihol (whence this part of 
the Saga is once, in a later chapter, called ' Esphselinga Saga'), and 


between the same great chief and the men of Liosavatn, concluding 
with the death of Thorkel Hake. In the second part of the story 
the feud is carried on by Gudmund's sons, and results in the 
slaying of the innocent Kodran. The whole tale is a series of 
loosely-strung episodes, and affords perhaps the earliest example 
of the process of consolidation of the traditions of a district, which 
long afterwards results in such artistic Sagas as Laxdsela : it gives 
a lively picture of law and local politics in early times. The text 
is founded on paper transcripts of a lost vellum, of the end of the 
fourteenth century, of which three black and mangled leaves (in AM. 
162) remain ; it gives a good example of a pure early text in a late 
MS. There are also fragments of another vellum, AM. 561, but this 
MS. probably never contained the later half of the Saga, and cer- 
tainly omitted some of the episodes of the earlier part, e. g. Sorli and 
Vodu-Brand ; it also bears traces of abridgment. The title of the 
Saga is authentic. A new edition is much wanted. It has only been 
once published, Islendinga Sogur, ist series, vol. ii, Copenh. 1830. 

Valla-Lj6tz Saga (North of Iceland, c. 1010) belongs to the 
Lightwater cycle, and tells of the feuds of Ljot o' Vail, in a light 
sketchy style. We have it in paper copies of one lost vellum MS. 
(probably the lost Liosvetninga vellum). Published in Islendinga 
Sogur, ist series, vol. ii, Copenh. 1830. 

VIGA-GLUMS SAGA (North of Iceland, middle and end of tenth 
century), a popular story, of which the hero is a man of fierce, dark, 
unscrupulous character. The style in consonance with the subject 
is rough and bold, the verses inserted are doubtless genuine. The 
Saga is named on the Stockholm O. H. fly-leaf. The text is given 
in very early and pure form in AM. 132. Fragments of Vatzhyrna 
exist which contained a later recension somewhat expanded in style 
and including the story of Ogmund Dytt in an abridged form, see 
Olaf Tryggvason's Saga. There is another vellum fragment in 
AM. 162, a few leaves also containing Gisli Saga. This Saga was 
edited in Islendinga Sogur, ist series, vol. ii, Copenh. 1830 : it is 
known to many English readers through the plain and vigorous 
translation of the late Sir Edmund Head. 

REYKD^ELA SAGA (North of Iceland, c. 990), a disconnected story 
falling into two divisions, the first narrating the feud between the 
good chief Askel and the evil Vemund Kogr, the second connected 
with Gluma, telling of the career, outlawry, and death of Askel's 
son Viga-Skuta. The text rests on paper transcripts of a single 
lost MS. (probably the Liosvetninga vellum), but lacking the end, 
which is preserved in another vellum, AM. 561. At the junction 
of the two vellum texts there is a small blank, from a page in the 
MS. 561 being here washed out (see Gull-kms Saga above). 
The present Editor however succeeded in ascertaining the extent 
of the blank (fifteen and a half MS. lines, answering to about twenty- 
four lines of the printed edition), and partly in reading it. It con- 
tains the preparations for the slaughter of Skuta, and the slaying of 


his faithful hound just before his own death, an incident common 
to several Sagas and notably occurring in Niala. The Saga is 
contained in Islendinga Sogur, ist series, vol. ii, Copenh. 1830. 


VAPNFIRDINGA SAGA (East of Iceland, latter part of tenth cen- 
tury), one of the older Sagas, telling of the feuds between the 
men of Hof in Weaponfirth (whence the name of the Saga) and 
the men of Crosswick. It falls into two parts, the feuds of Brodd- 
Helgi and Geiti, ending with their deaths, and afterward the 
continuance of the quarrel by their sons, concluding with a 
reconciliation brought about by Jorun the wife of Thorkel Geitison. 
The story is simply, straightforwardly told. It is cited in Olaf 
Tryggvason Saga and its contents noticed in Islendinga Drapa. The 
text comes from paper copies of a single vellum, of which but one 
leaf remains ; but this luckily preserves a part of the Saga, namely, 
a whole vellum leaf, the right hand side of which the seventeenth- 
century transcriber was unable to read. He read the left hand 
page imperfectly, but did not even attempt the first side, which has 
been partly deciphered by the present Editor, who printed what 
could be read of it in N^ Fe*lagsrit, 1861. The Saga appeared in 
Nord. Old., Copenh. 1848. 

forsteins Saga hvita (East of Iceland, c. 900). This slight 
sketch is really an introduction to the greater Vapnfirdinga Saga. 
The hero is the grandfather of the celebrated Brodd-Helgi. It 
is derived from copies of a lost vellum (no doubt the one which 
also preserved Vapnfirdinga Saga), and has been published in the 
same volume of Nord. Old. as the larger Saga. 

orsteins Saga Stangarhoggs (East of Iceland, c. 985) also 
belongs to the Weaponfirth cycle. It is a touching little story, 
relating an episode in the life of the famous chief Biarni Brodd- 
Helgibon of Hof. It is given in paper copies of one vellum (the 
Liosvetninga and Vapnfirdinga vellum) and was published with 
Vapnfirdinga Saga. 

HRAFNKELS SAGA FREYSGODA (East of Iceland, c. 960), a small 
Saga admirably composed and -skilfully told, and almost idyllic in 
character. Hrafnkel, in his great devotion to his god Frey, who had 
prospered all his undertakings, makes a reckless oath, the keeping 
of which leads him into manslaying against his will, whence trouble 
and disaster come upon him. This theme is lightened by charm- 
ing scenes of farm life. It is preserved in paper transcripts of one 
lost vellum (the Liosvetninga vellum). One leaf however of a 
second somewhat inferior MS. exists, which the word * miskviSa- 
laust ' above proves not to be ours. Edited by Thorsen and Gisla- 
son in 1839, and again by the latter in Nord. Old., Copenh. 1847. 

DROPLAUGARSONA SAGA (East of Iceland, 997-1007), a very old 
Saga in the uncouth broken style of early Icelandic prose. It 
recounts the deeds of two brothers, Grim and Helgi, the sons 
of the lady Droplaug, concluding with the revenge taken by Grim 


for Helgi's death. This story is remarkable as nearly the only 
one which contains any statement as to its authorship. ' f>orvaldr 
[or f>orkell] atti son er Ingialdr hdt, hans son he't fcorvaldr, er 
sag5i sogu jDessa/ This would be clear enough, and would give 
about i no as the date of the original, if the reading 'frorvaldr' 
were certain, as he was son of Grim ; and it certainly is the 
likeliest (being the grandfather's and the grandson's name). But 
if we read ' P orkell ' we must suppose a blank in the text whicn 
we cannot fill up or explain, and no chronological conclusion 
could be drawn. There are verses in this Saga, alone of all the 
Sagas of the East of Iceland, which bear a remarkable resemblance 
to those in the latter part of the Niala, and may be by the same 
hand; they are of course in both cases later insertions of the 
thirteenth century. AM. 132, perhaps a copy of an old incom- 
plete original, is the foundation for the text of this Saga. One leaf 
exists of a late and rather illegible vellum (the Liosvetninga 
vellum), containing a more wordy and enlarged recension. Edited 
by K. Gislason in Nord. Old., Copenh. 1847. 

Brandkrossa-J>attr, the beginning historical, the rest fabulous. 
It is a kind of adjunct to the preceding Saga. Published in Nord. Old. 
1848 from paper copies taken perhaps from the lost Liosv. vellum. 

Grunnars Saga ti6randa-bana (East of Iceland, 1 000-8), also 
a small Saga of the Weaponfirth cycle, mentioned however in 
Landnama as ' Njarovikinga Saga/ and noticed as to matter in 
Islendinga Drapa. It tells of the slaying of Thidrandi, the son of 
the chief Ketil Thrym, by Gunnar the Easterling, whereby Gunnar 
fell into outlawry, and, hardly avoiding death at the hands of the 
avengers of blood, by the help of his friend Sveinung, at last 
escaped to Norway. Paper copies of a single lost vellum supply the 
text, which is printed as an appendix to Laxdaela in the Copenhagen 
(1826) edition, of that Saga. 

f*ORSTEiNS SAGA SIDU-HALLZ SONAR (East of Iceland, c. 1014), a 
tale of bloodshed and violence, preserved in a very imperfect shape, 
narrating Thorstein's feuds with Thorhall and others, and his 
adventures at home and abroad. This Saga is preserved in paper 
copies of a lost vellum once belonging to the Royal Library at 
Copenhagen (whither it was brought by Torfaeus in 1662) which 
also contained Gisla and FostbraecVa Sagas : the beginning and end 
are wanting, so that we only know of Thorstein's death from an 
episode preserved elsewhere; a copy of the text was supplied by 
Vigfusson to Mobius for his Analecta, Leipzig, 1860. There is 
beside an episode of Thorstein in Hulda (King Magnus the Good's 
Saga), and the account of his death in Vatzhyrna. 

Moranda Saga (East of Iceland, c. 996), another tale relating 
to the family of Hall o' Side, of whose lost Saga it may be a 
fragment. It is a pathetic little story, with a weird power about it 
that strongly impresses the reader. Hall is about to become a 
Christian, and forsake his old gods, but they will not depart 


without a victim; and his young son Thidrandi is accordingly 
slain by the nine dark goddesses, Woden's shield-mays, before the 
white angels can come to his aid. It was known to the author of 
Niala. We have it as an insertion in Olaf Tryggvason's Saga, into 
which it is fitly woven as part of the History of the Change of Faith. 


FLOAMANNA SAGA (South of Iceland and the deserts of Green- 
land, 985-90), depicting the roving adventurous life of Thorgils, 
surnamed the step-son of Scarleg, in Iceland as well as abroad. 
The character of the sturdy, gruff, unbending Wiking Thorgils is 
well sketched. Its most interesting part is that which tells of 
the terrible life of a shipwrecked band of colonists on the wild 
shores of Greenland. This graphic narrative is interesting for 
comparison with recent accounts of the same regions. The 
incidental matter and the introductory chapters which give the 
traditional history of the Floe-men are also noteworthy. The 
whole Saga is in Vatzhyrna ; and in AM. 445 there is a good 
vellum fragment; both included in Fornsogur, Leipzig, 1860. 

EIRIKS SAGA RAUDA, thus inscribed in the vellum, but now 
often called forfinns Saga Karlsefnis (Greenland, Wineland, 
and the North of Iceland, 990-1000). This celebrated story, 
after the opening scenes in Iceland, relates mainly to the Green- 
land colony and the discovery of America. It is clearly and well 
told in both texts, for this Saga presents the unique phenomenon 
of two entirely different recensions, which, though corresponding 
on the whole, are both separately derived from oral tradition. The 
one we should ascribe to the West y to Broadfirth, from whence the 
colonization of Greenland chiefly took place ; the other belongs, 
we believe, to the North of the Island, where Thorfin's family dwelt, 
and is ruder in style and manner. The correspondence of these 
distinct versions throws great light on the vitality and the faithful- 
ness of tradition, and is a strong confirmation ' of the credibility 
in main points of a Saga which is especially important for his- 
toric reasons. The version of the North is preserved in the Flatey- 
bok (i. 429-432 and 538-549); that of the West in two vellums, 
Hauks-bok and AM. 557. The better title for this story would be 
the Saga of Eirik the Red, in fact it is styled so in AM. 557 
(Eiriks Saga Rauda). The text in Antiq. Americanae is mainly 
from Hauks-bok. 

FOSTBR^DRA SAGA (West of Iceland and Greenland, 1015-30) 
tells of the lives and foster-brotherhood of the murderous and reck- 
less Thorgeir and the poet Thormod Kolbrunarskald. Thorgeir 
is slain by a chief from Greenland, and Thormod goes there in 
disguise to revenge him. The scenes of life among the Norse 
colonists in Greenland are especially interesting. The style of 
the Saga is romantic, almost euphuistic ; and we evidently possess 
the later edition only (c. 1230) of a much earlier composition. 


We have several MSS. of this Saga, AM. 132 and Flatey-b6k are 
perhaps the best, Hauks-b6k is inferior. Of the lost Cod. Reg. 
text a paper copy remains. The name ' Fostbraedra Saga ' is not 
authentic; the ancients seem to have called it the Saga of Thormod 
and Thorgeir, or the like. K. Gislason edited this Saga in Nord. 
Old., Copenh. 1852 (two fragments). The whole text is published 
in the Flatey-b6k, scattered throughout the second volume. 

We may put with the above G-raenlendinga-fattr (c. 1125), 
preserved in the Flatey-bok (iii. 445-454), which tells of Bishop 
Arnald and his friend Einar Sockisson, who according to his oath 
avenges an insult dene to the Bishop, and is slain in revenge 
therefore. A list of the churches (twelve in the East, three in the 
West) and bishops of Greenland (nine) is appended by the scribe. 
Published in the Flatey-b6k, vol. iii, Christiania, 1868. 

These four Sagas, with a few scattered notices (as in Speculum 
Regale and the fictitious Kroka-Ref's Saga), and the Greenland 
Lays comprise nearly all that relates to the most northern of 
European colonies. For the geography of Greenland the Memo- 
rial of the Norseman Ivar Bardson of c. 1340 is of paramount 
importance ; published in Antiq. Americanae. 

10. TH^TTIR. 

There are besides the Sagas a number of small tales or episodes 
which have received the name of Mttr (' tait ' or morsel). These 
are found inserted more or less loosely in the Kings' Lives. 
They are of diverse origin ; some being fragments of larger stories 
once existing in a perfect shape, treated just as we find Orkney- 
inga, Faereyinga, Laxdaela, and others have been, by the editors 
of the collections of the Kings' Sagas, who cut them into pieces 
and fitted them into the main story in rough chronological order. 
But the most of them are little stories, too small to be called Saga, 
relating some single incidents of the hero's life at the king's court 
in Norway or elsewhere. It is indeed difficult to draw the line 
between a Saga and a Httr; some here given above as Saga, 
as Thorstein the White, Thorstein Stangarhogg, Mrandi, being 
rather Mttr than Saga. They belong to every age of literature in 
Iceland, from the Saga time till the death of tradition and the 
introduction into Iceland of mediaeval learning and the consequent 
eponymous legends. 

The following rough classification will give some idea of the 
matter and nature of the chief aettir, for which Olaf Tryggvason's 
Saga, Hulda, Hrokkinskinna, and Flatey-b6k (Fb.) are the chief 

Of Icelanders : 

Inserted in King Olaf Tryggvason's Saga, in AM. 61, 53, 54; 

Ogmund dytt and Gunnar helming, ch. 173. 
Orm Storolfsson, half fabulous, Fb. i. 521-523. 

ro. TH^TTIR. hi 

Svafti and Arnor Kerlingar-nef, chaps. 225-227. 
Thorstein Oxfoot, Fb. i. 249-263. 
Thorvald Tasaldi, ch. 200. 

In Magnus the Good and Harald Hardradi's Sagas, all in 
Hulda and Hrokkinskinna ; 

Audunn o' Westfirth and his White Bear, chaps. 72-75. 

Brand the Open-handed, ch. 96. 

Hreidar Heimski, chaps. 26-29. 

Hrafn of HrutafjorS, chaps. 46-51. 

Odd Ofeigson, an adventure of the hero of Bandani. S., chaps. ic6, 107. 

Sneglu-Halli, the king's fool, chaps. 101-105. 

Stuf, the blind minstrel, ch. 100. 

Thorstein, the inquisitor. 

Thorvard Krakunef, ch. no. 

The Icelandic story-teller, ch. 99. 

f>orstein, son of Hall o' Side, ch. 45. 

In Magnus Bareleg's Saga, in Hulda and Hrokkinskinna ; 

Gisli Illugisson, the poet, chaps. 15-19. 

In Sigurd the Crusader's Saga, in Hulda and Hrokkinskinna ; 
Ivar, the love-sick poet, ch. 19. 
Gull-jEsu-Thord, chaps. 24, 75. 

In Gilli's Sons' Saga, in Morkinskinna ; 

Einar Skiilason, the poet, pp. 226-228. 
In Magnus Erlingsson's Saga, in AM. 327; 

Mani, the poet, Sverr. S., ch. 85. 

Of Norsemen: 

In Olaf Tryggvason's Saga ; 

Finn and Svein, chaps. 201203. 

Rognvald and Rau8, the origin of the family of Horda-Kari, chaps. 

In St. Olaf 's Saga ; 

Olaf Geirstada-Alf, a half-mythical episode telling the story of 
St. Olaf's birth, Fb. ii. 6-9. 

Eindridi and Erling, Fb. ii. 193-197. 

Sigurd Hranason or |>inga-Saga, really an integral part of Sigurd and 
Eysteins Saga; Hulda and Hrokkinskinna, chaps. 27-35. It nas 
been edited separately by G. Storm; Christiana, 1876. 

Sveinki, the burly chief of the Elfar-Grimar, chaps. 9-13. 

Hakon Ivarsson, lately edited by G. Storm, is plainly a fifteenth- 
century forgery. 

In Magnus the Good and Harald's Sagas, in Hulda; 

Thrond of Upland, ch. 21. 

Karl vesali, chaps. 4-9. 

Ulf the Wealthy, chaps. 92-95. 

Of Swedes : 

Hauk habrok, the champion of King Harald Fairhair against the 

Swedes, half fabulous, Fb. i. 577-583. 
Styrbiorn and the battle of Fyrisvalla, Fb. ii. 70-73. 
Eymund Hringsson, a curious account of the adventures of a Norse 

chief in Russia, Fb. ii. 118-134. 


Of Danes: 

In St. Knut's days ; 

Blood-Egil, a fragment of Skioldunga, from the Saga of St. Knut ; 
Knytlinga Saga, chaps. 33-40. 

Of the Orkneys : 

Helgi and Ulf, Fb. iii. 457-460. 

The burning of Bishop Adam, Fb. App. to Orkn. S., Rolls' edition. 

Of a semi-scientific nature : 

Raudulf, the astrologer, Fb. ii. 292-301. 

Stjornu-Oddi, the star-gazer, Vatzhyrna, the Nord. Old. 1860. 

Relating to legendary and mythical subjects : 

Bergbua-pattr, Vatzhyrna, the Nord. Old. 1860. 

Eindridi Ilbreid, the archer, O. T. ch. 235. 

Helgi Thorisson, referring to Gudmund of Glaesisvoll, Fb. i. 359-362. 

Heming the Archer, containing some curious adventures of the hero 

in England, the legend of Harald Godwinson's escape after the 

battle of Hastings, &c. ; printed in Appendix to Orkneyinga, 

Rolls' edition, i. 347-387. 
Hroi the Fool, of eastern origin ; it has been translated by Mr. Morris ; 

Fb. ii. 73-80. 
Sorli, referring to the Everlasting Fight between Hedin and Hogni, 

Fb. i. 275-283. 
Thorstein Baear-magn, told by Saxo in a different form under other 

names ; it refers to Gudmund of Glaesisvoll, &c. ; AM. 343 and 

510, in Fms. vol. iii. 
Thorstein Skelk, Fb. i. 416-418. 

Toki the Archer, to be compared with Norna-Gests Saga ; it con- 
tains the Tell legend; Fb. ii. 135-138. 
Volsa-battr, Fb. ii. 331-336. 
Hakon Hareksson (a similar legend to that of Schiller's Ballad, Der 

Treue Fridolin), published in Fms. xi. 422-439. 
The story of King Harald Fairhair's three poets, founded on a 

' fabliau ' of Eastern origin. 

Of clerical origin : 

Eirik the Far-traveller, who set out to find the Land of Everlasting 

Life (Odain-sakr), Fb. i. 29-36. 
Albanus and Sunniva or the Men of Selja, O. T. chaps. 106-108. 


We meet with these pretty early, some even belonging, from 
the evidence of the MSS., to the thirteenth century, most are 
of the fourteenth. They are interesting, not for their style or 
matter, which are very poor, but from the evidence they yield as 
to the literary spirit of the age in which they were written, proving, 
as they do, that all Tradition of the old Heroic Age was dead by 
the end of the thirteenth century, and that Taste was already 
declining. They also preserve indications, which we are glad to 
have, of the genuine Sagas' existence, &c. They are (i) partly 
made up, by a process similar to that which embellishes genuine 
Sagas with phrases, episodes, and verses, on the genuine founda- 
tion of hints in Landnama and other Sagas, such as the fabricated 


part of Gretla; (2) partly pure fabrications, such, for instance, as 
Viglund's Saga, when the very dregs of tradition had been used 
up. A poverty of diction and most plentiful lack of true fancy or 
imagination, with few traces of the fresh vigour which the poorest 
genuine Sagas possess, mark the whole tribe. We may notice the 
names of the chief Sagas here. 

Of those included in Vatzhyrna : Kjalnesinga Saga, a fabri- 
cation, in the first chapter of which Landnama and Libellus 
are used to give credit to the Saga, which is one of the earlier 
(c. 1300), as the last few lines prove. BarSar Saga Snse- 
fells-dss (the most popular of the lot); its hero is one of the 
'half-trolls' which are so prominent in the later Icelandic folk- 
tales. Scraps of Landnama are also put in here to give a genuine 
air. Krdka-Refs Saga : this Saga, like the next we shall notice, 
refers to Greenland, but shows real local knowledge on the part of 
the author, so that Dr. Maurer has even believed it possible to 
identify a firth which he describes as the lately-discovered Franz- 
Joseph's fiord. The Saga of Thord Hreda, a real personage of 
whom nothing is known, is a little better told in parts than most 
of its type. We have two recensions of it, the worst extant in 
several vellums, and often edited; of the better but a fragment 
exists, the beginning and end (the pedigree) in a single vellum, 
viz. the Vatzhyrna, which text also is the older. Bard's and Thord's 
Sagas (from Vatzhyrna) were edited in Nord. Old. 1860; Kjalnesinga 
in Isl. Sog. 1847 ; and Kroka-Ref's by Sveinsson, Copenh. 1866. 

In other vellums : Finnboga Saga, the name and genealogy 
of the hero taken from Landnama, the subject from Vatzdsela 
(chaps. 31-35) are the only foundation for this Saga, which occurs 
in AM. 132, and is certainly of the thirteenth century. It is now 
being edited by Dr. Hugo Gering of Halle. Bolla-Jmttr, tacked to 
Laxdaela in AM. 132, and printed at the end of the Copenh. edition 
of that Saga. Viglundar Saga is a feebly told love-story, imitated 
from Frithjof's Saga, Gunnlaug, &c. It contains, what we rarely 
find even in these tales, a distinct statement as to its authorship. 

There is yet a later class of stories which are entirely apocryphal, 
and were chiefly composed after the Revival' in Iceland, though we 
can trace them, through stories of intermediate date, up to those of 
the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, noticed above. They may 
be said to begin with the third hand of Flatey-b6k, who spins out 
the tale of fcorstein Tjaldstaeding from hints in Hauks-bok, and gives 
Sneglu-Halla-J)attr in an enlarged and vulgar form. To this con- 
nection belongs the Mttr of Hakon Ivarsson, which was made 
out of Heimskringla, and is found in a vellum of about 1500. 

The Saga of Jokull Buason is a forgery of still later date and 
inferior worth, fabricated as an appendix to the fabulous Kjalnes- 
inga Saga, but omitted in the oldest vellums of that Saga. The 
story of Gunnar Keldugnups-nfl, of about the same date, exists 


in paper copies of the seventeenth century ; it is purely fabulous. 
The beginning of Svarfdaela (pp. 115-136 of the Copenhagen 
edition) is a forgery of the same kind by a man who was not even 
acquainted with Landnama. He left a blank, perhaps designedly, in 
his edition, which was filled out by a later fabricator. Droplaugar 
Saga Major, existing in paper copy of about 1630 (AM. 551), is 
founded on the text of AM. 132, and filled up from many sources. 
It has unfortunately been used in the Lexicon Poe'ticum. J6n 
Thorlaksson, in the East of Iceland (died 171 2), a contemporary of 
Ami, a man of good family (son of Bishop Thorlak), treated Egla 
in the same way. This is attested by Ami himself. Snorri Biorns- 
son, priest of Husafell (died 1803), a poet, wrote a Starkads 
Saga on the basis of the traditions and verses preserved by Saxo. 
Armans Saga, another of these, is printed in the edition, 1778, of 
Egla. The Editor has traced this story to Haldor Jacobsson, who 
died early in the present century. It is the most readable of all 
its class, fcattr Egils illgjarna of Vendilskaga, published in 
Copenhagen in 1820 as a University Program, contains an account 
of King Magnus' death, brought about by means of an enchanted 
horse, for the hint of which the author was indebted to Saxo, Lib. x. 
Later still is the false ending of Gull-foris Saga (already referred to), 
composed in the earlier part of the present century, with which in 
point of date we may couple the story of Thori Hast and Bard birta 
and Hrani hring. To Gisli Konradsson (born 1787, died 1876) 
we may ascribe the Saga of Harald Hrings-bani. Others might 
be mentioned, but we have noticed the best specimens of the class, 
which may still be augmented ; for the notion that the Saga is a form 
of literature equally suitable to every writer still holds in Iceland. 


The singular silence as to authorship which runs throughout the 
early Icelandic literature, as it does through the Dramatic literature 
of Elizabeth, gives us no information and little means of tracing 
single Sagas. Of course in both cases the explanation is the same; 
the very objectivity of the epic style and feeling, which made the 
writer careless as to recording his name, made the scribe pass it 
over where it was recorded ; a habit against which at a later date 
we find the pathetic appeal of Berg the monk, to the future 
copyists of his work, not to omit his name, since he was desirous 
of the prayers of those that should read it. As to the more general 
determination of the age of the Sagas, we are forced to have 
recourse to scattered threads of evidence in order to arrive at 
some broad conclusion on this subject. Let us first try to fix 
the earliest date at which the Sagas can have been written down, 
and afterwards examine the evidence as to the latest date it is 
possible this could have taken place. 

Beginning with the internal evidence. At first sight, so frankly 


are the stories told, so little trace is there of Christian influence, so 
local is the interest, and so minute the circumstances, we might 
conclude that they could not have been written long after the events 
told of in them took place. But a closer examination leads one 
quite another way ; thus we find traces of local change since the 
old days, e. g. in Liosvetninga Saga, ' It was well wooded at that 
time ;' Gluma, ' There was then a ford ;' Laxdaela, ' This is now 
a waste ;' Hoensa oris Saga, ' The farm-buildings stood higher up 
than they do now ;' Hardar Saga, ' There are now sheep-sheds ' 
(where the dwelling-houses stood) ; Fostbraedra Saga, ' The Home- 
stead lay lower down on the Tongue than it does now ; ' Eyrbyggia, 
' The mark of the wall can still be seen ;' Liosvetninga, ' There was a 
moot there which is now held at Kaupang ;' Biarnar Saga, ' It was 
the fashion in those days to use garterings ;' Eyrbyggia, ' It was the 
custom then of chapmen . . . ;' Egla, ' The mouth of the river was 
then narrower and much deeper than it is now' and so on. 

If we look to Snorri's words on this point, ' that it was more than 
two hundred years twelve-right (240) from the Settlement (which 
Ari fixed at c. 870) before Sagas began to be written/ and that 'Ari 
was the first man who wrote in the vernacular stones of things old 
and new/ they must be accepted. It is of course possible that a few 
Sagas might have been written without Ari's knowledge; but it is 
not likely ; and Thorodd only speaks of ' Laws, Genealogies (the 
very kind of works which are first written down in all early litera- 
tures), Homilies, and the most wise Historical Works of priest 
Ari Thorgilsson ' as written before the date at which he is writing. 
Now we are told that the laws were first put on paper in 1096 and 
1 1 1 6, so that the weight of proof is entirely against any Saga being 
written down before c. mo. 

As to the evidence supplied by genealogies it must be received 
with caution, from its being the habit of the scribes to bring the 
pedigrees down. to their own times; still it is satisfactory proof that 
the Saga is not likely to be later than the person to whom the 
pedigree is brought down. To take particular instances of this 
class of indication : The mention of Bishops Magnus and Brand 
the first presupposes a knowledge of Bishop Magnus the second 
(1217-37) an d Brand the second (1262-4), and the naming of 
Gizur the Earl (1258) or the Sturlungs (1200-50), i.e. the three 
brothers and their nephews, gives a definite date on one side. 
And we find Hauk, in Ms edition of the Landnama (Hauks-b6k), 
brings the pedigrees down to himself or his mother ; Sturla, in his 
edition, to Hvam-Sturla and to Gudny the mother of the Sturlungs 
(also Landnama text) ; the editor of Mela-bok to the Melamenn ; 
while the scribes of Vatzhyrna draw them to Jon Hakonsson their 
patron, and the editor of Hrafn Sveinbiornsson's Saga to his hero's 
descendants, for whom he was working. Again the same pheno- 
mena occur in the biographies : in Bishop Ami's Saga, Thord the 
Lawman is recorded among the children of Egil of Reykholt (died 

VOL. i. e 


1297); in this case the title ' Lawman' is plainly due to the tran- 
scriber of our single vellum (c. 1350); for Thord, though he was 
a grown up man when the Saga was written, was not a Lawman 
till 1341, and the Saga is clearly twenty-five years older than that 
date. In Liosvetninga Saga we are told of a man who was the 
father of Gudmund, that ' stabbed Bishop Ketil in the eye/ Ketil 
was the friend and contemporary of Ari, and died an old man 
in 1145; the accident long preceding his consecration as Bishop, 
about the year noo, see Sturlunga, II. ch. 29. In Vapnfirdinga 
Saga, a pedigree is brought down to J6n Arnorsson, a chief of the 
beginning of the thirteenth century. But one inclines to take 
this rather as evidence of the age of the now lost vellum, from 
which only one copy was taken in the fourteenth century, than as 
any proof of the Saga's age, which we hold to be much earlier. 

The custom of transferring the bones from the old churchyard 
to the new when a new church was built, on the removal of the old 
one, is noticed in several Sagas. In Egla such an event is noticed 
as taking place during the priesthood and under the eyes of Skapti 
Thorarinsson, who was alive and in orders in 1143. (See ii. 502.) 
In Eyrbyggia when Snorri's bones and those of his mother 
Thordis and his uncle Bork were moved, Gudny was present, 
and her eldest son Thord is appealed to as the authority for 
the circumstances. In Biarnar Saga, Runolf Dalksson the priest 
(in holy orders 1143) is mentioned; he was yet alive in 1173. 
In his days the bones of Biorn were moved from Vellir to 
Husafell at the end of the twelfth century (c. 1170-80). Thorarin 
Brandsson the priest, the founder of the new church, is also men- 
tioned in the last chapter of Laxdaela. 

In Floamanna Saga the lady Thorey dreams of the leek with five 
shoots, one of which is golden, and rises far above the rest, which 
refers to her descendant Bishop Thorlak the saint, who died 1193, 
and was canonized by popular vote five years later. This would 
point to the earlier years of the thirteenth century, but Floamanna 
Saga is surely one of the latest Icelandic Sagas, and has passed 
through clerical hands. So in Laxdaela, ch. 66, allusion is made to 
the existence of a cloister at Helgafell (1184): ' Sa staQr mun 
ver8a mestr h^r a landi, J^angat hefi ek opt Ij6s seV Again, one 
vellum of Fostbraedra Saga (Hauks-b6k), c. 1310-20, says that a 
wooden hall, built early in the eleventh century, was standing in 
the days of Bishop Arni the second (1304-20), which of course 
means 'at the present day,' as is shown by the other MS. (AM. 132) 
reading ' Magnus Gizurarson,' who was bishop eighty years earlier 
(1217-37); the scribe here we surmise copying from a vellum 
of Bishop Magnus* time. The Saga therefore cannot anyhow be 
put later than 1230, and judging from its euphuistic tone and style 
it is evidently among the most modern. See also the notice in 
Kristni Saga, ch. 3, from which we infer that Lawman Hauk wrote 
from a copy of Bishop Botolf's time (1238-46). 


Intel-quotations (one Saga quoting another) do not yield much 
information as to the age of the individual Sagas. We must first 
set the Landnama references aside, as plainly speaking of Sagas 
existing in oral tradition and not yet written down, though some 
of them, as Isfirdinga and Svarfdaela, were actually put on parch- 
ment at a later date. But only the great complex Sagas quote at 
all, viz. Olaf Tryggvason, Gretla, Laxdaela, Eyrbyggia (in which 
from ten to twelve references occur to Vapnfirdinga, Biarnar Saga, 
&c.), and their evidence goes no further back than the time when 
they themselves were composed in their present shape. The small 
Sagas being purely local, move inside their own little circle, without 
heeding or knowing the Sagas of other districts; and in the only 
exception known to us Thorstein Hall o' Side-son's Saga, where 
Nials Saga is named it is far easier to suppose either that this 
is an interpolation in the single vellum we possess, or even that a 
simple older Nials Saga is meant, than to rely on the solitary cita- 
tion to prove that our present Niala is older than Thorstein Hall 
o' Side-son's Saga. So in Vatzdsela the ' Story of the Earls' is 
cited, which certainly cannot refer to our present complex Orkney- 
inga, edited in the later half of the thirteenth century, but to one of 
its component parts, the old ' Jarla Saga.' 

Turning from these indications to the external evidence afforded 
by the words of the well-known statement by the editor of our 
present Sturlunga, hitherto cited x in the false reading of Cod. B, 
but here given in its true shape, ' Well nigh all Sagas that have 
taken place in Iceland up to the death of Bishop Brand Saemunds- 
son (1201) had been written down; whereas those Sagas which 
took place after this were not written down till Lawman Sturla 
dictated (sag5i fyrir) the Islendinga Saga.' These words plainly 
bear on the earlier detached Sagas which now form part of our 
present Sturlunga (see 19). But granting, as we perhaps may, 
that they have at the same time a wider bearing on the old Sagas 
in general, our conclusion must be somewhat to this effect that 
all the ancient Sagas had been committed to writing before Sturla's 
time, say before 1240, a date which we are inclined to put back 
some twenty years. 

If we consider the age of the MSS. we get little or no direct 
help, the oldest 'generation' of MSS. being lost. But indirectly 
they do throw great light on the question. Our oldest extant col- 
lection of Islendinga Sagas is of the end of the thirteenth century, 
the AM. 132. That it contains Gluma, Droplaug, Kormak's Saga 
indeed does not aid us, but rather the fact that besides these, 
genuine both in form and matter, this MS. comprises fictitious 
Pseudo-Sagas, such as Finnbogi ; and that it gives us true Sagas 
in a bad retouched text, as Bandamanna (the genuine recension of 
which is only preserved in a much later vellum of the fifteenth cen- 
tury). Hence it follows that even at the end of the thirteenth century, 
by which date these fabulous stories, bearing no trace whatever of true 

e 2 

Ixviii PROLEGOMENA. 12. 

tradition, had been some years in existence, the old Saga time was 
past. And that the text of Finnbogi in AM. 132 is by no means the 
original is shown by comparison with other extant vellums of that 
Saga, which still further pushes back the time of its fabrication. 
This is corroborated by Kjalnesinga, a story of the Finnbogi type, 
composed at the end of the thirteenth century ; and further by 
our text of Gretla, put into its present shape about the same time. 
Of the components of this Saga, the Historical, the Mythical, and the 
Fabricated parts, the last is the editor's work (consisting chiefly of 
chaps, i-io, 21-25, 59, 60, 88-95), besides many smaller sections 
which may be easily recognised (drawn from written sources such 
as Landnama in Sturla's recensions, B of our editions), the Early 
Lives of the Kings of Norway from our Konunga-b6k (Kringla), 
Tristram's Saga besides Heidarviga and Fostbrsedra Saga. Of living 
tradition other than folk-tales of a late type there is no trace ; on 
the contrary, every page of the Saga bears witness to the entire 
absence thereof. Such works as these mark the close of a 
literary period, and the prevalence of influences which are abso- 
lutely foreign to the style, the tone, and the matter of the first 
Islendinga- Sagas. 

Only in one single instance are we told from whose dictation 
a Saga was written down, viz. at the end of Droplaug, one of 
the very oldest. Thorvald was a son of Grim Droplaugson, 
and born about 1006. He had a son Ingiald, who again had 
a son named Thorvald, 'he who told this Saga.' Unfortunately 
there is a corruption in the name (the son of Grim being first 
called Thorkel and then Thorvald), and the Saga is only pre- 
served in one single vellum. However, we prefer thinking that 
no link has been left out, and that the Saga was written down from 
the narrative of the great grandson of one of the heroes of the tale, 
which answers to a date early in the twelfth century and during the 
lifetime of Ari. 

The period to which they would thus be assigned, c. 1140-1220, 
is one which would appear probable on mere a priori grounds. 
The impulse given by Ari and his school, the greater facilities for 
writing, the interest, fitting the distance of time, felt in the old days 
by men who are neither repulsed by heathendom as contemporaries 
nor forgetful of the feelings of their ancestors, as would have been 
the case in another generation. It was also a time of peace, a 
period in which neither foreign influence nor party violence were 
all-absorbing and colouring everything as in the Sturlung days. 

In times undisturbed by any great shocks from without or con- 
vulsions from within, traditions of- an heroic Past will live, grow, 
and develope. But just as on some highland road, when the 
traveller's path turns, and a great mountain suddenly as it were 
draws a curtain between him and the country he has left behind, 
while strange new landscapes open out before his eyes, so in history 
there comes ever and anon a sudden change which shuts out the 


Past as though it had never been, and spreads new vistas of hopes 
and interests before a nation, which in their turn too will disappear 
as inexorable progress shall decree. 

Such a change as this came upon Norway in the days of Sverri, 
breaking old traditions and treading out the old families; and a 
generation later a similar crisis overtook Iceland in the Sturlung 
age. The whole tone of the later biographies and the Sturlunga 
itself clearly shows it. Sturla was the ' last minstrel ' of the Saga 
time, his birth and early youth falling within it, while his old age 
is outside it, and he is left alone, like Ossian, with the dead. 

Only in broad outline can we hope to fix the age of the Sagas, 
to settle the problem in each particular case would be indeed vain. 
And we can but guess at the date at which any one was composed 
or first put down on parchment. Even words are not a safe 
criterion here, and it is often a mere chance whether a Saga has 
been handed down in a genuine or adulterated shape. Thus 
Gluma preserves the true type of an old Saga, but it is a pure 
accident that the vellum AM. 132 has survived, whereas if it had 
perished we should have had to depend on the Vatzhyrna text, 
in which the Saga has been slightly retouched with an insertion 
(Ogmund dytt) abridged from Olaf Tryggvason's Saga. So on the 
other hand the Holmveria of AM. 556 is edited and retouched; but 
we have a single leaf of Vatzhyrna, the remains of an earlier and 
truer text. The best we can do is to look at the tone and charac- 
ter of a Saga, which even in a late adulterated form is never 
quite effaced ; even the worst, Svarfdsela, shows marks of antiquity. 
No furbishing can hide the antique grace of a true Saga, such as 
Kormak's or Havard's, neither can any affectation of spurious 
age make Kjalnesinga or Viglund's Saga look ancient. And the 
evil was not wholly unmixed. No doubt some Sagas have profited 
by the finishing touch of a master-hand ; else surely the component 
parts of Niala, Egla, Laxdsela, and Eyrbyggia would not, as works 
of art, be what the finished Sagas are now; and where perhaps history 
has lost, art has certainly gained much. We believe that when once 
the first Saga was written down, the others were in quick succession 
committed to parchment, some still keeping their original form 
through a succession of copies, others changed. The Saga time 
was short and transitory, as has been the case with the highest 
literary periods of every nation, whether we look at the age of 
Pericles in Athens, or of our own Elizabeth in England, and that 
which was not written down quickly, in due time, was lost and 
forgotten for ever. 

The verses in the Sagas, though hardly affording indications of 
the age of composition, since they are mostly mere adjuncts to 
the tale itself, yet are valuable as evidence of these processes of 
editing, and embellishing, and adulterating by foisting in incidents 
and narratives of a more or less fictitious character. We find 
genuine early verses in Kormak's Saga, Gluma, Gunnlaug's Saga, 


Hallfred's Saga, Sighvat's Saga, Eyrbyggia, Landnama, Kristni 
Saga, and throughout the historical works, Kings' Lives, &c. 
At least half of the verses in Egla and Biarnar Saga are also 
authentic. Of a somewhat doubtful character are the verses in 
Havard's Saga, Droplaug, and the latter half of Niala. (In these 
last two Sagas, by the same hand a proof of Niala being probably 
composed in the East.) False, but of a poetical character, are those 
in Gisli and many in Egla. While those in Niala (chaps. 7-113), 
in Gretla (excepting 2\ verses quoted from Edda and Landnama), 
in Bandamanna, in Hardar Saga, and in the fabulous Sagas are 
both false and worthless. In the Sagas of the North and East it 
is noticeable that no verses occur, nor in Laxdaela of the West. 
Besides the philological and metrical tests, which are very trust- 
worthy here, we have in the Prose-Edda (about 450 quotations), in 
the work of Olaf Hvitaskald (about 1 20 quotations), and in the earlier 
Kings' Lives a very fair means of comparison and of ascertaining 
what poets and what kind of poetry were known in the days of 


Historians of the end of the twelfth century, writing Lives of 
Kings, for the time intervening between Ari and Snorri : 

Eirik Oddzson wrote lives of King Sigurd Slembidjakn and the 
Sons of King Harald Gille, in a book called Hryggiar-stykki, 
parts of which are preserved in Morkinskinna, and in an inferior 
form in Hulda and Hrokkinskinna. He lived about the middle 
of the twelfth century. 

Karl Jonsson, the Benedictine abbot of Thingeyri, is the 
author of Sverris Saga, or the Life of King Sverri, which was in 
great part derived from the King himself, who ' sat over him and 
told him what he should write.' The result is an interesting work, 
which has come down to us unchanged. Abbot Karl went to 
Norway 1184, and was there for a year or two, just as the crisis of 
the King's fortunes was over, and his success assured. The quaint 
racy style of Sverri's Saga, which is entirely distinct from that of the 
other Kings' Lives, and has a marked individuality of its own, 
must be our best authority for the Abbot's character and culture. 

As to the authorship, the vellums are as usual silent. But there 
is a preface prefixed to the story 1 ; the current interpretation of 
which has been that Abbot Karl (d. 1211) wrote but the first part, 
which does not go very far, and that the whole later part was 

1 ' Her hefir upp ok segir fra peim tiSendum er nii hafa verit um hriS, ok i peirra 
manna minnum er fyrir pessi bok hafa sagt, en pat er at segja fra Sverri konungi. . . 
En pat er upphaf bokarinnar, er ritaS er eptir peirri b6k er fyrst rita8i Karl ab6ti 
Jonsson, en yfir sat sjalfr Sverrir konungr, ok re5 fyrir hvat rita skyldi; er sii fra- 
sogn eigi langt fram komin. . . . KolluSu peir pann hlut bokar fyrir pvi Grylu. 
Hinn si6ari hlutr bokar er rita&i eptir peirra manna frasogn er mhmi hofflu til svd 
at peir hof&u sjalfir s6t ok heyrt pessi tidindi, ok peir menn sumir hofSu verit i 


written by Styrmi (d. 1245). We take the bearing of the passage 
to be quite another. The ' key words ' are the sentence, ' er su 
frasogn eigi langt fram komin.' The writer has told how the 
first part was written from the lips of the King himself (' en yfir 
sat sjalfr Sverrir konungr, ok re's fyrir hvat rita skyldi'); he 
then adds ' this tale is not come from far/ i. e. 'tis on the first 
hand, no mere hearsay information ; or, as the copyist of the 
Flatey-book puts it, ' This narrative can therefore not have changed 
in men's mouths/ Again, the latter part of the Saga was taken 
down from men who had seen and heard themselves the tidings 
told there. The text in Flatey-book was, we take it, written from 
a copy in Styrmi's own handwriting 'rfta' has a double sense; it is 
here the penman, not the author, that is meant. The whole Saga 
is of one cast, precluding any reasonable thought of a double 
authorship, least of all by men so far removed as were Karl and 
Styrmi. And Sverri's Saga is the last one would try to imitate. 
Here, as elsewhere, in Ari and Thorodd, all depends on a true 
interpretation, bearing in mind that the technical terms of our 
bookmakers were unknown to the ancients, who had to coin a new 
phrase for what they had to say, the word in question often in 
consequence being &Ta \ey6pevov. 

Sverri's Saga is remarkable, alike for subject and style, standing 
alone among the Kings' Lives, as indeed it was most meet it 
should. For it may almost be considered the autobiography of the 
man who swept away the Old Norway, with its royalty, its nobility, 
its old customs and life, and cleared the ground for the mediaeval 
kingdom which was to come. Like Olaf Tryggvason he made 
history, and impressed his personality upon the nation in a way 
which it is granted to few kings in many generations to do. In 
this work we have fresh from Sverri's own lips, often preserving 
the very idioms which smack of his Fserey birthplace 1 , and the 
ideas which his priestly education had characterised, the authentic 
history of his strange career. His strong unbending will, his faith 
in his mission and belief in his destiny, his curious trust in dreams 

orrostum me& Sverri konungi. Sum bessi ti&indi voru sva i minni fest, at menn 
ritadu begar eptir er ny-ordin voru, ok hafa bau ekki breyzt sfSan.' AM. 327. 

The Flatey-book says ' Her hefr upp at segia fra beim t. er gorzt hafa i eirra 
manna minnum sjalfra er bessa bok hafa i fyrstu saman sett, ok eptir beirri bok (er) 
ritaSi Karl aboti Jonsson me5 fullu vitorSi sjalfs Sverris konunga, ok hann fyrir sagQi 
hve rita skyldi e9r hvernig setja skyldi. En eptir beirri bok skrifa6i Styrmir prestr 
hinn Fr68i. En bessa Sverris sogu rita5i eptir beirri bok Magnus prestr ]p6rhallzson 
(the copier of Flatey-book} ; ma bvi eigi betta mal i munni gengir hafa.' 

1 The King in one place cites a half-verse from Fafnismal, the earliest known quo- 
tation from this school of poetry. His foreign education in the Western Isles would 
on our hypothesis (see the paragraph on the Edda) account for this. The Icelanders 
often refer to Sverri's judgment on men and even books : ' Sverri was entertained 
with this story, and he said that these Fables were very amusing,' Sturl. i. 19. So 
Sverri attests the unexampled valour shown by Olaf Tryggvason at Svold, Odd the 
Monk, ch. 69. ' King Sverri, a man of wise speech and good understanding, used 
to say ' . . . , The Author of Hungrvaka. 


and forebodings, his sober Puritan life (he seldom touched strong 
drink and ate but once a day), all tinged with a mixture of half- 
conscious, half-instinctive hypocrisy; the stern discipline which 
turned the ragged band of Birch-legs into veterans, for whom 
victory was certain ; the eloquence, hard, stirring, and ever appeal- 
ing with an assured confidence to the strongest and lowest passions 
of human nature, which contributed almost as much to bring about 
his designs ; the cunning which turned the very Decretals into a 
weapon against the Pope himself; the knowledge of mankind 
which secured the steadfast adherence of his partisans through the 
most difficult and dangerous passages of his fortunes, when their 
political and even religious sympathies were appealing most 
powerfully against him ; even his person, the thick-set burly form, 
red beard, and strong features all these are set before us in the 
boldest relief. The lives of Cromwell and Napoleon alone perhaps 
supply parallels to such a character as this. And we can hardly 
regret his success : the times were ripe for change ; the old Wiking 
spirit had fled ; the Norse nobles, like the English of the days of 
Ethelred and the Confessor, were sunk in gross material sloth, 
' mead-paunches/ as Sverri calls them, ' whose god was their belly;' 
so though the resistance was bitter, it was fitful and sporadic j and 
one by one they fell, often in the midst of their feasting, by the 
ever-wakeful sword of the great adventurer; bravery they showed 
indeed, but the qualities which would enable those reckless * cava- 
liers' to hold their own against ' men who had the fear of the Lord 
before their eyes ' were totally absent among them. And so the 
old order of things gave way ; and to Norway, as to Iceland after- 
wards, there came a new life, which ran its course too in time in 
its own appointed way. 

Sverri's Saga has come to us in three vellums, besides abridg- 
ments (see 15) and fragments (some twelve leaves). One or 
more were burnt in the Copenhagen fire, 1728; of the remaining, 
the Flatey-book on the whole gives the best text. Edited in Fms. 
vol. viii. and Flatey-book, vol. ii. 

After Sverri's death, in March 1202, Norway for a time relapsed 
into a state of anarchy, two kings, one in the South-east, one in 
the North-west. This is depicted in the Boglunga-Spgur, the 
story of the Croziers, the political party opposed to the Birch- 
legs, which bridges over the gap between the two great Sagas of 
Sverri and Hakon. 

Among other Lives of Kings beside the series above noticed, 
we may mention here the Life of King Olaf Tryggvason by 
Odd Snorrason, a Benedictine monk of Thingeyri, written in 
Latin between 1 160-80, which we only possess in a free and 
paraphrastic translation, which appears to be abridged in places. 
Odd knew of Ari's work, and discusses his and Saemund's chrono- 
logy as above noticed. The passage which refers to his authorities, 
Gelli Thorgilsson, Asgrim Vestlidason, the Priest Biarni Berg- 


thorsson, Ingunn Amor's daughter, Herdis Da6i's daughter, Thor- 
gerd Thorstein's daughter, and to his showing his book to Gizur 
Hallsson, is also given elsewhere of Gunnlaug. The balance of 
probability perhaps favours Odd. The original Latin evidently 
followed the Saga style, even including verses, one of which 
is preserved in this extraordinary guise. The clerical element 
is by no means intrusive. It is doubtful whether Snorri was 
acquainted with Odd's book, the loss of the Latin original pre- 
cluding a full comparison. Odd's text exists in three separate 
recensions, of which the AM. vellum (No. 310) is the best (Fms. 
x. 216-376); the Stockholm MS. (No. 18), with the fragment, 
was edited by Munch, Christiania, 1853. 

Gunnlaug the Monk, died 1219, a fellow Benedictine of Odd's; 
he wrote a life of St. Olaf, which is lost ; it was no doubt in Latin. 
Excerpts from it are translated and inserted in Flatey-book. He also 
wrote a life of St. John, bishop of Holar (1106-21), of which a 
thirteenth-century translation exists, published in Biskupa Sogur, 
vol. i. 215-260. Among the disciples of Bishop John's Grammar 
School at Holar, whom as he says, ' I saw with my own eyes,' were 
Bishop Klceng (died 1176), Bishop Biorn of Holar (died 1162), 
Priest Biarni the Arithmetician (died 1173), and Abbot Vilmund 
of Thingeyri, who died in 1148. Therefore at his death in 1219 
Gunnlaug must have been a very old man. 

A Legendary Life of ST. OLAF, written in Latin by a con- 
temporary of Odd, of which a translation alone survives. This Life 
has evidently come through Norse hands, and is partly of Norse 
origin. Our only vellum is the De la Gardie Cod. Upsala, 
published in 1849 by Munch and Unger (marked O. H. L., i.e. 
The Legendary St. Olaf's Saga). 


SNORRI STURLASON (born 1178, died 1241) was a man of good 
family; his father, a hard, ambitious, and successful man, had married 
when fifty years old his second wife, a girl of about eighteen; Gudny, 
'the mother of the Sturlungs/ as she was proudly called in after 
days, was a remarkable woman, inheriting the great gifts and deep 
passions of her race (the Myra-men of the blood of Egil Skalla- 
Grimsson), and it was to her that her sons owed the fame they 
gained and the talents they transmitted, in one case at least, to 
another generation. In Snorri the good and evil qualities of 
both parents were present ; and his famous career, his wonderful 
gifts, and his untimely and violent death were the outcome of this 

Snorri's early life partly explains the estrangement which to 
some degree existed between him and his brothers, and may even 
have given him the opportunity of turning to those studies which 
he was so successfully to pursue. When three years old he was 
sent into fosterage to Oddi, the house of the mighty chief J6n 


Loptsson, the most influential man of his day in Iceland, great- 
grandson of Ssemund the Historian, and grandson of King Magnus 
Barekg, as the Genealogical Poem in the Flatey-book proudly 
boasts. Here Snorri stayed till 1197 (\vhenJ6n died at the age 
of seventy-three) ; two years afterwards he made a wealthy mar- 
riage. He now lived at Borg, the seat of his mother's mighty 
forefathers, till 1205, when by means of an arrangement with the 
priest and chief Magnus and Hallfrid his wife (a great-grand- 
daughter of Ari the Historian), who were now both stricken in 
years, he moved to Reykjaholt, where, with the exception of his 
two visits to Norway, the rest of his life was spent. He was 
Lawman from 1215-18. In the latter year he paid his long- 
deferred visit to Norway, at a more advanced period in life than 
was usual. He arrived there at a critical moment. The young 
King Hakon and his adviser Earl Skuli were preparing a fleet 
to harry Iceland, in order to avenge an outrage which one of the 
chiefs there had inflicted on some Norwegian merchants. Snorri 
interposed, and his advice to the King was to use fair means with 
the great men, and thus bring the island into subjection without 
the need of violence, professing his willingness to engage himself 
and his family in the furtherance of this project. Whether this 
advice was merely intended to induce the King to forego his 
project, as would seem not unlikely, or part of a deeper scheme 
we know not, but had Snorri really wished to bring about the 
union, it does not follow that he was merely selfish in his desires ; 
nothing could be worse than the feuds and petty tyranny of 
the Icelandic chiefs, out of which there was apparently no other 
means of escape but Norwegian intervention; and though he 
might individually profit by it, Iceland at all events could not 
suffer. And it is useless to brand him as a traitor on such slight 
evidence as we possess either of his acts or intentions. At all 
events things went no further on Snorri's return, and his promises 
to the King of assistance from himself and his family were ap- 
parently put off or forgotten. He was a second time Lawman, 
from 1222-32. In 1237, civil war forced Snorri to flee to Norway, 
where the enmity between the King and Duke Skuli was just 
breaking out; unfortunately he took the wrong side, against the 
King, in open defiance of whose orders he went home to Iceland 
in 1239. Skull's fall in the spring 1240 decided his fate, for the 
King sent out secret orders in the summer to slay Snorri or take 
him alive. They were at first but whispered about, and it was not 
till the autumn of 1241 that they were obeyed, and Snorri slain 
on the night of the 22nd Sept. The leaders of the murderers were 
Earl Gizur and Ami his sons-in-law. 

In comparison with his contemporaries, Snorri's broader views 
and keen statesmanlike tact are certainly remarkable, and every 
page of his historical works attests his sympathy with the political 
life and his possession of the peculiar qualities necessary for a 


ruler of men. Able to value at its real worth the careful truth- 
seeking of Ari, he yet takes his own path as an historian; 
seizing on character and situation with the truest dramatic 
feeling; letting his heroes speak for themselves; working boldly 
and vigorously but with the surest skill; and so creating works 
which for deep political insight, truth of conception, vividness of 
colour and knowledge of mankind, must ever retain their place 
beside the masterpieces of the greatest historians. 

It may be noticed that the name Snorri is of rare occurrence, 
and never met with out of Iceland. The account given of its 
origin and application to Snorri^HjoSi, from whence our author 
derived it, is doubtful, since the first person of the name was the 
son of Thord of Head and grandson of Kiarval the Irish King, 
and this man's grandson Thorfinn Karlsefni flourished c. 1000, 
which would certainly make him an old man at the time of Snorri 
Go5i's birth. If the name be of Northern origin, it is probably 
the diminutive form of some nickname, but it may be the corrup- 
tion of an Irish appellation. It is now very common in Iceland. 

In giving a short account of SNORRI'S WRITINGS, it will be con- 
venient first to set down in order the scanty proofs of his author- 
ship preserved to us in the MSS. He has always been known as 
a poet and as the author of the Prose-Edda, which is indeed 
ascribed to him in the Upsala MS., while in the Annals of 1580 
we find him noticed (1241) as the author of 'Edda and many 
historical works (fraeSi) and Icelandic stories.' The compiler of 
these Annals certainly knew the Sturlunga and Bishop Ami's Saga, 
and his testimony may therefore not be very weighty with respect 
to the ' historical works/ The name Edda was, we believe, in the 
last instance derived from the old Lay of Rig, preserved in one of 
our Edda MSS. Another vellum (AM. 748) also bears witness, 
as we shall see, to Snorri's authorship of the Skaldskaparmal. 

The Sturlunga (i. 299) tells us that Snorri wrote Sagas, and he is 
twice (ii. 84, 399) ftilled 'frodi,' the his^rian's special epithet in a 
genealogy. He is referred to in the Great Olaf Tryggvason's 
Saga, ch. 256, as an authority on King OlaFs end. It should 
be noticed that the peculiar wording of the phrase, 'so says 
Snorri Sturlason/ by no means excludes the hypothesis of that 
Saga being Snorri's very work. Again, in St. Magnus* Saga he 
is cited with reference to Earl Erlend's death. This passage 
tallies with the record in Hulda, and Hrokkinskinna, and Heims- 
kringla. ^ 

But there is another piece of evidence of a clearer kind. In the 
Norse translation of the Heimskringla by the Norseman Lauritz 
Hansen in 1550, these words occur, 'Her enddes fortalen Snorris 
Sturlasenns udi Konunghe Boghen, som staae i samme fortalen 
Snorris Sturlles historiographi Norwag.' The MS. Hansen used, 
as we can tell by an error occurring in the second line, was the 
Konunga-b6k, the very Fris-b6k which we still possess, wherein not a 


single mention of Snorri is found. But Hansen had besides another 
MS. at his disposal, from which this statement may have been 
taken. It is impossible that the statement should be a forgery, 
for not even in Iceland, still less in Norway, had any one at that 
day the slightest notion that Snorri had ever written historical 
works. His very name could not have been known out of 
Iceland at that time, and even in Iceland itself not two men 
perhaps knew that such a person had existed. Moreover the 
first leaf from the Kringla, a MS. of Heimskringla known to 
have been in Norway at that time, is missing, which may well 
have contained the notice quoted by Hansen, especially as he says 
that he made use of two MSS. * The statement was repeated by 
Peter Clausen, from whom, through Ole Worm's edition of 1630, 
it was brought to Iceland, at which date the Sturlunga was totally 
unknown, no cppy of it having been taken for about 300 years. 
It would be important to know whether Clausen's testimony is 
independent or simply a repetition of Hansen's earlier statement. 
We have had no opportunity of examining Clausen's autograph 
MS., which is said to be in the Guelphian Library at Hanover, 
an inspection of the wording of which would probably settle the 

We have to dismiss every thought of living traditions in Iceland 
at that time. Snorri, as author of Lives of Kings (though, perhaps, 
not as the writer of Edda), was dead to them. This is proven by 
the absence of any allusions in the earlier writings of men like 
Arngrim, as well as by positive statements when, in 1630, the Danish 
edition of Worm appeared. Thus Arngrim, in a letter to Worm 
of Aug. 18, 1632, says, 'Nee quod ad Snorronem, nostrum an 
vestrum potius, quibus lucem et se ipsum profund& oblivionis 
nocte erutum debeat, continuandum puto apud nos repertum iri.' 
And if Arngrim, the most learned man of his generation, knew not, 
how should others ? Magnus Olafsson of Laufas, returning thanks 
for a received copy, writes Aug. 29, 1634, 'Operae pretium fecisse 
judico clarissimum Wormium in hujus operis editione, qua Nor- 
wegiae et nostri Snorronts nomina multum reviviscunt.' As the 
compiler of Laufas-Edda, he knew Snorri as the author of the 
work he copied, and his low-toned words here seem to hint that 
he, an essentially poetical man, did not much relish the Danish 
Translation of the Kings' Lives. 

Having thus gone through the external evidence on this head 
we must confess that our case is so far weaker than that for 
Thorodd's authorship for instance; but if we add the collateral 
internal considerations, which furnish entirely independent proof, 
we may consider Snorri's authorship of the Lives, in their best 
and fullest form, as conclusively supported. We have here actually 

1 This leaf was already lost in 1569, but may for all that have existed in 
1550. Of course Hansen may have used some other MS. now lost. 


handed down in ancient vellums a series of Lives of Kings by 
some unknown great historian, whose full classical style if com- 
pared with Egla and Laxdaela, works of a date known within 
certain limits, must be allowed to correspond with that of some 
man living in Snorri's days. We have also in the Prose-Edda, 
a work of Snorri's the clear positive statement of the MSS. 
leaves no doubt on that head containing mythical Tales told 
in a manner which for its grand simplicity, humour, and flexi- 
bility has never been approached, till the brothers Grimm wrote 
their beautiful Marchen. If the Edda stones be compared with 
the Kings' Lives it is impossible not to be struck with the simi- 
larity of mind and conception displayed in works of such different 
character, almost amounting to coincidence in such passages as 
the famous tale of Utgard-Loki, and the story of Asbiorn Selsbane, 
where the words of the dialogue between the two kinsmen recall 
the very spirit which inspired the dialogue of the Giant King and 
Thor 1 . It is not possible to imagine that we have here two 
separate contemporary writers of such eminence, and yet so like, 
and knowing as we do that Snorri wrote Sagas, we shall not be 
wrong in assuming that by those Sagas were meant the Lives of 
Kings of which we are now speaking. 

Were it worth while other minor considerations might be urged, 
of which we may perhaps mention one : the verses in the Kings' 
Lives, especially St. Olaf's Saga, are remarkably well chosen and 
well preserved, always scanning correctly, and thoroughly satisfying 
the ear, the most necessary quality of Icelandic poetry. This 
points to a poet's hand, and certainly Snorri's literary fame among 
his .contemporaries rested on his eminence as a poet, an opinion 
which, as the Prose-Edda will show, was based on strong grounds. 
Again, the author of the Kings' Lives is above all things epic, 
and of course all personality as such is absent from his work ; 
but the dramatic instinct for situation, the splendid speeches in 
which he delights, as affording him the opportunity for his political 
tastes to revel in unchecked, now pleading with patriotic zeal the 
cause of local independence, now persuasively setting forth the 
advantages of a strong government, but equally at home in both 
sides of the question but, above all, the infinite variety and 
delicate manipulation of a style which never fails to charm 
afford the strongest confirmation of the fact that to no one in all 
Icelandic literature but Snorri could such masterpieces of historical 
composition as the Sagas of Olaf Tryggvason and St. Olaf be fitly 
or properly ascribed. 

Between Ari and Snorri there is this difference : Ari is a master 

1 For instance, ' Asbjorn maelti : " Seint er satt at spyrja, mer hefir kennt verit a unga 
aldri at modir min vaeri frjals-borin i allar halfur. . . Erlingr sa til bans, ok glotti 
vi6 tonn ok mselti " ' (p. 114, Ed. 1853) ; and Edda, Hann (Utgar5a-Loki) leit seint 
til beirra, ok glotti um tonn ok maelti : " Seint er um langan veg at spyrja tidinda. 
Eoa er annan veg en ek hygg, at pessi svein-stauli se Oku-f>6rr ? " ' 

Ixxviii PROLEGOMENA. 14. 

of facts, and his truthful research has laid the foundations of 
history; Snorri is a political historian, a man of the world, a 
poet and artist. We must not fancy him stooping, pen in hand, 
over volumes of Odd, Gunnlaug, or Agrip, probing for facts, 
selecting now this, now that, ever questioning himself, Can this 
be true ? Is this so ? an historical * Lord of Doubts.' Far from 
this, we have his word for it, that he implicitly relied on Ari as 
to facts, attracted by the wisdom and sagacity of the old historian. 
Besides, Ari's informants lay in their graves these hundred years, 
the wise truthful Lady Thurid, the Sagaman Odd, all dead and 
silent, and tradition was fast dying out in Iceland. But in the 
meantime there had sprung up a host of written Sagas to supple- 
ment the works of Ari. Especially in the case of St. Olaf's life, 
many stories and episodes, new for the most part, seem to have 
been used up ; for instance, a Saga of Hialti Skeggiason, and 
the message to Upsala ; a Saga of Sighvat, the friend, poet, and 
wise counsellor of King Olaf ; besides Faereyinga, Orkney Saga, 
and smaller tales, such as those of Thorodd Snorrason, Stein 
Skaptason, Thorarin the great sailor, and many others. Out of 
all this the great Sagaman worked, not writing, but dictating 
(whether he was a penman at all may be doubted; as a great 
chief in an age and circumstances in which correspondence by 
writing had become necessary, and as lay rector of several 
churches he would naturally have clerks always about him, and 
the Maldagi would seem to imply that two priests at least formed 
part of his regular household), and ever moulding all into his 
own style, far unlike the mechanical compilers and scribes of the 
Skioldunga, or Flatey-book. The speeches throughout, like those 
of Thucydides, we take to be his own. Such are those of Law- 
man Thorgny, Einar of Thwera, the Debates at the Battle of 
Stiklestad, and many others. So also the dialogues. For instance, 
that between King Olaf and the young captive Earl (given by 
Mr. Carlyle in his Early Kings of Norway). On the other hand 
as to facts, when Ari went wrong, so too we believe did Snorri. 
Versions of facts which differed from those of Ari have mostly 
perished (and few may have deserved to survive); but some we 
can still check. For instance, the death of King Tryggvi, slain, 
not by treason of the sons of Gunhild, but by his own subjects 
for his harshness ; the last moments of Erling Skialgsson, reliev- 
ing St. Olaf of the odium which must stick to his name if the 
story as told in his Saga were true. (See for this Agrip.) So 
the journey of Tosti to Norway, discredited (fairly, we think) by 
Mr. Freeman ; the true incidents being preserved in an inserted 
clause in Morkinskinna. In chronology, the length of the reign 
of the sons of Gunhild, where the calculations of Ssemund remain 
to us in the poem Konungatal ; the mistakes in the date of Knut 
the Great's Life, of the Battle of Clontarf, &c. As to geography, 
he makes the Swold an island, instead of what it is, a strait or 


current, for in Hallfred's song we must read ' a vl5u sundi He3ins- 
eyjar ' (Hiddense), and ' He8ins rekka ' (from a Slavonic word for 
stream). So the Saga of Sighvat is at variance with his own verses 
(Austrfarar-visur), which tell of his journey to Russia, and the 
Earls there, out of which the Saga makes a journey to Upsala. 
Some, perhaps most of these errors must be ascribed to Ari ; but 
then if Ari did misdate Harald Greyfell's reign, he was the foun- 
tain-head of all true knowledge as to the ancient heathen rites, 
customs, temple-worship, constitution, and law. This goes for much 
with a man of Snorri's mind, who would and did readily accept 
Ari's authority on every point. And we may perhaps venture to 
guess that it was owing to Snorri's complete incorporation of his 
predecessor's work that Ari's Konunga ^Evi has disappeared. 

To notice one thing more. It has been said that Snorri was the 
first man who introduced the old poems as sources of history. 
This is founded on the erroneous supposition that he and not 
Ari is the author of the Preface (a bok J)essi). On the face of 
it, it would seem strange that a man of Ari's sagacity should fail to 
notice the importance of the Drapas, as evidence of facts having 
actually occurred, and as to their sequel. The grain of truth in 
this assumption we take to be, that Snorri was the first man 
who for artistic and ornamental purposes introduced the songs 
in the Sagas. Hundreds of verses are inserted in our present 
Lives, but many more were actually used by the historian. 
He knew the whole songs, but only inserted such verses here 
and there as fitted his story. 

There sprung up in the last century a fancy, started probably by 
some Icelandic student at Copenhagen, that from Snorri were 
descended many of the most distinguished Icelanders of modern 
times. The Editor has even heard it suggested that Thorwaldsen's 
talents might be regarded as to some extent an atavism, reverting to 
the skill in wood-carving which Olaf Pa is recorded to have pos- 
sessed ! This of course is a reductio ad absurdum of the theory, 
but the grave pedigrees which adorn many modern works, tracing 
Arni Magnusson (who was entirely innocent of such dreams) and 
Finn Magnusson back to Snorri, are just as true. This idea seems 
to rest on an induction from an entry in the Annals in 1343, 
respecting the death of Lady Wilborg, the mother of Einar. In 
obedience to a custom often followed, it was imagined that her 
father's name must also have been Einar (as a fact from a neglected 
passage in the Annals we know that his name was Sigurd), and if 
Einar, who so fit a person to identify him with as Einar, the son 
of Thordis the daughter of Snorri ? See Genealogies, vol. ii. p. 48 r . 
Considering the character borne by Snorri's children, one would 
hardly wish to draw one's pedigree through them. If any man 
was ever blessed by fate in his gifts and cursed by destiny in his 
children, it was Snorri. We have indeed little doubt that but for 
their wretchedness and misdeeds, which crossed his path at every 


turn, his own great abilities would have brought him at last through 
a successful life to a peaceful ending. 

As a matter of fact, but one family pedigree in Iceland can 
be traced through the dark ages of the island's history back to the 
thirteenth century. 

With reference to Snorri's historical writings, we believe the 
Kings' Lives, down to and including that of King Sigurd the 
Crusader, as they now exist in the fuller forms, to be his very 
work (parts 1-4 as we have numbered them in our discussion of 
them in 15). The Ynglinga and the earlier Lives down to Olaf 
Tryggvason we consider to be substantially Ari's, little altered save 
by abridgment, though even here there are traces of his handi- 
work. For further criticism on the Kings' Lives see 15, 16, 17. 

The Prose-ErDA is a poetical Handbook in three parts, com- 
prising: i. A mythological compendium from which most of our 
knowledge of the Scandinavian theogony is derived ; 2. A poetic 
Dictionary, which is a perfect treasury of the older words of the 
language; and 3. A treatise on metric. Prologues and epi- 
logues are affixed which are clearly not Snorri's, but the work of 
some one who was ' book-learned ' and had shared in the ordinary 
mediaeval culture. Neither is a list, known as f>ulur, of poetic 
words in verse for convenience of memory, to be ascribed to 
Snorri ; it would rather seem to be the work of some poet of the 
Western Isles, to judge from the mention of many English and 
Scottish river-names. 

The Mythology, called Gylfa-ginning \ consists of a series 
of stories told by Woden in answer to the questions of Gylfi, a 
Swedish King, who has heard of the gods' fame, and comes in 
disguise to spy out the truth. The stories are illustrated by quo- 
tations from nine old Lays (eight of which we still possess in the 
Poetic Edda), and a verse or two of Bragi's and Thiodulf's. 
After a short dialogue on the origin of songcraft between Bragi 
and ./Egir, there follows the Dictionary, Skaldskapar-mal 2 , also 
in catechetical form, containing lists of synonyms and epithets 
arranged under heads, and illustrated by over 240 quotations from 
sixty-five named poets, and eight or ten anonymous lays. The 
fulur are inserted here. The third division of the book, called 
Hatta-tal 3 , was written for King Hakon and Earl Skuli (about 
1222). It contains examples, a few of which are quotations, 
arranged in order so as to make a complete poem of every kind of 
metre known to the writer, and should be compared with the 
similar Hatta-lykil composed some eighty years earlier by Earl 
Rognvald of Orkney and the poet Hall. 

We have no information as to the date of the two former parts 

1 ' Her hevr Gylva ginning fra J>vi er Gylfi sotti helm AlfarSur i Asgard me5 
fjolkyngi, ok fra villu Asa ok fra spurningu Gylva.' Cod. Upsal. 
3 Her hefr Skaldsfeapar mal ok heiti margra hluta.' Cod. Upsal. 
3 * Hdttatal, er Snorri^Sturlo son orti urn Hakon konung ok Skula.' Cod. UpsaL 


of this Edda, but they are, one would guess, later than the third. 
Could it be in connection with his lately finished work that about 
the years 1228 sqq. he occupied a booth at the Althing, which he 
called Walhall, and close to another called Valhallar-dilk or Little 
Walhall? About 1230 would be a likely date. 

The text of this work rests on three MSS. : i. Codex Regius, 
an interpolated text of the end of the thirteenth century. An abridg- 
ment of the Saga of Sigurd and the Volsungs, and the unique copy 
of the Grotta Song are also contained in this vellum. 2. Codex 
Wormianus or Orms-bok, the best and most accurate of the three, 
a fine large MS. written by a scholar about 1330. Its later history 
is known. Arngrim the learned (died 1648) gave it to Ole Worm 
(died 1651), whose grandson, Christian Worm, in 1706, parted 
with it to Ami Magnusson. In 1609 the Priest Magnus Olafsson 
compiled from it his Poetical Handbook, since called Laufas-Edda. 
Codex Wormianus contains the only copy of Rigsmal and 
Thorodd. 3. Codex Upsalensis belongs to another type of MS. 
than the two former, which are related, and hence deserves more 
attention than it has hitherto received. The verse is utterly cor- 
rupt, by passing through a Norwegian copy as one would think 
(peculiarities in the spelling indicate as much), and the contents are 
differently arranged. This vellum alone contains the full title and 
the author's name, * This book is called Edda, and is composed 
by Snorri Sturlason/ &c. 1 An abridgment of the Second Skalda 
Treatise, containing the Tables of the Anonymous Grammarian, is 
affixed to the Edda text. The Arna-Magnaean vellums 748, 757 
contain an abridgment of the second part of Edda joined to the 
Third Grammatical Treatise of Olaf Hvitaskald, to be used by 
poets as a Gradus or Poetic Handbook. AM. 748 expressly 
names Snorri as the author 2 . 

A new edition is much needed, which should take Codex 
Wormianus as its basis. The former editions are those of 
Dr. Egilsson, Reykv. 1848, and the AM. edition, Copenh. 1848 
and 1852. 

STYRMIR KARASON THE HISTORIAN (fr65i), priest, and prior, filled 
the high office of Lawman twice (1210-15 and 1232), and died an 
old man in 1245. He must have written a Life of St. Olaf, now 
lost, but cited in Flatey-book. He made a recension of Landnama 

1 ' B6k bessi heitir Edda, hana hefir saman setta Snorri Sturlu sonr eptir peim 
haetti sem her er skipat : Er fyrst fra Asum ok Gylfa (Ymi, Cod.) f>ar nsest Skald- 
skapar mal ok heiti margra hluta. Sidast Hattatal er Snorri hefir ort um Hakon 
konung ok Skiila hertoga.' Inscription to Cod. Upsal., Edda (1852), ii. 250. 

2 ' Her er lykt beim hlut bdkar er 6lafr f>6r6arson hefir saman sett, ok upp hefr 
Skaldskapar mal ok kenningar eptir bvi fern fyrr fundit var i kvaeSum hofud 
skalda, ok Snorri hefir siSan saman faera latiS.' Edda, ii. 427, 428. 

That Snorri himself was the author of the Prose Commentary to the poem 
Hattatal is proven by a citation of Olaf Hvitaskald, as well as by words in the 
commentary itself. 

VOL. I. f 

Ixxxii PROLEGOMENA. 15. 

which Hauk Erlendson had before him. He also copied out King 
Sverri's Saga. He is mentioned once or twice in Sturlunga in con- 
nection with Snorri. The epilogue to Holmveria Saga speaks of 
him as an authority on Icelandic Sagas, but this latter quotation 
may well be spurious, and copied from the Gretla epilogue. 


The process which the Kings' Sagas underwent in the thirteenth 
century is precisely the reverse of that applied to the Islendinga 
Sogur. They were dressed up and rilled out, while these were 
mercilessly cut down. 

Taking first, for instance, the Lives of King Hakon and Sverri, 
we have indeed good store of vellums, but they are in a sad plight; 
for upon examination it will be found that each contains a sepa- 
rate abridgment executed in a separate way. But none of them is 
well done ; sentences are curtailed and transposed ; the transcriber, 
for he is nothing more, skipping, as it were, from full stop to full 
stop ; entire chapters are omitted in a completely arbitrary fashion ; 
and the whole process shows little historical skill and scant venera- 
tion for the text, but such mechanical execution that the framework 
of words and of style are retained. Thus we have one abridgment 
in Fris-bok, omitting Sverri's Saga; another in Eirspennill con- 
taining Sverri's Saga, Hakon's Saga, and those of the preceding 
Kings from Magnus the Good ; Jofraskinna includes both Sverri's 
and Hakon's Sagas ; and Gullinskinna the same, preceded by the 
Kings' Lives from Harald Hardrada's time. In Christiana and 
Stockholm there are fragments of a lost vellum which contained 
St. Olaf's Saga in full and that of Hakon in an abridged form, and 
perhaps the Sagas between. There are even fragments of editions 
still more curtailed a chaotic state of things, were it not that 
one or two mutilated MSS. of the true Saga remain, from which 
we are able to piece it together. It will at once strike the observer 
that the worst and most mutilated texts of these two Sagas are 
those afforded by the so-called Heimskringla vellums, of which the 
Kringla alone ends as the editions do in 1177. 

This bodes badly for the Heimskringla text of the previous 
Kings' Lives, and when we come to examine into the fact, it will 
most clearly appear, if these texts are placed for a minute in juxta- 
position with other and better MSS., that they too have been dealt 
with in the like way \ 

We may take as an example here the death of Earl Hakon and 
the accession of Olaf Tryggvason, which is in the Great O. T. 
Saga, a piece of the most beautiful dramatic style, and is well 

1 In the following paragraphs we have selected a few specimens for to run 
through the whole of Heimskringla would be out of the question here which will 
be printed (in the good text) in the Icelandic Reader now in the Press, enabling the 
student to compare and judge for himself. 


worthy of Snorri. But if we turn to the Heimskringla version 
of the same events, instead of the delicate contrivance and inimitable 
phrasing of our text, in which every word tells and every syllable 
is significant, we find only a dull skeleton-like abridgment, which, 
like a pirated quarto of Shakespeare, defaces the beauty which it 
cannot hide. Thus that the thrall Kark and the Earl were born 
on the same day, and that the former had been given to the latter 
as his ' tooth-fee ' (a usage which survives in our christening gift), 
is entirely omitted by Heimskringla ; while the story of the wily 
Earl's attempt to mislead his pursuers is half told. We hear indeed 
how Hakon, hard pressed, thrusts his horse into a hole in the ice, 
leaving his cloak at the edge, but the point of the story, which 
comes a little further on, the effect of this ruse on the pursuers, 
is left out by the forgetful abridgment-maker. 

Again, in the same story, when the fugitives have reached the 
cave and are asleep there, the scene changes, and we are told 
of the fight between King Olaf and Hakon' s son Erlend, and of 
the latter' s fall; whereupon we are brought back to Hakon and 
Kark's flight to the house of Thora of Rimul, whose first greeting 
to the Earl is the news of his son's death. Not so in the abridg- 
ment ; there the chapter on the death of Erlend is put after the 
meeting with Thora, who nevertheless tells the Earl the news of 
which the reader has been kept ignorant; a clumsy arrangement 
which manifestly spoils the dramatic fitness of the original plot. 
The diction too throughout the abridgment is poor and meagre 
beside the rich full style of the rightful text. 

So in the splendid ' Passing of the Ships ' before Svold, the 
name of the captain of the leading vessel is wrongly given, and 
the two or three next ships (and one of the writer's most significant 
touches to boot) omitted altogether. 

But perhaps the most striking instance of the lack of poetic 
feeling in the abridgment-maker is the omission of the blind 
Yeoman of Moster's prophecy, and its accomplishment. He had 
foretold that the four most precious things in Norway should 
perish, and his words were fulfilled in the fall of King Olaf Trygg- 
vason, and the death of the Queen Thyra and the hound Vigi for 
grief at his loss, and, lastly, in the breaking up of the famous 
war-ship the 'Long Snake,' which no man but Olaf could steer 
(chaps. 257-259). Many pious legends of the King's were stored 
up, especially from his last days. Thorkel, the King's mother's 
brother, and who survived him by some forty years, used to tell how 
he had seen him in conversation with angels. This and many of 
King Olaf's great feats are already related in the poem Rekstefja, 
but omitted in the Heimskringla. 

The objection which might be raised to our theory that the Great 
Olaf Tryggvason's Saga is the original work, from the occurrence of 
the phrases, 'Snorri Sturlason segir sva' (ch. 256), and 'ftser fra- 
sagnir er Snorri Sturluson vattar,' may be met in several ways. The 

f 2 

Ixxxiv PROLEGOMENA. 15. 

writer would speak thus of Snorri even if he were copying his 
original work, or if he wished to give the authority for a parti- 
cular theory (cf. ' en sva es sagt fra orSum sjalfs Kolbjarnar,' &c.), 
which Snorri himself preferred, and need not be understood as 
introducing a separate work, of which we have no traces. 

Such are a few striking specimens of the character of the 
Heimskringla compendia, but the careful reader will notice like 
instances in almost every chapter. 

In St. Olaf s Saga the original prologue (chaps. 1-18, middle, in 
the edition of 1853) an< 3 epilogue (chaps. 252-278) are altogether 
omitted, though otherwise this Saga is unscathed. 

In Harald Hardradi's Saga, to take two of the more striking 
instances, the former of which Mr. Freeman has noticed, Heim- 
skringla omits altogether the death of Tosti (ch. 119, by the 
scribe's skipping from one stop to another), and the advice of 
Gurth (ch. 121). 

King Magnus Bareleg's Saga has suffered in like manner, e. g. 
chaps. 20-38, which are sorely mangled by transposition and 

In Sigurd Crusader's Saga observe the worthless abridgment of 
the all-important f>inga Saga (absent in Kringla). 

Now though the many vellums which give these curtailed texts are 
all in Icelandic handwriting, the weight of evidence points to their 
having been written in Norway. The white parchment 1 , so different 
from the smoke-tinted rugged Icelandic MSS. ; the marginal scrawls 
in Norse hands and idioms of the fourteenth and following centuries; 
the history of the vellums, all of which came from Norway to 
Denmark in the sixteenth century, some earlier, some later. While 
on the other hand all the MSS. which give the fuller texts, the five 
or six vellums of Olaf Tryggvason, Hulda, Hrokkinskinna, even 
Morkinskinna, the Skalholt-book, and the Flatey-book, are of true 
Icelandic origin, and were unknown out of the Island till they were 
taken to Denmark, most of them in Ami Magnusson's time, 
Flatey-book and Bergs-book a little earlier. Again in the abridg- 
ments Olaf Tryggvason's Saga is invariably badly treated, while 
in the Icelandic Kings' Lives he is the central figure round whom 
all contemporary Sagas are grouped as the typical Hero King, 
even St. Olaf being second to him, which state of things reflects 
very truly the Icelandic tradition. On the contrary, in the Heims- 
kringla texts St. Olaf 's is the only Saga left untouched in its original 
condition. All which points to Norse influence of the time of King 
Hakon Hakonsson and his son King Magnus, when St. Olaf s 
fame had quite supplanted the earlier glory of the former Olaf. 

1 The Kringla and Jofraskinna were magnificent vellums. Gullsk. and Fagrsk. 
mean Golden-skin and Fair-skin, ' membrana vetustissima et venustissima/ says 
Torfaeus, who gave the names. They were the drawing-room books of that day, 
to look at rather than to read. Of these show copies now only Fris-bok and 
Eirspennil remain, the fire of Copenhagen destroyed the rest. 


The clue to all these phenomena would seem to be something 
of this kind : About the time of the Union, twenty years after 
Snorri's death, Icelanders staying in Norway (of which we know 
many instances) for a winter or two, were engaged by the Norwe- 
gian chiefs to write a compendia of Lives of the Kings, from 
Icelandic sources; of these works our present Heimskringla is 
the most prominent. These MSS. being kept in Norway soon 
became known to the Danish historians, even early in the sixteenth 
century (Christiern Pedersen). Translations begin to be made from 
them (c. 1550); these are edited in part in 1594, completely trans- 
lated in 1599, and published by the celebrated Ole Worm in 1630. 
Thus brought into notice, the Icelandic text is printed at Stockholm 
towards the end of the seventeenth century, and again a hundred 
years later in Copenhagen, with a Latin translation affixed. The 
name of Snorri attached to them by Hansen, Clausen, Worm, &c., 
their intrinsic value even in their mutilated condition, nay, even their 
sterility of style and baldness of diction, and the rationalistic shape 
which they assumed under the inartistic hands of their transcribers, 
suited the Voltairean taste of the latter half of the eighteenth cen- 
tury and ensured their popularity and authority. 

On the other hand, the dark begrimed vellums in which the good 
texts were preserved were lying unknown, hidden away in a corner 
of Iceland, till Arni brought them to Denmark. True the Great 
Olaf Tryggvason's Saga was printed at Skalholt in 1689 in black- 
letter from the Flatey-book text, but this edition was unnoticed 
abroad, partly no doubt for lack of a translation. As to the Hulda 
and Hrokkinskinna texts, they were first published in Fornmanna 
Sogur, some fifty years ago. They too were neglected abroad, 
but were eagerly read in Iceland. It is one of the most vivid 
recollections of the present Editor's , boyhood, having at the age 
of nine or ten, in winter evenings, listened to Olaf Tryggvason's 
Saga, which was much admired by men and women alike. No 
one of that household knew the Heimskringla abridgment even 
by name, nor had it been known would it have been received on 
account of its scanty and unappreciative treatment of their much- 
beloved hero Olaf Tryggvason. 

The practical results of our examination, with regard to the 
form which a definite edition of the Kings' Lives should assume, 
may be briefly given here. 

1. The Lives of the earlier Kings down to Olaf Tryggvason, 
including the Ynglinga, are only to be found in the Heimskringla 
school of vellum, which must therefore furnish our groundwork here. 
Whether the Ynglinga itself is abridged or not is a different pro- 
blem ; we incline to the view that it has been so treated in parts at 
least. This section may be most fitly entitled ' Konunga-bok/ 
according to the heading in Fris-b6k which (with Kringla as the 
authority of the verses) yields the best basis for an edition. 

2. Though Olaf Tryggvason's Saga is in a sorely mutilated shape 

Ixxxvi PROLEGOMENA. 15. 

in Heimskringla, yet the curtailer worked on a good uninterpolated 
text. On the other hand, we have the Great Olaf Tryggvason's Saga 
containing the full text indeed, which however is interlarded with 
many Sagas and ' jpsettir ' bearing upon the great King or his missionary 
work. These later additions of the end of the thirteenth century 
we should ascribe to a clerk, from the toning down or omission of 
allusions to heathen rites and customs and the introduction of a 
few legends and edifying remarks. For in Iceland, where we 
find even the fictitious Sagas in filled-out forms, the tendency had 
been more and more to overload and bear down the originals with 
added matter, in obedience to a taste which is best exemplified in 
the full and detailed style of Sturla. Fortunately most of the 
additions to this grand Herodotean work are pure in style and 
congenial in spirit to Snorri's masterpiece. The MSS. vellums 
AM. 53, 54, and 61 are the best. The earliest of which go back 
to the beginning of the fourteenth century. The brief introduction 
(containing a sketch of the previous history), prologue and epi- 
logue all belong to the original, and should of course be preserved 
in a definite edition. 

3. St. Olafs Saga ; here, though omitting introduction and 
epilogue, Heimskringla preserves, as we have noticed, the pure text, 
which we have also in its original form. The^ basis of an edition 
must be the Stockholm No. 2, which was written perhaps within 
fifteen years of Snorri's death. A few blanks are common to the 
Heimskringla MSS. and the Stockholm vellum ; thus both belong 
to one family. 

4. The Sagas of 1035-1135 are always abridged, often badly, 
in the Heimskringla vellums, and they are much confused in the 
MSS. We must turn to Hulda and Hrokkinskinna for a true text, 
though even in them many easily separable episodes, some of 
which are good and some of inferior worth, have been attached to 
the main work. 

5. For the following Sagas till Sverri (1135-77), Morkinskinna 
and Fagrskinna contain the best and fullest text, even Hulda and 
Hrokkinskinna being somewhat abridged here, and Heimskringla 
even more so. Eirik Oddsson's Hryggiarstykki is the foundation 
for this series. 

6. Abbot Karl's Sverri's Saga (i 177-1202), for which Flatey-book 
(a copy of a copy of the original) is the best authority; AM. 327 
is occasionally useful. 

7. The Boglunga or Inga Saga (1202-17) now only exists in 
two abridged versions, Eirspennil and Skalholt-book, but a few 
fragments of the original remaining. However the Norse trans- 
lator, Peter Clausen (1599), worked from a complete copy, and 
from his Danish version the original may be partly recovered, as 
Dr. Egilsson's clever retranslation (Fms. ix) sufficiently proves. 
This Saga is quoted by name in the extract from King Hakon's 
Saga in Gullinskinna. 


8. Sturla's Hakon's Saga (1217-63) is preserved in Skalholt- 
book and Flatey-book, the end however is fuller in the Stockholm 
vellum. All the MSS. of this Saga have now been used for the 
first time by the present Editor for the Rolls' Series. The old 
editions all followed the inferior abridged text of Fris-b6k, which 
gets worse and worse towards the end. Of King Magnus Hakons- 
son's Saga (1263-80) only a fragment on two vellum leaves 
remains and a few extracts in the Annals. These are all printed 
in the Rolls' edition. 

We may notice here, that the further multiplication of the 
abridged texts, Heimskringla &c., is very much to be deplored, and 
that the use of them for teaching purposes is especially to be 
deprecated. The style of any abridgment, however good, must 
always be cramped and broken, and the beauty and fancy of the 
original plot and style greatly obscured when not wholly destroyed 
by such mutilation. Again, any true historical treatment of the 
Kings' Lives has been greatly hindered, as will be seen by the 
instances given above, by the acceptance of these late and revised 
compendia as the pure sources of Northern History, whereas their 
true place is by the side of Egla and Laxdsela rather than Kormak's 
Saga or Liosvetninga. Snorri was no dry rationalistic historian 
of the eighteenth-century type, but a great prose-poet who instinc- 
tively felt the real value of the legends which modern critics, basing 
themselves on Heimskringla, have in the true euemerist vein 
praised him for omitting. An historian like Mr. Carlyle seizes at 
once on such a story as that of Thor's appearance to King Olaf, 
as the expression of the highest historic truth and deepest poetic 
feeling; while we find the wooden scholarship of Scandinavian 
critics rejecting it with scorn, as a worthless tale rightly passed over 
by Snorri the author of Edda slighting Myths and Legends ! 


Of the many abridged collections of Kings' Lives, two are 
certainly worthy of a separate mention. Agrip, the modern name 
for a Konunga-tal, which comprises short Lives of the Kings of 
Norway, from Harald Fairhair to King Sverri, 1180. It is a very 
early work, and closely connected with Saemund and Ari, from whose 
Konungatal in the lost Liber Islandorum it may be partly copied. 
As the only example of an Icelandic abridgment it is interesting. 
A single vellum (AM. 325, fasc. 2) of the end of the twelfth 
century gives the text which has been published in Fms. x. 375- 
421 (defect in capite et calce). Its quaint style is interesting. The 
spelling of the vellum is very regular and good, a facsimile edition 
would therefore be useful. 

Fagrskinna ; a modern name for ^TTARTAL NOREGS KONUNGA 
(as it is inscribed in Cod. A) or NOREGS KONUNGATAL (as inscribed 
in Cod. B), an independent compendium of the Kings' Lives from 
Halfdan the Black to Sverri, to which later Saga it was apparently 

Ixxxviii PROLEGOMENA. 17. 

intended to serve as introduction. It was preserved only in Norse 
vellums (destroyed in 1728), and must have been compiled by 
a Norseman from Icelandic sources. The style in many places 
resembles that of Barlaam and Josaphat in the days of Hakon 
the Old. Moreover we can identify it with the work read to that 
King as he lay dying (Hakon's Saga, ch. 329), both by its place 
of beginning in which it is paralleled by no other compendium, 
by its name, and also by the time it took to read through, 
which corresponds exactly with Fagrskinna. We might almost 
suppose from the pious and didactic tone of the whole book, 
shown especially in such passages as refer to Harald Fairhair, 
who is ' Christianized,' in the fine speeches of Edward the Con- 
fessor and the conduct of his kinsman Magnus, &c., that it was 
written in usum Delphini or as a nobler Telemaque by a greater 
Fenelon. It is of great value, as it has preserved the Lay of 
Harald Fairhair, part of the magnificent Eiriks-mal, the oldest 
draft of Jomsvikinga Saga, which differs from our later recen- 
sions, the ArnmcEfilingatal, and several interesting episodes, none 
of which are found elsewhere. There is altogether an originality 
and raciness about Fagrskinna which place it above the Heims- 
kringla school of abridgments, although it is by no means im- 
plicitly to be trusted as an historical document. The original 
vellum B has now many blanks, but was existing in a more perfect 
state in the sixteenth century, when Arild Hvidfeld, the Danish his- 
torian, took several genealogies from it, from which one lacunae at 
least in our copies may be filled up. An edition in which the Norse 
spelling of the vellum should be preserved is still a desideratum. 

Morkinskinna, an ancient vellum, contains the Lives from King 
Magnus the Good to Sverri ; it mainly resembles the Hulda text. 
Its chief value is for having preserved the lost Hryggjarstykki 
of Erik Oddsson in a better form than elsewhere found. Edited 
by Unger. 


KNYTLINGA SAGA, the modern name for the Lives of the Kings 
of Denmark, from Harald Blue-tooth to King Waldimar and his son, 
comes down to us in one vellum of the fifteenth century, AM. 180, 
which contains a selection of Lives of distinguished Christian 
heroes, saints, or knights, Konrad, Baering, St. Vitus, Dunstan, 
Katharine, Bishop Laurence of Holar. Our Saga is there pre- 
served in two parts in a somewhat curious way first, between two 
other ' Biographies,' come the Lives of St. Knut, King Eirik 
the Crusader, and Waldimar the conqueror of the Wends 
(chaps. 28-end of the editions) ; then, in a later part of the 
MS., the Life of Harald Blue-tooth, the first Christian King, and 
the following Kings till the death of King Svein II. (chaps. 
1-27); but from the very text we can see that this is not the 
whole of the original work, but that what we have must have 


been preceded at least by the life of Gorm his father *. The 
continuity and right order of the two portions which survive is 
proved by a fragment of nine leaves, AM. 20, which luckily begins 
with ch. 27, and goes on without a break through ch. 28, &c. 2 
While the Editor was at Copenhagen in 1877, and began to make 
a transcript of this fragment (which yields a little better text than 
AM. 1 80) for the Oxford Icelandic Reader, he was at once struck 
with the similarity of the handwriting with that of AM. i e /3, a 
fragment of the Skioldunga Saga, usually known as ' Sogu-brot/ 
On putting the two side by side the identity was manifest (the 
number of lines, the size, the incisions in the back, &c.), and it 
was evident that they were parts of the same MS. But this is not 
apparent on first sight, the leaves in i e /3 being black and shorn 
or cut close to the margin, the unwritten parchment having been 
used for other purposes, whilst fragment AM. 20 is white, with the 
broad margins still remaining. This is perhaps the cause why Arni 
Magnusson, though he for years was engaged on an ' Edition of 
Knytlinga,' and even took a correct copy of i e /3, never observed 
this. Neither did the Editor ever notice it during his connection 
with the AM. Library in 1856-64. But the coincidence once estab- 
lished, the key to the whole matter lay before him. Skioldunga, 
of which we now only possess fragments, is frequently quoted in 
other Sagas, in several of which insertions from it occur; for 
instance, the death of King Gorm in our text of Jomsvikinga, and 
we know that it contained Lives of the Kings of Denmark from 
the earliest times. Among others we have here to mourn the loss 
of the Icelandic Saga of Hamlet (AmloSi), Hagbard and Signy, 
King Frodi, &c., which we take all to have been included in the 
mythical part. The Skioldunga is mentioned as late as 1462 in 
the inventory of the church of Modrvalla. The scribe then of 
AM. 1 80, probably a clerk, had before him a complete copy of this 
Saga ; from which he first took the part most consonant with his 
design, the compilation of an edifying work containing typical lives 
of Christian heroes, the Life of St. Knut, &c. He afterwards 
resolved, either from a sense of the incompleteness of his former 
extract, which without introduction plunged the reader in medias res, 
at once to complete it, as it were, by the life of Harald Blue-tooth, 
who was the first baptized Danish King ; further back he would not 
go, as Gorm was a heathen. To his scruples therefore we owe the 
loss of the early part of Skioldunga, though certainly his pious zeal 
has preserved the rest for us. Besides the six leaves of i e /3, 
the extracts and quotations noticed above, we have an -account 
of the death of King Sigurd Ring, in a short Latin epitome of 

1 It begins thus : ' Haraldr Gormsson var tekinn til konungs eptir fo6ur sinn,' 
exactly as in the middle of the Norse Kings' Lives in Heimskringla. But never 
did Saga begin in this fashion. 

2 Another fragment of but three leaves in folio likewise begins in ch. 22 and goes 
on till 27. 


Arngrim 1 , taken evidently from another MS. of Skioldunga than 
that from which i e ft comes, as we can tell from the fact that 
the portion he epitomizes begins in the last page of our i e ft, 
taking in a few lines contained there. But as these leaves still 
hang together in the back with the preceding leaves, Arngrim 
if he had them in hand, would have known more, and certainly 
inserted more into his Supplements. It may well be that his MS. 
was the folio vellum, of which we have three leaves left also in 
AM. 20, the sole other fragment of this Saga which we possess. 

The Skioldunga was evidently a complex work, put together by 
some Icelander of the thirteenth century out of three distinct 

1. The mythical part contains traditions relating to the early 
Kings (woven into a connected narrative parallel to the Ynglinga 
which quotes it), and may have been derived from Ari's JEfi 
Dana-konunga or ' Skioldunga-bok/ as the work is styled in the 
O. H. fly -leaf ; the very name ' b6k ' is suggestive of some con- 
nection with Ari. This must have been the Skioldunga proper, 
the name being afterwards extended to the whole series. 

2. Knutz Saga, or the Lives of St. Knut and his brethren 
of a later and separate origin, and parallel to the Lives of the 

1 The story told by Arngrim runs thus in full : 'Ex Alfhilda Sigvardus Ring 
filium habuit Ragnerum Lodbrok, de quo mox. Defuncta autem Alfhilda Sigvardus 
ad secunda vota transire decrevit. Cum enim peragrata pro more Vettro-Gotia 
regni sui provincia in Vichiam Norvegiae provinciam ad facienda sacra ethnica in 
Sciringsal, quae sollemnia ibi erant, diverteret, vidit virginem formosissimam Alfsol, 
Alfi regis de Vindli filiam, visamque cupit, potirique cupita etiam invitis diis omnino 
voluit. Haec fratres habuit, Alfum patri cognominem, et Inguonem alterum. Ab 
his Sigvardus sororem nuptum petit. Illi juvenculam formosissimam rugoso seni 
daturos negant. Quo succensens Rex se tantum monarcham a reguli filiis repudi- 
atum iri, bellum cruentum minatur ; non licuit enim in presentia ob sacrorum sollen- 
nitatem ferro decernere. Ad bellum igitur paulo post dictos fratres provocat. Illi 
quamvis per se et manibus et animis promptissimi, tamen Sigvardi numerosissimum 
excercitum noscentes priusquam ad bellum proficiscerentur, sorori venenum propi- 
nant, ne victori praeda foret. Hinc post acerrimam pugnam fortiter occumbentibus 
Alfo cum Ingvone fratre, Sigvardus etiam male vulneratus est. Qui Alfsolae funere 
allato, magnam navim, mortuorum cadaveribus oneratam solus vivorum conscendit, 
seque et mortuam Alfsolam in puppi collocans, navim pice bitumine et sulphure 
incendi jubet, atque sublatis velis, in altum, validis a continente impellentibus ventis, 
proram dirigit; simulque manus sibi violenter intulit, sese tot facinorum patratorem, 
tantorum regnorum possessorem, more majorum suorum regali pompa Odinum 
regem (id est Inferos) invisere malle, quam inertis senectutis infirmitatem perpeti, 
alacri animo ad socios in littore antea relictos praefatus (quidam narrant eum ante- 
quam littus relinqueret, propria se confodisse manu). Bustum tamen in littore more 
sui seculi congeri fecit, quod Ringshaug appellari jussit. Ipse vero tempestatibus 
ratum (!) gubernantibus Stygias sine more tranavit undas.' From Regum Dani- 
corum fragmenta ex vetustissimis Norvegorum commentariis historicis, sive mavis 
Islandorum, translata Anno Dni Jesu M.DIVC. (1596), by Arngrim Jonsson ; in 
MSS. Bartholiniana, No. 25, folio, not published. How delighted Marlowe would 
have been to have known this story, penned only three years after his death, for 
his Tamberlaine the Great. Alfsol (Elfsun) shines brighter than Zenocrate : and 
there are the grand obsequies to boot ! Of course legends of this kind were the 
creation of the Wiking time. 


great Norwegian Kings. A ' Saga Knutz ' is cited in the Life 
of Olaf the Quiet of Norway. 

3. Finally we have, to complete the series, the Lives of King 
Waldimar the Great and his son Knut, by a later hand ; pro- 
bably, judging from the style, a contemporary to the author of 
Sverri's Saga, a further proof of which is that the work breaks off 
abruptly in 1185, halfway through Knut's reign. The last chapter 
mentions the name of Olaf Hvitaskald, and his staying at King 
Waldimar IFs court. We know by his own account that he had 
been in Denmark and that he was a friend of this King, and 
observing the similarity of the style with that of Sturlung School of 
Historians, especially at the junctions of the component parts, and 
the frequent reference and quotations of the ' Lives of the Kings of 
Norway/ it may not be impertinent to hazard the guess that he is 
the editor of the whole series. 

It is interesting to compare the traditions &c. of the Skioldunga 
with those preserved by Saxo the Danish monk, who amongst 
his authorities notices the information given him by Icelanders. 
In Ragnar Lodbrok's Saga and one or two of the other half- 
mythical Sagas, which we only have in a late fourteenth or 
fifteenth-century shape, we also have the faint remains of early 
traditions relating to Danish Kings. 

Lastly, the Skioldunga was known to the author or forger of the 
story of Gongu-Hrolf, who has hence, we believe, borrowed the 
names for his pseudo-battles (from the wars of Knut the Great) ; 
he has also inserted the geographical chapter of Denmark, though 
abridged, and besides this a short geographical notice of England, 
which we take to have belonged to some lost part of Skioldunga. 

A new edition of the whole Skioldunga, in which it should be 
treated in accordance with the hypothesis set forth above, is 

JOMSVIKINGA SAGA, which forms an appendix, as it were, to the 
Lives of the Kings of Denmark, tells the story of the rise and fall 
of the pirate community of Jom (Julin Wolin) on the Wendish 
coast. It is only second to Orkneyinga in the vivid pictures it 
has preserved of Life in the Wiking Age. The * Laws ' of the 
Jomwikings should be very interesting to English students, as 
they formed the basis of the Code of Rules by which the famous 
' Thingmannalid ' or Guard of Knut was governed (see Dr. Steen- 
strup's learned work). Thorkel the Tall, who commanded part of 
this force, was the brother of Sigvald, who was ruler in Jomsburg. 
The style is euphuistic and the incidents romantic. 

The Saga survives in four vellums, the expected age, worth, &c. 
of which present a difficult problem, i. A complex text in AM. 
291 of the later half of the thirteenth century (this is followed in 
Fornm. S.,vol.xi); Flateyar-bok, a parallel text; the Stockholm MS., 
a short recension, edited by Dr. Cederschiold. 2. A single text in 

xcii PROLEGOMENA. 18. 

AM. 510, of which an edition is now in preparation by Dr. Peter- 
sdn of Lund, a fuller text of the short type. It will easily be 
granted that the first thirteen chapters of the Fornm. S. edition 
are extraneous detached pieces of the lost Skioldunga Saga, and 
that the original Saga must, like AM. 510, have begun with Toki 
in ch. 14, the ancestor of the founder of the Colony. But 
as regards the enlarged and the short text, it is difficult to de- 
termine which must now be followed; on the whole the Editor 
inclines to the Stockholm MS. There are many strange and rare 
phrases and words embedded in the somewhat ornate style of 
this Saga, most if not all of which occur in this MS., though 
the shorter and more concise of the two. But the best test is 
probably afforded by the section which tells of the ' Laws/ where 
the larger version is plainly wordy and inferior, diluted from 
the simplicity of the original (see Oxford Icelandic Reader, where 
this chapter is given for comparison). There is a Latin translation 
or rather paraphrase of Jomsvikinga by Arngrim the Learned (lately 
edited by Dr. Gjessing of Christiana), which contains several new in- 
cidents in the first part of the Saga, but we believe that these are all 
derived from the lost Skioldunga, of which Arngrim possessed mere 
fragments that have come down to us, while we have no reason to 
suppose that his copy of Jomsvikinga differed in any respect from 
our own. One curious epithet of Hakon ' Urna-Jarl ' occurs only 
here and in Agrip (where spelt hvrna). It is such an one as 
would not come readily to the pen of a writer of the thirteenth 
century, but would admirably fit into a phrase of Ari's JEfi Kon- 
unga, or Skioldunga Saga. 


The name is modern, the true old name being JARLA SAGA, from 
one of its component parts, and in the copies of the seventeenth 
century it is inscribed thus. Our present Saga is undoubtedly a 
complex work, and it is still possible to separate it into the 
component parts of diverse age and origin of which it is made up. 
We may take them one by one. 

i. Fundinn Noregr, chaps. 1-3. There are extant two inde- 
pendent epitomes of a lost original, containing an account of the 
origin of the Norwegian Empire by sea and land, viz. our text and 
Hversu Noregr byggdizt preserved in Flatey-book. To fix its 
age and place, we may notice that it is eponymous and of a piece 
with the scholastic introduction to the Prose-Edda and other me- 
diaeval works of the kind ; that it must have been written at a time 
when the Scandinavian power was at its height, and wide spread ; 
that it is evidently not the work of a Norseman or Icelander, 
but would seem to be written by one living in the Western Isles. 
That it cannot be earlier than the end of the eleventh century is 
proved by the dragging the ships across the neck of Elda, a legend 

18. ORKNEY SAGA. xciii 

drawn from the famous feat of King Magnus at the Tarbert of 
Canty re in 1098. The philological test points the same way, for 
the eponymy Norway =Nors way, the way of King Nor, marks a 
time when the 6 was lost, whilst the w remained, Nor-vegr. 
King jElfred in 890 has it Nor6 waeg ; but a century later, on the 
Dellinge Runic stone, we read Nurwiag. The myth therefore 
cannot be of high antiquity. On the other hand, Nor is among 
the Sea Kings of the fculur, and is mentioned by Odd. To date 
it from the reign of Sigurd the Crusader would seem to be not 
wide of the mark. 

2. Jarla Saga, chaps. 4-38, which has given the name to the 
whole complex Saga, gives the Lives of the first Earls, centring 
round Torf-Einar and Thorfinn the Great, the Heroic Age of the 
Orkneys, where men lived in the old Wiking way longer than 
in any other part of the North. We have little doubt but that this 
is the 'Jarla Saga' of the quotations. The Jarla Saga is often 
cited, and extracts given in the Lives of the Early Kings of 
Norway, but we never find any citations in the Sagas referring to 
things which took place after Magnus Bareleg's time, and the 
authors of the Kings' Lives know nothing of the Sagas of Earl 
Rognvald and Sweyn, with the exception of a short abridged 
account of the Crusade which is given in Hulda. But this is not 
from Orkneyinga, as the discrepancies in the two stories prove ; 
thus Hulda makes the Earl sail down the Irish Channel (probably 
the truth), whereas Orkneyinga brings him through the North Sea. 

3. St. Magnus Saga, chaps. 39-59. This again in style and 
matter differs from the rest of the Saga. It also exists separately 
in a double recension. i. A longer recension of it in the lost 
Baejar-bok (preserved in a paper copy), a complex work made 
up of a Norse or Icelandic life of St. Magnus, and a translation 
of a Latin biography of him by Abbot Robert, of whom nothing 
else is known, but who would seem to have been an Orkneyman of 
Earl Rognvald's days. The Norse Life quotes Snorri, and must 
therefore have been written not earlier than 1230. The book of 
Robert has left its traces in the rhetorical scholastic style of the 
text, extending over many chapters. 2. There is also a short 
Life of Earl Magnus, agreeing in the main with the second Saga, 
preserved in AM. 235, so that we can eliminate Robert's work 
from the rest. Both Sagas are published mthfe Master of Rolls' 

4. The Miracles of St. Magnus, chap. 60, an ecclesiastical 
work of the same type as the Miracle-book of St. Olaf, &c. It 
must have existed in an independent form, and has afterwards been 
attached to the Saga. 

5. The Saga of Earl Rognvald and Swein, chaps. 61-117, 
the principal part of the whole ; a Saga of great merit, the last 
manifestation of the Wiking spirit, which inspires the whole work. 
Swein is the last of the great Wikings of old, and the one whose 


life and exploits have been handed down by a skilful dramatic hand. 
This Saga, as we have noticed above, must have also existed 
separately, and it bears in style little resemblance to the earlier 
'Jarla Saga.' 

6. Addenda only found in Flatey-book, such as the Burning of 
Bishop Adam. This must be of the thirteenth century. 

The whole Saga is found in Flatey-book, where in the scribe's 
usual fashion it is cut up into sections, and chronologically 
distributed into the Lives of Kings. The text is hastily written, 
and in many instances corrupted, sentences skipped in a slip -shod 
manner, and the verses mangled. It is therefore of great use, that 
fragments of the detached Saga have been preserved. i. A vellum 
fragment of eighteen leaves in AM. 325, of about the year 1300. 
2. A vellum fragment destroyed in the old University Library in 
1728, but preserved in a copy of Asgeir Jonsson's, now in AM. 
132. A Danish Translation of c. 1570, preserved in a transcript 
of 1615, yields the whole Saga, evidently from this very vellum 
when complete (save one blank), and is of great value, supplying lost 
sentences, skipped in the Flatey-book, and giving the means of 
mending false readings. But most remarkable of all 3. A vellum 
fragment of two leaves, hard to read (pp. 110-118 and 148-156 in 
the new edition), used for binding, marked b in the Rolls' edition, 
and preserved in AM. 325, acquired by Ami Magnusson, ' I 
Reykholti 1707 ur Austfjordum.' Moreover, in Magnus Olafsson's 
Icelandic Glossary, collected in 1630-36, but edited by Ole Worm 
as Lexicon Runicum, there are upwards of a hundred references 
from ' Jarla Saga ' from a better text, which we can clearly identify 
as taken from this vellum, when complete, only the end wanting. 
There are some six references from the fishing episode, and some 
eight from the still existing two leaves, by which the identity can 
be proven. Besides this, there is a complete list extant of the verses 
of the Saga, accompanied by an abridgment of the scenes centring 
round this verse, and last of all, the ' Fishing Chapter ' completely 
given, all compiled by Magnus Olafsson in the year 1632, and now 
preserved in the Library at Upsala; a most valuable contribution to 
the final edition of the Saga. 

Respecting the fishing episode and several other verses and 
incidents only preserved here Are we to put the omission 
of this down to the slovenliness and hurry of the Flatey-book 
scribe ? We think not, for this reason : Besides the Flatey- 
book we have the Translation representing a fair and good text of 
the complex Saga, where these things are equally absent. The true 
clue to the matter we take to be this The scribe of our b (living 
about A. D. 1 300 or even earlier) had at hand, besides the complex 
text, also a copy of the original Earl Rognvald's and Swein's 
Saga, from which he drew this incident omitted by the compiler of 
the complex Saga. We have analogies in the Flatey-book, in the 
Fsereyinga, and Hallfred Saga. Excerpts from Fsereyinga had been 

1 8. ORKNEY SAGA. xcv 

long ago inserted in the Great Olaf's Saga, which he had before 
him, but instead of copying that Saga here, the scribe, fortunately 
for us, had recourse to the detached original Fsereyinga Saga, 
now lost, which has thus been preserved to us. From this 
chequered material, the Rolls' edition has been made out by the 
present Editor. 

The whole tone of the Orkneyinga Saga differs from Sagas of 
known Icelandic origin, the vivid pictures of the Wiking Age 
which recall the spirit of the Lays of Helgi and the almost complete 
absence of the Law element, for instance, are quite a contrast to 
Sagas depicting' contemporary life in Iceland or Norway. The 
English reader will find a faithful translation of the Flatey-book 
text in Mr. J. Hjaltalin's ' Orkneyinga Saga/ edited with an excel- 
lent introduction by Mr. Joseph Anderson, Edinb. 1873. 

Fsereyinga Saga, in many respects a parallel to Orkneyinga, 
is preserved in the Flatey-book in detached parcels. No frag- 
ments of the detached Saga are left. It is none of the smallest 
merits of this great volume to have preserved the Saga of these 
worthy Islanders. As to the age, the last chapter mentions * Einar, 
lately a king's steward in the Isles/ He lived c. 1200 (see 
Orkney Saga, Rolls' edition, p. 233), which would place our Saga 
at c. 1230 (like Laxdaela). The scribe of the Flatey-book evidently 
had before him a complete work, compiled in the thirteenth century 
by an Icelander (the absence of local knowledge and colour testify 
against it being by a Fserey man, the Islands Skufey and Dimun 
changing place, &c.), from the separate Sagas of Sigmund and Leif. 
The episodes, the artistic plot and classic style are sufficient to 
prove its late date. Parts of the Saga have also been used by 
the writers of the Great Olaf Tryggvason's Saga and the Saga 
of St. Olaf. The story turns on the conversion of the Islands to 
Christianity, and the bringing of them under the rule of the 
Norwegian Kings. The two heroes of the Saga are well con- 
trasted; the brave, fiery Sigmund, the champion of the Christian 
Faith, and the henchman of the Norse King. And on the other 
side, the wary, crafty Thrand, the champion of the old Faith, and 
defender of the independence of his native Island. Thrand is one 
of the most typical characters of the Sagas, a man who in many 
respects resembles Louis XI ; even his * Creed ' would have suited 
that King. Thrand lives to the end of the Saga ; at last the boy 
Sigmund, who was the only being he ever seems to have loved, 
was kidnapped from him, and this broke his old ' vixen ' heart. 
Some of the scenes are most beautifully told. There are several 
Faroese ballads extant, which refer to Sigmund Brestisson, Leif 
and Thrand, the heroes of the Saga. The Saga was separately 
edited by Ram, Copenh. 1832. 

xcvi PROLEGOMENA. 19. 


We now come to Sturla, the fourth and last great name in the 
Classic Literature of Iceland. He belonged to the famous family 
of which we have already spoken in the short account of Snorri. 
Sturla's father Thord, the elder of Gudny's three sons, was of a very 
different character to either of his brothers, though he had no less 
marked talents of his own. A man of great sagacity and foresight, 
with something of the Seer about him, loving to dwell in peace, 
ready to give wise counsel if he were asked for it. Thord had 
married Helga the great-granddaughter of Ari the Historian, but 
1 they did not get on as well as they might have done,' and in the 
end they separated, and it is not from her, but from Thora Thord's 
beloved mistress, that Sturla and his elder brother Olaf sprung. 
Neither the year nor the place of Sturla's birth are known, it may 
be guessed that it was at Stad, where Ari had once dwelt. He died, 
we are told at the end of Sturlunga, on the next day after his birth- 
day, aged seventy (sjautogr), or as a various reading has it (the vellum- 
leaf being lost, we have but the paper transcripts) ' near seventy/ 
He was accordingly born on the 29th July 1214 or 1215. 

When Sturla was born his father was almost fifty years of age 
(born 1165); that Olaf (well known as the White Poet) was the 
elder, appears from the invariable usage of the MSS. which name 
him first in all the genealogies. Of Thora nothing is known; she 
belonged to none of the great families, but that she must have 
been a woman of a character which in many points resembled that 
of Thord would seem likely from the way in which Thord's finest 
qualities are intensified in his sons. Sturla was called after his 
grandfather, who had derived his name from the first of that 
name we know of, Sturla Thiodrek's son, founder of StaSarhol, 
who is spoken of in Havard's Saga. The word, which is never 
met with out of Iceland, is curious; it is a diminutive such as 
are frequently found in the Gothic, e. g. Wulfila, ' little wolf,' and 
stands for Sturila, 'little steer;' it is declined as a feminine; a 
masculine form has since been made, Sturli. 

The first time we hear of him is when his grandmother Gudny 
dies in November 1221. She had outlived her first husband by- 
more than thirty-eight years ; married again a grandson of Ari Frodi, 
named Ari the Strong; went abroad and squandered her infant son 
Snorri's patrimony, insomuch that he started in life as a 'poor 
man.' In 1188 she was widowed a second time, returned to Ice- 
land, and now lived at Hvamm, till at last she went to Reykholt, 
where she died at her son Snorri's house. She had given her 
jewels and paraphernalia to her little grandson (Sturla Thordsson), 
but Snorri seized them in total disregard of her wishes. 

The next time we hear of Sturla is in 1227, when his father took 
him and Olaf with him to a great Yule banquet at Reykholt, which 
Snorri gave in the Norwegian fashion. 


In 1231 Bishop Gudmund, for whom Thord, a pious man, had a 
very great regard, in his wanderings about the country followed by 
a train of vagabonds and beggars who lived upon the alms which 
the sanctity of their patron procured for them, came to Hvamm (the 
ancestral seat of the Sturlungs, whither Thord had moved ftpm Eyri), 
and was well received with as many as the house would contain. 
Sturla and his brother were sent round to the neighbouring yeomen's 
houses to find quarters for the rest of the ragged troop. 

Sturla's youth was passed in peaceful days when the Sturl- 
ung family were at the height of their power, but the civil 
disturbances, which desolated Iceland for about a quarter of a 
century, began with his manhood, and occupied the best period 
of his life. He was, like his father, a man who as far as possible 
seems to have kept aloof from politics and strife, but he could 
not wholly keep himself aloof at a time when the fortunes of 
his family were at stake, and was dragged for a time into the very 
vortex of the struggle. On the 2ist August 1238, a year after 
his father's death, he 4 was captured at the fight of Orlygstad, 
and spared, while his uncle Sighvat and his cousins were put to 
death. We next find him married to Helga Thord's daughter, 
and settled at Tunga, the seat of Gudrun and Snorri GoSi. The 
murder of his uncle Snorri Sturlason in 1241 completed the 
overthrow of the family. In July 1242 Sturla was captured again; 
this time by treachery, his enemies intending to send him out of 
the country, but the intercession of his friends prevailed, and he 
was let go unharmed. Soon after, when his cousin Thord Kakali 
came to Iceland, and the old adherents of the Sturlungs rallied 
round him, Sturla was again forced to take part in the feud. One 
of the consequences of this was that, in April 1244, a raid was 
made by his enemies upon his house at Tunga ; luckily he had news 
of their plan, and fled in time to save his life, but his wife with her 
little month-old son Snorri Sturlason the second in her arms was 
forced to take refuge in the church. The slenderness of the thread 
on which history often hangs appears when we think that in such 
a miserable midnight ' bicker ' the last historian of Iceland might 
have perished, and no work of his ever seen the light to tell the 
history of his time, and of the family who did so much for their 
country's fame. Next year the tiger-like Kolbein, a deadly foe 
of Sturla's house, died, and Thord Kakali soon made himself 
supreme in Iceland, so for a while all went well for the historian. 
But Thord's work was overthrown by the folly of the King, who 
sent for him out to Norway, and, mistrusting his talents, kept him 
there in honourable exile till he died, Oct. n, 1256. 

With the arrival of Thorgils SkarcH his nephew (in 1252), whom 
the king sent out to Iceland, it seemed as if matters would again 
turn ill for Sturla, but after the surprise of Stafholt, when Thorgils 
was captured by Hrafn Oddzson and Sturla, there came a recon- 
ciliation, and Sturla's gentleness and Thorgils' generosity laid the 

VOL. i. g 

xcviii PROLEGOMENA. 19. 

foundation for a friendship which lasted till the nephew's death, 
and is marked by the sympathetic and affectionate biography which 
his uncle consecrated to him. Sturla now gets mixed up with 
Earl Gizur, the evil genius of this part of the story, who first 
got him to marry his daughter Ingibiorg to Hall Gizur's son. 
The marriage feast ended in the fearful tragedy of Flugumyri 
(Oct. 22, 1253). Sturla had just ridden away, when at nightfall 
the house was beset by Eyjolf and Kolbein, the avengers of 
Snorri Sturlason; the besieged held the hall till Eyjolf, fearful 
lest the neighbourhood should be roused, set fire to the buildings, 
and though Gizur himself escaped, and the young bride and a 
few others were saved, Gizur's wife and all his sons, Hall among 
them, perished by the sword or in the flames. Gizur left the 
country not long after this fearful blow, and Thorgils was left 
supreme. Till his murder, January 22, 1258, Sturla was in a 
good position, and enjoyed a brief rest from the deadly struggle, 
into which he had been drawn against his will. Gizur came 
out and took Thorgils' place ; this was a change for the worse, and 
Sturla was hoodwinked and cheated by his fair promises and pro- 
fession of friendship. 

In 1263 Sturla, who had come to be looked on by the * pa- 
triotic party' as a prominent opponent of Norwegian rule, was 
forced, by a private quarrel, to fly abroad. Helpless, penniless, 
and alone he had no course left but to throw himself upon the 
mercy of the King, who had been the bitterest foe of his house. 
So he went to Bergen ; the old King was away, which was perhaps 
the best for Sturla, but the young King at first looked coldly on him, 
till the talents of Sturla, his enchanting power of Saga-telling, and 
his poetic gifts won him over, and he acceded to the requests of 
Gaut and the Queen to admit him to his proper position at court, 
and promised to speak in his favour to his father on his return. 
But King Hakon never came back, and Sturla undertook to write 
his life, as historiographer royal to the young King. This work 
he must have begun in the spring of 1264, when (in the middle of 
March) the news of the old King's death reached him, and a 
passage in chapter 275 authorizes us to believe that the whole 
Saga was nearly finished in 1265. There is now a blank in the 
history of the time (1263-71), which can only be filled up from the 
Annals, which however, though scanty, are exact and careful ; and 
as they never mention Sturla's return from Norway till 1271, when 
they notice his coming out to Iceland with the Book of the Law 
(Jarnsida), we cannot suppose two entries to have slipped out. 
The Annals of the day are extremely particular in this point, 
and never forget to register the turns and returns of the chiefs 
to and from Norway. And as we hear of his wife joining him 
in Norway, we must believe that he passed eight years in Norway, 
engaged, partly, no doubt, in literary work, perhaps in the prepara- 
tion of the Law Book he took with him to Iceland. Occupying 


a second time the office of Lawman, to which he had been 
appointed by the King, whose favour he enjoyed, Sturla was 
now in a better position than he had ever reached before; but 
as we learn from Ami's Saga (ch. 20) l , the only time that he is 
ever mentioned save in Sturlunga Saga, his administration was 
not a very energetic one, and he took no more real interest in 
politics than before. In 1277 he went out to Norway again 
for the last time, returning the next year to Iceland. 

We know from Islendinga (ch. 331, p. 272) that, on Sturla's second 
voyage to Norway, King Magnus charged him to write his own life 
for him as he had done his father's. It is hardly likely that this 
could refer to the year 1264 or have been before 1277. At 
Sturla's earlier stay in Norway, there would have been little for 
him to write. King Magnus was young, beginning what should 
have been a long reign, active and energetic, and full of promise, by 
twenty-four years the younger of the historian; whereas now, when 
Sturla saw him again, he had been broken down by a severe 
illness in Jan. 1272, the effects of which he had never skaken off, 
his health was weak, and he must have felt that the end was 
approaching. It was natural that he should ask his old friend 
to make a record of what he had been able to accomplish, when 
it was no longer improbable that Sturla should, as indeed he did, 
outlive him. This book, of which we only have fragments, we take 
therefore to have been a work of Sturla's later days, finished after 
the King's death in May pth, 1280, Sturla surviving him four years 
and three months, dying 3oih July 1284, the day after his birth- 
day. Of his three children, Thord the younger, a man of gentle 
disposition like his father, became a clerk, and died before his 
father, 4th March 1283. Snorri the elder, called after his grand- 
uncle, was a man of action, kept a band of armed retainers, and 
was turbulent and quarrelsome, getting his father into trouble ; he 
died in 1306. Ingibiorg, the bride of Flugumyri, was married again 
to a chief, Thord of Madervalla. 

Sturla lived first at Tunga, when he left his father's house, then 
he flitted to StaSarhol, moving thence to Fairdale, and finally died 
in Fairey off Thorsness in Broadfirth. It was at the latter two 
places that we must suppose his chief works to have been written. 


The Sturlunga Saga as we have it in two MSS. of the four- 
teenth century, written within a few years of Sturla's death, is 
evidently a complex work. Keeping there the title ' Sturlunga ' 
as a convenient name for the whole mass of Sagas, we must first 
endeavour to discover the evidence upon which Sturla's authorship 

1 ' En af Sturlu st65 minna gagn en borf stod til, ok bar burfti ra6 fyrir at sja,' 
as the Bishop reports to the King, telling how the two Lawmen, of whom Sturla 
was one, went on. 


of any part of it rests, and to which part it will be right to affix 
his name. Beginning with the /r^-Sturlaean part of the work : 

First of all, Hrafn Sveinbiornsson' s Saga may be separated 
from the rest, as we have it in two separate distinct vellums, one 
of which has fortunately retained the preface which the other and 
the Sturlunga text have dropped. From this we learn, what might 
have been concluded on a priori grounds, that the author was 
a friend of the hero, in pious memory of whom he composed 
his Saga. The minuteness and personal knowledge of the man 
spoken of, which one remarks in many parts of this Saga, are quite 
incompatible with the authorship being attributed to Sturla or any one 
of his generation ; for Hrafn died in 1 2 13, before Sturla was born. 

With Priest Gudmund's Saga, ending still earlier in the year 
1203, the case is the same, though the facts are a little more con- 
fusing, one of the vellums, Codex Resenianus, using other parts of 
the Islendinga, which it weaves into Gudmund's Saga in exactly the 
same way as the compiler of Sturlunga has therein used the Gud- 
mund's Saga to fill up his compilation ; insomuch that we should 
have to argue in a circle, were it not that another vellum has come 
down to us, in AM. 657, in pure shape, although it gives in some 
respects an inferior text, and by its test one can at once separate 
this Saga also from the mass. 

With regard to Sturla s Saga and Onundar-Brennu or Gud- 
mund Dyri's Saga, that they once existed separately we know 
from the Stockholm O.K. fly-leaf, and it cannot be doubted that 
they are the same as those there mentioned, and the distinctness 
of style and subject would at once enable us to pick them out 
from the rest, although the second is, as we have seen, cut in 
pieces and mixed up with other works. 

That Thorgils and Haflidfs Saga, which stands by itself in Stur- 
lunga, is an old and distinct work cannot be reasonably doubted. 
It ends in 1121, and in one passage we find 'minnir mik,' either 
the words of the scribe or the person from whose lips he was 
writing the story. The realism and the commonplace character 
of the story utterly exclude a later origin. 

But in addition to the external evidence, thus briefly noted 
in the case of each Saga by itself, that there is an immense 
difference between these separate Sagas in fundamental points 
of method, style, and diction, must be apparent to the most casual 
reader. Equally plain is the gulf between all of them and the rest 
of the Sturlunga (we reserve the Svinfellinga Saga, which will be 
touched on below), for which we shall keep the title Islendinga 
i, and treat as Sturla's work. 

Coming next to the evidence of Sturla's authorship of the Islend- 
inga, we shall first take the internal proof afforded by the MSS. 
themselves, where the compiler's preface (vol. i. p. 86) is of the 
highest importance ; and here we would beg the reader to keep the 


Icelandic text before him. It is placed after Sturla's Saga, be- 
cause down to this point he had been copying out separate Sagas 
(Geirmund, Thorgils-Haflidi, and Sturla's), one after another. 
Now in order to make his history easier and more straight- 
forward according to his notions (and it should be remembered 
that such modern devices as parallel-printing, as notes, appen- 
dices, &c. were unknown) he is going to cut up two Sagas, which 
run parallel, and weave into them Sturla's Islendinga, so that 
a kind of twist is formed, of which Islendinga is the longest 
strand, so to speak, and hangs clear out of the plait into which 
the other two have been completely woven. So he stops and 
tells the reader, just before he begins his operations, that several 
Sagas now run side by side ; and loyally anxious that Sturla's name 
should be preserved, he goes on to say that, though the history of 
Iceland down to Bishop Brand's death (in 1201) was already com- 
mitted to writing, it is to Sturla we owe most of our knowledge 
of Icelandic History since that event, for before he wrote, very 
little of it was written down at all. He concludes with a eulogium 
on Sturla, praising the fidelity of his work, and praying for his soul, 
for ' we knew him as a very wise and judicious man.' This preface, 
which is here for the first time restored to its proper text and in- 
terpretation, is a ' locus classicus ' for all writers on Icelandic 
literature, as it is interesting in itself, and one of the few statements 
on authorship &c. which the carelessness of scribes and the ravages 
of time has spared us. The old interpretation founded on the B 
text (printed in note 3, p. 86) may be traced to the following 
marginal note, scribbled by Biorn of Skardsa, on p. 26 of his auto- 
graph, AM. 439, 'Anno 1201 do Brandr Biskup, hann hefir latid 
saman skrifa meSan til endizt sogurnar, en Sturla hinn fr63i J)aer 
sf6ari/ i. e. ' he had the Sagas composed as far as his life reached, 
but Sturla the wise the later ones.' From henceforward Brand, 
the old gouty Bishop, known to us from Thorlak Saga and 
Gudmund Dyri, was set down as the author of all Sturlunga till 
1 20 1, Sturla finishing the work which he had begun. This state- 
ment was copied and recopied, e. g. in Hist. Ecclesiastica, till 
P. E. Miiller started a new interpretation in his Saga Bibliothek, 
1817. He held that 'flestar allar sogur' &c. referred to the general 
literary history of Iceland, to Niala, Gretla, Egla, &c., and that it 
proved all such works to be older than 1201. This again was 
copied by Finn Magnusen and all writers on the subject, includ- 
ing the Editor in 1855, and is the received theory. 

But in 1 86 1 another theory came to the mind of the Editor 
whilst he still only knew the B text, viz. there was a transposition in 
this important phrase, which he endeavoured to amend in the plain 
sense given above. We have printed below l the Editor's notes as, 

1 f>essi orS eru mjog tvi-rae8, og verSa a5 skiljast in contextu. A undan hefir 
compilator, sem si5ast setti saman bokina gjort grein fyrir og tali6 upp sogur sem 
sum-part finnast i fyrra hluta Sturlungu, en sem ekki eru frum-rita&ar af Sturlu. 


in 1 86 1, they were hastily put down on a rough slip just as they 
rose to his mind. When some time afterwards he came to examine 
the black vellum shreds of Sturlunga, his conjecture was, as the 
reader can see,- almost verbally confirmed. 

That the Islendinga Sogur y which the preface ascribes to Sturla, 
are identical with our present work there can be little doubt ; both 
our vellum MSS. have lost their first leaves, but the best transcripts 
are headed ' Islendinga Saga ; ' to which Biorn of Skardsa added 
the title hin Mikla to distinguish it from all other Islendinga 
Sogur. By this name the whole work went till the days of Ami 

Eg held ad ordin eigi svo ad skilja ' Flest bad af Sturlungu sem gjordist fyrir 1 200 
var ritad fyrir dag Sturlu, bad er bvi ekki frum-ritad af honum. >ad sem sidar 
gjordist a Islandi um I3 du old, megin-hluti Sturlungu edr Sturlunga old, var litt 
ritad adr en Sturla tok ad rita. f>ad er bvi ad mestu frum-ritad af Sturlu.' Ef svo 
er skilid, ba er rett herrnt, bvi Prest saga Guomundar, og Gudmundar saga dyra, 
Rafns Saga (HeiSarvigs Saga?), Pals Saga, |>orlaks Saga, v6ru allar ritadar (sem 
sannad ver8r) i byrjun I3 du aldar, og sidan hdadar inn i Sturlungu, ovist hvort af 
Sturlu sjalfum, eda, sem me*r bykir likara, af hinum sidara Redactori (f>6rdi 4 
Skardi um 1308 ?). Ad aetla ad me5 ordunum ' Flestar sogur,' etc., se litid til Njalu, 
Eyrbyggju, o. s. fr. er ohugsanda, bvi, i. Kaemi bad sem deus ex machina a 
bessum stad, bar sem um samsetning Sturlungu er ad rseda, og ba sogu-baetti sem 
hun saman stendr af. 2. Kaemi bad i bera mot-sogn vid bad sem VCT vitum af 
sogum, ad gull-old sagna a Islandi byrjadi fyrst eptir 1 200 ; og bad er degi Ijosara 
ad Njala, Landn., Laxd., Eyrbyggja o. s. fr. eru allar ritadar eptir 1200, ad eg ekki 
nefni sogur sem Fioamanna S., sem bera med ser, ad baer eru ritadar i lok I3 du 
aldar. Setningin sem hun mi stendr i handritum Sturlungu er bvi vixlud. Ordin 
' voru ritadar ' standa a rongum stad, og aetti ad setjast framarr, og lesast bannig : 
' Flestar sogur voru [adr] ritadar er her hafa gjorzt a Islandi adr Brandr biskup 
Saemundar son andadizt (i. e. Gudm. S., |>orl. S., Gudm. dyra), en bser sognr er sidan 
hafa gjorzt (i.e. post 1201) voru litt ritadar,' etc. f>a er rett mal og hugsan, en 
varla rett hugsan einsog stendr. Liklegt byki nie*r ad compilator hafi fundid eptir 
Sturlu notata, sem hann hafi vikid afleidis, ef bessi villa, sem me> bikkir likast, er ekki 
afskrifurum ad kenna. Summa rerum er bvi bessi : Hinir fyrstu brir baettir Sturlungu 
(in the old edition), i-iii B, Bis. 1-227, eru ad miklum edr mestum hluta ritadir af 
ymsum hofimdum fyrir dag Sturlu, en sidan inn-limadir i Sturlungu, annad-hvort i 
heilu liki edr agrip bar af. Allr megin-hluti sogunnar (|>aettir iv-x) er J)ar a moti 
frum-ritad af Sturlu ; en 611 bessi tidindi gjordust um hans dag edr skommu fyrir 
faeding hans (fasddr 1214). f>ess ma geta, ad bad mun sannast, ad Sturla, hafi 
andast fra sogu sinni obiiinni ; hefir svo annar, ad honum ondudum, fam vetrum 
eptir 1300, sett allt saman eptir handritum hans, sem bezt hann gat; sett upphaf 
og nokkurs-konar nidrlag um dauda Sturlu. Oil handrit vor eru fra bessari compi- 
latione komin en engin fra frum-riti Sturlu, sem liklega aldrei hefir komist tit i 
almenning. f>ad gefr hverjum ad skilja sem soguna les, ad hofundr hennar hefir 
ekki lagt a hana sidustu hond. Sogu-bradrinn er vida sundr-slitinn ; fra sumu sagt 
tvisvar. Margt latid osagt sem hofundrinn mundi varla hafa sleppt, t. d. bokvisi a 
Island! a I3 du old; sumt ord-lengt sem fany'tt er. Yfir hofud er sagan fremr audugt 
safn Sturlu til Islendinga Sogu a I3 du old en sagan sjalf. . . . Sogu-bradinn vantar ; 
bvi er torveldt ad muua Soguna i samfellu, bo menn lesi hana optar en einu sinni. 
|>essa verdr ad gaeta, ef menn rettvislega vilja dsema um sagna-hagleik Sturlu og 
kunnattu ad rita sogur. Ad Sturla hafi ekki byrjad a sogu sinni fyr en eptir 1266, 
eptir ad fridr var kominn ad nokkru i landi, ma ra6a af ordunum, ad hann hafi haft 
visindi af fraedi-monnum, sem voru a ofan-verdum dogum hans. En hann andadist 
70 ara. The reader, having read the preceding sections, will see that at this time 
the theory of distinguishing between single and complex Sagas, and, as it were, the 
double authorship of the latter had not as yet ripened in the Editor's mind. The 
notices above were dotted down, at the spur of the moment, as a first thought. 


Magnusson, when the title Siurlunga Saga was applied to it, which, 
being more convenient and distinctive, ousted the former title. 

Next, giving the external evidences on the question, which are 
not likely to be very numerous, considering that Sturla himself 
was one of the latest Icelandic historians still some do occur, 
proving that, early in the fourteenth century, our text was known and 
ascribed to Sturla : i. In Bishop Gudmund's Miracle-book, compiled 
c. 1320, ' Sva sem Sturla f'orSarson segir i Islendinga Sogu,' Biskupa 
Sogur, vol. i. p. 589, referring to Islendinga, ch. 50; and again, 
* F6r hann (the Bishop) J)a viSa um s^slu sfna, ok enn viSa annars- 
staSar um landit, sem Stulla sagdi f Islendinga Sogu/ Biskupa 
Sogur, vol. i. p. 591, referring to ch. 67. 2. Arngrim, the Bene- 
dictine, in his Life, and ' Hefir J)essi sami Sturla skrifat marga 
merkiliga hluti af Herra G. biskupi/ Biskupa Sogur, vol. ii. p. 162, 
referring to the scene in ch. 123 (J>ann vetr . . .) ; and ' Sem Sturla 
vattar er J)essa sogu sam setti,' Biskupa Sogur, vol. ii. p. 78, refer- 
ring to the episode of the ogress Selkolla, Islendinga, ch. 30. 

The epic character of the work forbids any direct evidence 
which might support the arguments drawn from external sources ; 
but by a curious slip, which has been preserved, in one place, 
vol. i. p. 407, 1. 30, the words ' eigi vissi ek' betray the personality 
of the writer, who was at that moment in the hands of his enemies, 
who were deliberating as to his fate. Moreover, though Sturla will 
relate circumstances which none but those concerned in them 
could have known, and which it was impossible that he should be 
acquainted with, yet it is noticeable that scenes, at which he 
actually was present or could have heard accounts of from persons 
in intimate relations with him, are related with the most wonderful 
minuteness and reality of detail, such as the battle of Orlygstad 
(1238), the outrage at Saudafell in 1229, the raid to the South 
in Dec. 1241, the surprisal at Stafholt in 1252, and the death of 
Thorgils SkarSi, his great friend, in 1258. 

The next question to be answered concerns the editing or 
compiling of the whole as we have it. It is evident that the work 
is posthumous, the last chapter is conclusive on that head. Are 
there any traces in the work itself which would enable one to 
come to any definite conclusions as to the personality and date 
of this anonymous editor ? We think that there are, and would 
beg the reader first to turn to vol. i. p. 126, in the introductory- 
pedigree to Gudmund Dyri's Saga these words occur : * Priest Ketil 
Thorlaksson my mother's father, item mother's father to the sons of 
Narfi! They are only found in the paper copies of Cod. A, of 
which this part has perished, and are omitted in Cod. B. The late 
Finn Magnusen, reading ' eirnin 1 ' for ' item' in this passage, cleverly 

1 'Eirninn ' for 'item ' is the reading of the Vallna-bok, a mending of the scribe, 
priest Eyjolf, a purist scholar, who did not like the Latin gloss. 


guessed that a cousin to the Narfasons must be meant; but he 
could only find one man who would fit at all, Thorstein, abbot of 
Helgafell, son of Snorri Markusson of Melar. For the relationship 
see the pedigree, vol. ii. pp. 485 and 489, where of two sisters, one, 
Valgerd, married Narfi, one, Helga, Snorri of Melar. But on closer 
inspection Finn Magnusen's theory breaks down, for Thorstein 
Snorrason could hardly be a contemporary; and the preface, 
which is clearly the editor's work, speaks of Sturla as of a personal 
acquaintance, whereas Thorstein died in 1351. And certainly the 
tone of the whole Saga, which must have passed under the 
editor's hands, bears no trace of clerical leaning or feeling. On 
the other hand, if we read 'item' (for which perhaps A had 
zd. idest, which has been filled out into item] one of the Narfasons 
must be meant. That is to say, the editor, instead of giving his own 
name, as Ari in a similar case does, describes himself by a peri- 
phrasis as ' one of the sons of Narfi/ What he says is, ' He was 
mother's brother of mine, that is to say, of the sons of Narfi y of whom 
I am one.' 

Which of the three brothers (for three they were, see the 
pedigree) was it? They are all distinguished persons, Lawmen, 
and of good position. The use of pedigrees as title-pages and 
dedications has been referred to in a previous case; here we find 
prefixed to the whole work, with which it has absolutely no 
connection, the story of Geirmund Hellskin, a distinguished settler, 
whose 'claim' was Skard, the legend attached to this story also 
refers to Skard. The genealogies (vol. i. pp. 5, 6) all trace down 
to ' Skard- Snorri,' the grandfather of the Narfasons, and back to 
Geirmund's daughter Yr., none to the cousin-line of Melar. 

Now, of the three brothers, one dwelt at Skard (which also was 
the seat of their ancestors), the very place with which all these 
associations are bound up, Thord, a personal friend of Sturla's, 
the very man whom one would for other reasons have been 
inclined to pitch upon. For instance, in the last chapter of the 
Islendinga, which is certainly the compiler's work, he is referred 
to, Sturla turns to him, and asks him for his writing tablets 
an incident of that familiar kind which none but an eye-witness 
would have recorded. Thord seems to have been a sort of pupil 
of his ; his words, p. 86, ' Hann vissum ve*r (or visse ek) albeztan 
ok hofsamastan,' call to mind nearly literally Plato's words on 
Socrates in the end of the Phaedo, dvfybs T>V TOTS $>v ffreipdO^^v 

dpiarov /ecu aXXcos (ppovifnoraTov KOI diKaiordrov ; but though Thord was 

as true as Plato to his master's memory, his simplicity falls behind 
the other's skill of composition. Thord and Sturla were related, inas- 
much as the Narfasons were second cousins to the historian's wife, 
Helga (ii. 482). It has accordingly long been the Editor's opinion 
(since 1858) that it was Thord Narfason who, after Sturla's death, 
came into the possession of his perhaps unfinished MSS., and 
compiled from them and other sources that corpus historicum of 


the twelfth and thirteenth centuries which now bears the name of 
Slurlunga. Lawman Thord died at Skard on May 12, 1308, thus 
outliving his friend and master by nearly twenty-four years. 

ISLENDINGA SAGA. This work as it stands may be perceived to 
fall into two separate parts, the first of which comprises forty years, 
1202-42 (chaps. 1-163). I n it tne dramatis per sonae are the three 
Sturlung brothers, Bishop Gudmund, Thorwald Gizursson, though 
it just touches an earlier generation, naming Saemund of Oddi (died 
1221) and his brother Orm (died 1218), and Hrafn Sveinbiornsson 
(died 1213), but of the later second generation only Sturla Sig- 
hvatsson is prominent. This part is wound up by the death 
of all the chief persons who are told of in it, within the space of 
a few years (1236-41). 

With the second half of the Saga, 1242-62, entirely new 
characters are introduced. It opens with Thord Kakali's coming 
to Iceland, and tells of him, of Kolbein Ungi (born 1210), of Earl 
Gizur (born 1209), of Hrafn Oddsson (born 1226), and of Sturla's 
great favourite Thorgils Skardi (born 1226). This division of the 
work is told with very great minuteness, so that its twenty years fill 
more space than the forty years of the other. The Saga breaks 
off abruptly in June 1262, just before a crisis in his life, and there is 
then a blank of eight or nine years, which nothing but the Annals 
can help to fill up till Bishop Ami's Saga comes in (see Bs. i. 677 
sqq.) This blank is very much to be deplored, as the history of 
these very years was both interesting and important. Then a little 
episode, in Sept. 1264, vol. ii. pp. 261-265, not, we think, written by 
Sturla, and the final chapters in one of which Sturla's hand can be 
traced, but which are substantially the work of the compiler. 

These two halves of the Saga, which the volumes of the present 
edition are divided to show, would seem to have been written 
as almost separate works. The second part the Editor would 
place the earlier. It is more biographical, one part of it was 
certainly once a separate Saga, Thorgils Skardfs Life by Sturla, 
of which fragments exist yielding a fuller text, and it is from this 
separate work that the part of Islendinga, which refers to the hero, 
is clearly taken. This may serve as a hint to the origin of the 
whole Chronicle. We may fancy Sturla's first work on Icelandic 
subjects to have been this Life of his friend Thorgils. He may there 
have proposed to write other biographies, but finding that a great 
part of the history would be common to all these, he determines to 
write a Chronicle of his own days, which is the second part of the 
Islendinga. With such an intention the first part evidently begins 
as the opening paragraphs profess. The editor seems to have cut 
out the chapters which touched briefly on Thorgils, and have put 
in their stead an abridgment of the fuller separate Saga, thus a 
little destroying the balance of Sturla's work. 

We may then' go on to fancy Sturla determining, as Tacitus 
and Saxo both did, to write the history of those times which led 


up to and determined the events he had already treated on ; this 
first part is more orderly arranged, in better proportion, and more 
terse and condensed in those chapters of it which act as links and 
introductions to the stirring scenes of the Saga. There are a few 
slight discrepancies also between the last chapter of this part 
and the first of the second part, which would be likely to happen 
if our guess-work theory were true. 

That Islendinga Saga was the work of Sturla's later days, there 
are slight indications which seem to hint : thus once in each half 
he speaks of the law ' that was then in Iceland' (at >eim logum er 
{>a voru a landi h^r, vol. i. p. 394, ch. 157, and sem J)d v6ru log til, 
vol. ii. p. 177, ch. 266 beg.) ; this phrase anyhow was written after 
1271, and some time afterwards too, or the remark would have 
been hardly necessary. There is also, if we compare it with 
Hakon's Life, a far greater power of diction and ripeness of style 
in Islendinga Saga. 

Of Hakon and Magnus Sagas, their dates, MSS., &c., something 
has been said above and in 15. But though all those works be- 
long, we believe, to the latter years of Sturla, we need not suppose 
that he was not engaged in literary work long before. He certainly 
made an edition of Landnama-bok, and it is the Editor's conviction 
that we owe the finest parts of Grettis Saga (which surely no one 
else could have written) and our present editions of Eyrbyggia and 
the Great O. T. Saga to his pen. With regard to Sturla's style, it 
is from the Islendinga alone that he should be judged; Hakon 
Saga was a task, and Magnus Saga we take it has come down to 
us as a fragment in an abridged form from a fuller original text. 

In Hakon Saga, beyond a few anecdotes of the King's child- 
hood, and an impressive scene, when the King first hears of the 
rebellion of his father-in-law, Duke Skuli, late one night, and the 
Queen is roused, there is little that rises to his usual excellence. 
A very minute account of the King's journey to Wermland forty 
years before his death is so minutely told that it must have come 
from an eye-witness; there is a courtier-like description of the 
Cardinal's landing, but there is no drawing of character ; and when 
he is writing of the King, his heart is clearly with Skuli. But even 
in this Saga, as well as in the almost annalistic Life of Magnus, he 
is not writing from documents (to suppose that he even did so, is to 
misinterpret his whole character and misread Thord's preface), but 
telling a tale from word-of-mouth accounts ; and he writes baldly 
because he does not feel much interest in his story, or felt con- 
strained as a royal historiographer, or because his informants are 
not able to tell their stories well to him. 

In the Islendinga his full power is seen: the simplicity of 
a style, of which no archaism or crabbed expression ever stops 
the even but ever-varied flow; the realism of his descriptions, 
which set a scene before his hearer's eyes absolutely as it oc- 
curred with such force and fidelity, as Defoe and Carlyle alone of 


English authors have attained to. In the Surprise of Stafholt, you 
are startled by the tramping of the horses' hoofs as they rattle 
through the night ; in the Burning of Flygumyri, you can feel the 
choking smoke and heat, and hear the roar of the flame in the hall 
and the clash of the spears in the porches. This realism is some- 
times appalling, so pitiless is its faithfulness to fact, as in the horrid 
butchery of Kolbein and the scenes -in which the miserable Orsekia 
is introduced. Again, though Sturla's narrative is nearly always 
picturesque and interesting, a mass of detail is occasionally lavished 
on an insignificant incident, and, as with Defoe, there are ' dul- 
nesses ' which are indeed ' of Nature/ but which Art should pass 
by; the catalogues of persons counted up on the fingers, as it 
were, the details of uninteresting transactions will at times weary 
the reader; and it must be confessed that Sturla is far the most 
unequal of all the great Icelandic writers. The humour and bold- 
ness with which Snorri disregards all useless facts and simply takes 
what suits his purpose are qualities which Sturla does not possess. 

Accordingly, especially in what we take to be his earlier work, 
there is often a long desert track between the green oases, but 
in the first part of the Islendinga there is a greater skill shown in 
the composition of the whole. But in spite of such mistakes, 
which it would have been difficult for him to avoid altogether when 
treating of the subjects he had determined to write on, there is also 
running all through Sturla's work an undercurrent of patience, of 
gentleness, and of pathos which are all the more felt because they 
are never openly expressed. The epic structure of the Saga for- 
bade this ; but then so many delicate and loving touches in his 
narrative, when he is describing the appearance or the actions of 
those he loves, that our sympathy is roused to the very highest, 
and we feel as warmly towards them as he does. 

Sturla is a true poet : his love of a legend, such as that of Gizur's 
childhood (ch. 55), which he has instinctively chosen to tell, though 
he must have known that it was inconsistent with true chronology, 
his delight in his own gift of foreseeing events, his firm belief in 
dreams presages omens, the prophecies of his father, the dialogue 
between Sighvat and his son Sturla, the naive pleasure he has in 
his own verses, are all distinctly marks of the poetic temperament 
which enabled him to paint scenes equal in truth and beauty to the 
finest word-pictures of the greatest poets. 

Sturla presents at once a curious parallel and contrast to Ari. 
Ari lived in the past ; Sturla in the present. Ari was an historian 
at heart ; . Sturla was in soul a teller of stories, by accident an his- 
torian. Ari was the first and Sturla the last of the great Icelandic 
writers. Ari laid the foundation for all the Sagas that were written 
since his day, and Sturla was the last who wrote them. Ari was 
the first Icelander that wrote the lives of kings, and Sturla (though 
not quite of his own free will) was the last. 

In a word, to Ari we can trace the beginning of the rich and 

cviii PROLEGOMENA. 19. 

varied literature of which the work of Sturla was the last outcome. 
And if in a sentence we should endeavour to characterise the three 
greatest writers which the island has produced, it might be said that 
Ari was the most venerable, the most truthful, and the one we could 
least afford to have lost ; that Snorri excelled in humour, in eloquence, 
and in an epic richness of style ; while we should pronounce Sturla 
to be the most pathetic, the most natural, and the most human. 

The Plan upon which the present edition is arranged will demand 
a short notice : as will be seen from what has been already said, 
the Sturlunga of the MSS., and still more of the paper copies, was 
in a terrible state of confusion, so that it had even become a bye- 
word that ' no one could remember the Sturlunga,' and the Editor 
recollects a tradition that Bishop Finn (the author of Hist. Eccles.) 
was the only man who ever accomplished this feat. It was as 
necessary to uncurl this tangle as it was to give a sound text, if the 
book was to be of any real use. 

The annexed figure, in which the numbers refer to the different 
component Sagas, will give a notion of the state of the whole in 
the MSS. (g=the Genealogies, the stroke | marks the Preface) : 

1 iL c j" 1 : 1 p IV """ II 

CH. 215 T.S. 


And this confusion was rendered worse by a division (made either 
by Biorn of Skardsa, or one of Bishop Thorlak Skulason's scribes) 
into ten books, which begin and end quite haphazard, and irre- 
spective of subject or Saga. The references at the top of the pages 
in our text will permit a ready comparison with the old edition 
which followed the former numeration the first figures mark volume 
and pages, the second books and chapters. 

With the first three Sagas (i, n, m) the Editor's task was easy ; 
they were simply separated and renumbered. But with the parallel 
Sagas after the preface, which were intertwined, chapter between 
chapter, it was more difficult. However, as already noticed, it was 
possible, following a strict and scientific method (for to have done 
so on theoretical grounds would have been unjustifiable), to eliminate 
according to AM. 657 the Saga of Priest Gudmund (iv), this left 
Gudmund Dyri's Saga (v) in its entirety, so that it had only to be 
renumbered and placed after Priest Gudmund's 1 . Then the elimi- 
nation of the latter left the beginning of the Islendinga (vn) free 
and clear from all extraneous matter. 

1 The twist of Sagas in vellums is thus Chaps. 1-24 of Gudmund Dy'ri (v) 
are inserted between chaps. 14 and 15 of Priest Gudmund (iv), vol. i. p. 107, and 
the rest between chaps. 16 and 17, vol. i. p. 109. And again, chaps. 2-17 of Islend- 
inga (vn) are inserted between chaps. 19 and 20 (i. 113) of Priest Gudmund; upon 
which follows the end of Priest Gudmund, chaps. 20-24; then the Islendinga Saga, 
chaps. 1 8 sqq. ; and now all runs straight, till after ch. 36 of Islendinga chaps. 11-20 
of Hrafn (vi) are again inserted. 



The Codex Resenianus, a beautifully written MS. (AM. 399) from 
which the text of the Saga of Priest Gudmund in Biskupa Sogur is 
derived, is a most curious instance of the mechanical kind of work 
done by the compilers. It contains insertions from the Islendinga, 
from Aron's Saga ; and even into the piece of Aron's Saga which 
it borrows, it ' super-inserts,' so to say, stuffing in scraps of chapters 
47 and 49 of the Islendinga, besides various Annals. It is, however, 
lucky that this compilation was made, for it has preserved part of 
Aron's Saga which has perished in the separate copies of that work. 
The following stray chapters, or bits of chapters, of the Islendinga 
are embodied in Codex Resenianus chapters 18; 20-22 ; 24-30; 
32-36 ; 41, 42 ; 48, 60, 67, 81, 86, 87, 93, 97, 102, 103, where the 
vellum breaks off (see foot-note, vol. i. p. 326). 

Further on in Islendinga Saga the latter part of Hrafns Saga (vi), 
in an abridged form, was inserted after chapter 36 of Islendinga (see 
foot-note, vol. i. p. 228). This has been taken out and printed sepa- 
rately (vi), while the unabridged text of it which exists separately 
has been printed as an appendix. When such insertions as this 
were made, the chapters of the original work, which covered the 
same ground, were cut out and disappear. And so it has been 
here. But the scribe of Codex Resenianus must have had a copy of 
Islendinga Saga before him in which this insertion had not been 
made, for he has kept a little chapter which exactly fills up the 
place now taken by Hrafns Saga. It has been accordingly printed 
here in its proper order (as ch. 37, see foot-note, vol. i. p. 228). 

Unfortunately in the next place in which an insertion is made 
when Svinfellinga Saga (CH. 215) is put in, the blank cannot be so 
filled up. It has therefore been retained as ch. 215 (ii. 83-99), Dut 
this chapter has been numbered into sub-chapters, by which it may 
be quoted. 

Thorgils Skardi's Saga (T. s.), which begins in ch. 221 and goes 
on at intervals till the last piece which occurs in 323*, was by 
Sturla himself, unlike the former works, and therefore does not 
clash in style with the rest, while it preserves a more minute 
account (though abridged in places) than the original Islendinga 
probably gave. It is only found in vellum A. It has therefore 
been retained in the text, but in the foot-notes will be found 
references to the MSS. on this head. 

As to the end of the Saga, the only alteration of any signification 
that we have made from the text, as in the transcripts of the 
A class (the vellums being here wanting), is the transposition of the 
episodes in chaps. 328, 329. In the MSS. they stand immediately 
before ch. 332, breaking off the story of Sturla. This episode was, 

J The following chapters of the Islendinga belong to f>orgils Saga, and are 
accordingly absent in Cod. B chaps. 221-251, 264, 269, 272, 277-289, 293-315, 
318. In ch. 319 (ii. 252) Cod. B breaks off, and the paper transcripts of A and B 
alike are a fusion of both texts; but the context clearly shows that chaps. 320-323 
wind up Jiorgils Saga, and cannot have been in B. 


we think, for remarks of Biorn of Skardsa indicate so much, only 
found in vellum B, from where it was inserted, and in a wrong place, 
into the transcripts of A. Probably it is not written by Sturla, but 
by some partisan of Earl Gizur. For other extraneous episodes, see 
the dream-stories, ii. 219-221, foot-note ; as also i. 381-382, foot- 
note; both only found in B. Further, the letter in ch. 31. Sturla 
seems not to have had any great leaning for deeds or charters ; see 
also the strange episode in ii. 242, foot-note. 

In vol. ii. p. 397 will be found a chapter which has always in the 
paper copies been annexed to Sturlunga. There are only two 
texts of Sturlunga, A and B, and their two versions of the incidents 
related in this chapter may be distinguished. From whom then 
could this third independent account be derived ? On comparing 
it with Hakon's Saga, ch. 318, in the abridged text of Fris-bok, and 
with Flatey-book, vol. iii. pp. 214-215, the Editor inferred that an 
early copyist of Sturlunga must have had Hakon's Saga before him, 
and also that the Hakon's Saga he knew was the original full text 
from which the Flatey-book and Fris-bok abridgments were de- 
rived. When the full text of the Saga was found and examined at 
Stockholm (in July-Aug. 1874), this conjecture was proved true. 
To complete this edition and enable readers to compare it for 
themselves with the other versions, the chapter has been printed as 
an appendix. 

One more alteration has been made. The Genealogies have 
been put in their proper place at the head of the Islendinga Saga, 
the whole being now arranged thus : 

CH. 215 T.S. 



The History of the Sturlunga text in after times begins with 
the statement of Sturla's editor in the preface. Next in order 
come the quotations embodied in the Codex Resenianus c. 1300, 
and the citations of the Miracle-book c. 1320, and of Arngrim 
c. 1345, given above. After this time, with a single exception, 
there is unbroken darkness covering Sturla and his work for 300 
years. Ari had been clean forgotten, Snorri had become a mere 
name, and now Sturla too sunk into oblivion. Einar Fostri (c. 1450), 
the author of Ski6"a-Rima, does indeed know Siurlu Saga, but this 
we take for several reasons to have been the separate and un- 
abridged copy, not the one now included in Sturlunga. 

It is in one of the many sets of Annals, that marked L and M 
in the big edition, that we find citations and notices from the Islend- 
inga (referring to the battle of Orlygstad, quoting the ditty ' Loptr 
er i Eyium'), ch. 44, &c. The very vellum, which the compiler of 
the Annals had before him, may be identified, for he quotes from 
Bishop Ami's Saga, which is only found in vellum A. If this be 


so, the end of Bishop Ami's Saga was still, in the compiler's days, 
to be found in A, from which it is now missing, for there are one 
or two entries in the Annals that must come from the lost part 
of Ami's Saga. One of these is printed here (vol. ii. p. 475), 
and refers to the eruption and earthquakes of 1294, noticing the 
appearance of new Geysers in the South of Iceland, and the dis- 
appearance of ones that previously existed. The second refers to 
the destruction of the cathedral of Skalholt in 1309 \ 

With the exception of this anonymous annalist, writing c. 1580, 
no one had heard of the Sturlunga till the two copies, A and B, 
were unearthed and copied c. 1640. For instance, Jon Egilsson, 
writing Lives of Bishops under the eye of the learned and anti- 
quarian Bishop Odd in 1606, knows nothing about Bishop Ami 
the First, ' um hann ekki parit/ 

In the Crymogaea, 1609, the learned Arngrim, whose industry 
and ingenuity are alike remarkable, where he gives a list of Law- 
men, puts to the year 1251 ' Sturla Sighvatzson/ thus confounding 
Sturla the Historian with his cousin, and giving the speakership to 
one who had then been in his grave for thirteen years. Magnus 
Olafsson again, who died in 1636, gives negative evidence by 
omitting all mention of Sturla or his verses in his list of poets and 
collections of poetry. Biorn of Skardsa, too, in his earlier essays 
(1626-40), makes not the slightest allusion to any part or parcel of 
Sturlunga. And even when the vellums A and B were being 
copied, Jon Gizursson (died 1647), though an historian himself, 
and other copyists mistake the names of such well-known charac- 
ters as Sighvat Sturlason, the great favourite of all readers of Sturl- 
unga, turning the vellum abbreviation ' Sgh.' or ' Sh.' into ' Sighurd ' 
(i. e. Sigurd), the Norse form then in fashion. 


OLAF ^ORDARSON HVITASKALD (the White Poet\ so called to 
distinguish him from a contemporary of the same name, also a 
poet, a dark man, surnamed Olaf the Black Poet. He was the 
elder brother of Sturla, and appears to have been a quiet, studious 
man, of mild and gentle character and weak health: of his life 
something is told in the Islendinga, from which we also gather that 
he was in orders, and that he went abroad or stayed at King Wal- 
dimar II's court, a visit to which he himself alludes in his gram- 
matical work (Third of the Skalda Treatises), where he speaks of 

1 1309. Brann kirkja i Skalhollti, er Herra Ami byskup |>orlaksson haffti gora latid, 
a6 miklum hlut um nottina fyrir Pals-messu ; hana bar a Laugardag. Og a6 leyndum 
Gudz domi laust reiS stopulinn me& elldingum pa stjarna var i austri me& sva miklu 
megni, a6 kirkjan, hufan, stopullinn, var albrunnit a&r stjarna var i land-su&ri. f>ar 
brunnu baekr flestar nema atjan beztu hoklar (sic). f>ar brunnu bxkr (brikr?), 
baglar, ok messuklaeSi, klukkur, ok kistur, kantara-kapur, tjold 611, me5-bekkjar- 
klae&um; mikit i rekkju-biinaSi, salun ok blaejur. {>ar tynduz 14 silfr-bollar, ok 
margir dyrgripir, bae3i i gulli ok brendu silfri, ok margra manna eignir. Um varit 
var be&it um allt Island til uppreistar kirkjunni ; st66u par margir vel undir. Herra 
Jorundr byskup gaf 611 episcopalia. 

cxii PROLEGOMENA. 21. 

the mnemonic words which the Danish King invented for the 
Runes. He is the only Icelander known to have written about 
Runes, having, as he says, received his information from his ' Master, 
King Waldimar.' In one of our vellums of the Third Treatise 
(AM. 557) the Runic chapter has been left out. It might therefore 
be supposed that Olaf had only interpolated the work of an older 
grammarian, and that the text of 557 were the original treatise 
and not his. This theory however is inadmissible. Both texts, 
AM. 557 as well as 748 and Cod. Worm., contain the verses cited 
from Snorri. Olaf must therefore have interpolated the work of a 
contemporary; but the identity in style and diction preclude any 
thought of this being the case. We take the fact to be, either that 
the chapter on the Runes was written separately, and later inserted 
by himself, or that the scribe of 557 simply omitted the chapter on 
account of the strange matter, for the Icelanders seem to have 
taken but a scant interest in Runes. Olaf s home was Stafholt, 
Snorri's second estate, and where he often resided. He was 
therefore much with Snorri. He was Lawman 1248-50 and again 
in 1252. (See especially Islendinga, chaps. 256, 257.) Besides the 
work above mentioned, which is principally founded on Priscian 
and Donatus, an account of the figures of speech and illustrated 
by Icelandic verses, of which he quotes about 140 specimens, 
those of his uncle Snorri being the latest, he is known to have 
composed poetry, of which the Skalda epilogue-writer has pre- 
served several specimens 1 . We may perhaps also fancy him to 
have edited the Prose-Edda, furnishing the prologues and epi- 
logues thereto, which are certainly the work of a book-learned 
man, such as we know him to have been. The Third Skalda 
Appendix, however, is the work of a still later hand. The final 
editing and compiling of Skioldunga may also be his work. His 
intimate acquaintance with Snorri and probable knowledge of what 
part of Ari's Danish Kings' Lives was in Snorri's possession perhaps 
strengthen this conjecture. He died at Stafholt in 1259, aged 
about fifty years. It was for his poetical gift that he, like his 
kinsmen Snorri and Sturla, was chiefly famous in his own time. 


The works treated in this chapter assume a new and distinct 
form, that of Biographies ; though it is still in the Saga form that 
they are written, their contents and spirit are very different. They 
are far more mediaeval in type and thought, and nearly all of them 
are by clerks. They are very interesting as exact portraits of 
the time drawn from life, and give much valuable material to the 
historian and the sociologist, from their fidelity in describing con- 
temporary events, and even their faults are on the right side, their 

1 All the three Treatises as collected in Cod. Worm, are published as the second 
part of Edda, Copenhagen, 1852, and ar.e in the Icelandic Dictionary cited by the 
name Skalda. 

21. BIOGRAPHIES. cxiii 

occasional prosiness and the absence of poetry, of legend, and 
tradition, the supernatural element being merely the belief of the 
day, recorded as it manifested itself to the biographer. There 
is not a vestige of archaeology about them; they are always 
'franchement de leur siecle/ 

They fall naturally into two groups the Lives of Bishops and 
the Lives of Champions but the line between them is more one of 
subject than spirit (Hrafn is as much a saint as Gudmund himself), 
and the only true champion of the old Saga type treated of, though 
even he is a faithful soldier of orthodoxy, is Aron. 

Most of these stories, both of Bishops and Laymen, came to 
pass before the time of Sturla, between the years 1118-1213, 
beginning a century after the true Saga-time, and ending at the 
birth of Sturla. Two are contemporary with Sturla : Aron's Saga 
and Svinfellinga; two are later, the Lives of Arm and Lawrence. It 
was of course of the first group that the preface writer is thinking 
when he talks of the Sagas which happened before Bishop Brand's 
death having been committed to writing before Sturla began to write. 

Of these works, the Life of Bishop Paul is a model biography, 
in which the book charms us even more than the subject, as in 
the Life of John Stirling ; that of Bishop Ami is of the greatest 
historical importance ; the Saga of the Svinfellinga is the most 
pathetic ; and the biography of Bishop Lawrence, the ' last of the 
Sagas,' the most entertaining of all. 

We shall take first the secular Lives, which are the older, 
noticing them one by one, as has been done above with the 
older Sagas of the heroic days (9). 

GEIRMUND HELLSKIN'S SAGA (I. vol. i. pp. 1-7) does not really 
belong to this series at all. It is merely a family legend of the old 
type, put down at a later period by Thord of Skard, as has been 
stated above. 

THE SAGA OF THORGILS AND HAFLIDI (II. vol. i. pp. 7-2 1 of this 
edition), 1118-21. This little story is only found in Sturlunga, 
in an abridged state there can be little doubt, as we know how 
the Sturlunga editor acted towards Hrafn and Gudmund's Sagas, 
where we have the full text to compare with his contracted form, 
but it has not apparently suffered much from the process. If the 
words, before alluded to, on p. 38, 1. 9, ' at J3vi sem mik minnir,' be 
relied on, as it is reasonable to suppose they may, this Saga, which 
is of a more archaic type than the rest, should be of the third 
quarter of the twelfth century. The passage in-ch. 20, p. 28, 1. 33, 
which would make it as late as Bishop Magnus, who died 1237, 
must be an interpolation, and is simply an indication of the age of 
the MS. which the Sturlunga compiler used. Analogous instances 
occur in Kristni Saga and Fostbraedra Saga. The story is con- 
cerned with the quarrels between two great chiefs, Thorgils of the 
West and Haflidi of the North, which grow more and more bitter, 

VOL. i. h 

cxiv PROLEGOMENA. 21. 

till they nearly end in a civil war. The interposition of good priest 
Ketil and the chivalry of Haflidi at last brought about a reconcilia- 
tion, with which the story ends. Ketil's touching story (ch. 29) 
where he pleads for peace, the account of the Banquet of Reyk- 
holar (ch. 10), the introduction of such historical persons as Bishop 
Thorlak, Ari's friend, and Saemund the Historian, and the great 
scene on the Althing, which may be compared with the finer 
account of similar events in Nial's Saga, are the chief points which 
make the Saga worthy of attention. 

STURLA SAGA (III. vol. i. pp. 40-85), 1150-83. After a break 
of about thirty years, the history of part of the next generation 
is told in the biography of Sturla, the founder of the great family 
which was to play such an important part in Icelandic History. The 
first part of the story tells of the rise of Sturla and his rivalry with Einar 
Thorgilsson, whom he had, as it were, supplanted, taking away his 
clients and becoming the greatest man in the district. Einar was 
a worthless son of a worthy father, securing his ends by violence 
and brutality; but his rival was a man of a very different kind cool, 
ambitious, scheming, cunning, and self-seeking, with all the quali- 
ties which were necessary to command success in the path he had 
marked out for himself; a good judge of men, of admirable self- 
control, ready decision, quick humour, and untiring perseverance 1 . 
And so little by little Sturla, who, though of a fair family, was not 
one of the aristocracy of the island, raised himself step by step till 
he became rich and powerful, and was able to ally himself with the 
greatest chief and to marry into the best family in Iceland. 

The contest with Einar ends in the fight on the Heath (1171), 
in which he completely crushes his adversary. The second part 
of the story deals with the most famous case of the time of the 
Deildartungu-mal, a 'cause celebre.' Sturla was talking over a 
matter of dispute with priest Paul of Reykjaholt, when Paul's 
wife, enraged at what she considered his chicanery and double- 
dealing, rushed upon him and stabbed him in the face. He kept 
his temper and passed it over lightly, but Paul was frightened and 
gave him self-doom, i. e. the right of himself appointing the com- 
pensation he considered due to him for the insult and injury. But 
generosity was not part of Sturla's character, and his demands 
were so extravagant, that after awhile a second arbitration was 
agreed on, and Sturla gave up his right to Jon Loptzson, the 
greatest chief in Iceland, who gave a fair award (1181), and to 
please Sturla took his son Snorri into fosterage with him. Sturla 
died two years after, at the age of sixty-eight. The Saga is very 
unequal, parts of the first half are repulsive and monotonous, but 
the last half is very good, and with more of humour in it than any 
other Saga of the Silver Age. That it is the same story as the Stock- 

1 The 'bon mot' of Bishop Brand, vol. i. p. 84, 1. 17, Einginn ma5r fry'r br 
vitz en meirr ertu grunadr um gaezku, 'thy head is good enough, but thy heart!' 
paints the man a Machiavel. 


holm fly-leaf mentions is undoubted ; the letters ' Sturla; .saga.' can 
stand for nothing else, the only possible ultimate, ' Sturlaug ' being 
a modern form for ' Styrlaug V From the fact that the author of 
Skfdarima knew the anonymous beggar's name (ch. 24), one would 
contend that he had known an unabridged text of the Saga. Our 
unique one in Sturlunga is evidently a little cut down in places. 
That the author was a man who lived not long after the events he 
recounts is clear : he probably wrote it about the end of the century. 

GUDMUND DYRI'S SAGA (V. vol. i. pp. 126-74), 1185-1200. A 
rough bloody story of the same type as Jomsvikinga, telling of the 
life and feuds of a great chief in Eyjafirth. A dispute about an 
inheritance begun the strife with which the whole Saga is taken up. 
Teit, a rich man, goes abroad for a far journey. One night at a 
great feast, while his wife is serving her guests, she sees him sitting 
Banquo-like in his seat in the hall ; but he was visible to no one 
else ; she was so troubled that she could not go on with her work, 
and now feeling convinced that her husband was dead, she gets 
divorced from him, and his goods were divided. At last the news 
came that he had died the day and hour when his ghost had ap- 
peared to her. The law questions arising out of this compli- 
cation and the division of property, bring on all the trouble. 
There is a dreadful case of fire-raising (May 7th, 1197), in which 
Onund perishes; this central incident gave the title by which the 
whole Saga is quoted on the oft-mentioned Stockholm fly-leaf by 
the name of Onundar-brennu Saga. Jon Loptzson acts as umpire 
for the last time in this case at the Althing, dying Nov. i that 
same year. Another scene of brutality and heroism, the slaughter 
at Laufas, occurs in 1198. The close of the Saga is abrupt, Gud- 
mund retires into a cloister, but his end is not told. The Annals 
record his death in 1212. The Saga is, we think, abridged in its 
present shape ; there is unhappily no other text. 

Hrafn Sveinbiornsson Saga (VI. vol. ii. pp. 275, 311, and 
vol. i. pp. 175-87), 1190-1213. The biography of a very remarkable 
man, a chief in the West, by a friend who wished, as he says, 
to pay a pious tribute to the memory of one who was not rightly 
honoured in his life, and who had fallen unavenged at a traitor's 
hands. Hrafn's accomplishments are recounted ; his skill in arms 
and archery ; his knowledge of surgery and leechcraft ' for which 
he would take no fee ; ' his acquaintance with the practical crafts, 
carpentering, building, smithing, wood carving, and the like ; his 
excellent seamanship ; his skill in song ; and his noble qualities 
of mind, forbearance, courage, hospitality, and, above all, the 
generosity and greatness of soul, which cost him his life, are as 
lovingly set forth. Telling first of Hrafn's travels, his friendship 
with Gudmund, and especially his pilgrimage to Canterbury, where 

1 Genitives in ar, i. e. 9, as Savgar, are very frequent in MSS. of that time, the 
beginning of the fourteenth century. The ' dots ' before and after words are also 
frequent in MS. spelling (see p. cxxxi). 

h 2 

cxvi PROLEGOMENA. 21. 

he presented to St. Thomas' shrine a carven narwhale's tusk, which 
he had vowed if the saint would help him to secure the fish. The 
whole Saga has been preserved in two separate vellums, Codex 
Academicus, lost in 1728, but preserved in paper transcripts, and 
AM. 557 (the preface only in the latter); the latter part is also in 
an abridged form, as already noticed, inserted in Islendinga. The 
feuds between Hrafn and the base Thorwald of Vatzfiord occupy 
the whole of this half. Twice Hrafn foils Thorwald in attempts 
on his life, gets him into his power and forgives him; the third 
time Thorwald captures Hrafn, and slays him without pity, March 
4, 1213, and the story ends in 1215. As the writer deplores the 
' prosperity of the wicked/ we may be certain that he wrote his 
book before the nemesis overtook Thorwald and his family in 
1228, when he was burnt to death on a journey by his enemies, 
who had indeed little cause to show pity to one who never felt 
it himself. The tragedy of Hrafn' s death and the loving venera- 
tion of his biographer give this Saga, which has a distinct style 
of its own, a very living interest. It was first published in Biskupa 
Sogur by the present Editor. It is now given in App. I. in a little 
emended and corrected form l . 

Aron Hjorleifsson's Saga (App. II. vol. ii. pp. 312-47). 
A fine dashing story of a dauntless champion and outlaw, a 
man who in his strength, recklessness, and generosity recalls the 
heroes of the old days, Gisli Sursson, and the like. He was of 
the band of Bishop Gudmund in his exile and misfortune in 
Malmey ; and with his kinsman Eyjolf, the most chivalrous of men, 
led the famous raid to Holar, crossing the sea in a gale during 
the night "of the 4th of Febr. 1222, surprising the homestead, 
slaying Tumi, Sighvat's eldest son, and returning in triumph to 
the bishop. But the vengeance of the Sturlungs burst upon the 
bishop and his adherents. Sighvat and Sturla attacked them 
in Grimsey, where they had sought a safer refuge than Malmey. 
Eyjolf and Aron make a splendid fight of it, but the latter falls, 
is left for dead by his enemies, and only saved by the self-sacrifice 
of his kinsman Eyjolf, who loses his own life. Now Aron's life 
as an outlaw begins, his numerous hair-breadth escapes are thril- 
lingly told, especially at Walshamri. At last Aron goes abroad, 
is well received everywhere, travels far and wide (to Palestine even), 
and at last ends his life in Norway, no outlaw now, but a favourite 
and henchman of King Hakon, who himself spoke these words 
over his grave, which sum up his character and life in a very 
perfect way : * This man Aron, our henchman, was a great traveller, 
very well tried in all manner of danger, and one that hath often 
stood in peril of his life ; and we will give our judgment on him 

1 One chapter of our Saga has been inserted in the Miracle-book of Bishop 
Gudmund, in Biskupa Sogur, and has furnished help in fixing the present text. A 
few emendations have been made to the edition of 1858, e.g. the saying in p. 276, 
1. 21. The saying in p. 282, 1. 14, we have not as yet been able to clear up. 

21. BIOGRAPHIES. cxvii 

in a word/ says the king, * that in losing him we have lost the 
best swordsman of all our Thanes.' 

In the seventeenth century there was one very illegible vellum, 
with a blank in it, from which a poor copy was taken. Of this 
vellum only five leaves reached Ami Magnusson (AM. 551); on 
these, as far as they go, our text is founded (ch. 12, p. 332 to 
the end). For the rest the paper copies, and Codex Resenianus, 
which is of the greatest use, for it supplies the blank which was in 
the vellum. As noted above, however, the Codex text is interpo- 
lated with insertions from Islendinga, most of which are removed 
in the text (see the foot-note to pp. 314-20). There is one point 
to mention, which may be useful to future editors. The text as 
printed, following here mainly Resenianus, puts ' Faer ok .... 
fundi luki/ p. 321, 11. 7, 8, wrongly as a reflexion of 'the writer. 
From what one can see in the confused paper copies they are 
right in putting it as a speech of Eyjolf haranguing his men, to 
which it should have been altered in our text. We cannot guess 
at the author of this Saga ; Aron's younger brother Olaf, the 
Augustine Abbot of Helgafell, who outlived his brother forty-five 
years, dying in 1302, may have had something to do with it. 

Svinfellinga Saga, or the story of the sons of Orm (ch. 215, 
vol. ii. pp. 83-99), 1248-52. Orm Jonson was a noted chief of 
the famous Svinfell family, the brother of Brand, 'the Augustine 
Abbot of Thykkvabae (see pedigree, ii. 495), and afterwards Bishop 
of Holar, known as the author of Gydinga Sogur. Their sister 
Steinun was married to Ogmund, a neighbouring wealthy franklin. 
Orm died on his return from the Althing, Sept. 5, 1241, leaving 
three sons, Saemund, Gudmund the younger, whom Ogmund and 
Steinun took in fosterage, and Orm, born after his father's death. 
As the brothers grew up, Ogmund, an ambitious man, seems to 
have been wishing to get the family chieftaincy into his own hand, 
but they resisted this, and a fierce quarrel arose. Saemund was a 
proud, reckless young fellow, and at last he made a raid upon 
Ogmund, and carried off his cattle and furniture, which stung Og- 
mund the deeper, as he was a careful and notable husbandman. 
Other insults followed, but by the influence of Steinun and Brand 
the matter was patched up. And Steinun obtained from God by 
her prayers that there should no bloodshed happen in her life. 
When she died (soth March, 1252) it was as if his good angel had 
left Ogmund, his fierce and gloomy temper overpowered him, and 
a fortnight after (i3th April) the sight of the brothers' riding by 
goaded him to relentless wrath ; he laid an ambush for them, cap- 
tured them, and in spite of the poor boy's, his foster-son's, appeal 
for mercy slew them both. When the deed was done, Ogmund 
repented, and by Brand's intervention the blood-revenge was 
stayed, heavy penalties were imposed on Ogmund, and he was 
driven from the district. The posthumous son of Orm, who bore 
his father's name, succeeded to the chieftaincy of the family, and 

cxviii PROLEGOMENA. 21. 

became, when he grew up, a great man in the East of Iceland. 
The Saga is especially interesting, as it furnishes us with some 
account of the East, genealogies, &c., of which, as the political 
interests of the Sturlung times lie wholly in the other quarters, 
little would otherwise be known. The text is only found in Islend- 
inga. If there be any abridgment it is very slight \ 

THORGILS SKARDI (vol. ii. pp. 104 sqq., chaps. 221 sqq., see above), 
1252-61. Something has been said already about this Saga, 
but as it distinctly belongs to the class of which we are now 
treating, a brief account of it must be given here. It is a highly 
romantic story of the too brief career of the greatest hero of the 
third generation of the Sturlungs, the son of Bodvar, Sturla's half- 
brother. It opens with scenes from his youth, and tells of his 
stay in Norway, which is the more noteworthy, as we find therein 
pictures of private life in that country (as the Yule feast in the 
homestead at Sogn, some notices of town life, &c.), such as the 
Kings' Lives do not give, concerning themselves, as they do, 
only with court life. Thorgils attracts the notice of the king, 
who admired his high courage, his proud bearing, and chivalrous 
behaviour, and at last, in August 1252, he was sent to Iceland 
as his commissioner to administer that part of the country where 
Snorri had but lately ruled. This at once threw him into opposi- 
tion to his family, and the surprise of Stafholt (Dec. 1252) and 
his capture, when he was only let go on taking an oath to abjure 
the king's party. However his duty to the king overrode this 
enforced obligation ; but a reconciliation was brought about, and 
a modus vivendi agreed on. On igih July, 1255, at the battle of 
Thvera, he crushed the Burners, who, not content with their suc- 
cess at Flugumyri, had slain Gizur's locum tenens, Odd Thorarins- 
son. It was at the instigation of Thorward Odd's brother that 
Thorgils took up the case. After this he moved to the North, and 
was acknowledged for the rest of his life as practically ruler of 
Iceland. Thorward now began to hate him as overshadowing 
his own power in the East, and at last slew the young hero by 
treason, Jan. 22, 1258. With the suit that follows the Saga ends. 
It is most minutely told, and the character of Thorgils is evidently 
one that his biographer greatly loved and admired. Sturla's sim- 
plicity of style and avoidance of archaism has been noticed ; it is 
curious however that in this one Saga several archaisms occur 
(balldraz ; sallacV, Fr. sallade, here used of a hayrick ; heljunar- 
madr, a patron saint, &c.) This may be due to Sturla's informant 
having used them in telling him part of the story, for they are all 
in that portion of it which Sturla himself could not as eye-witness 

1 Steinun and her brother Orm, the father of the two brothers, were the children 
of Thora the elder of the marriage dialogue (Islend. ch. 16, see the Icelandic Reader, 
p. 219). And so this tragedy too, one may think, was looming in the dark future, 
and ruling the two sisters' fate. The elder Thora became the mother of Earl Gizur, 
of hapless memory. How different the fate of Iceland might have been if the husbands 
had been reversed, and Thora the ' younger' 1 had married John, no one can tell. 

21. BIOGRAPHIES. cxix 

have supplied. There is also a lack of artistic balance in the con- 
struction, which would lead one to think that we have here an early 
work of Sturla. The Editor's belief is, that Sturla first wrote a 
biography of Thorgils as a separate work, and that it was not till 
afterwards that he formed his plan of making a general chronicle, 
as it were, of his own days. In Cod. B of Sturlunga Thorgils Saga 
is absent, and he plays only a subordinate part, the main thread of 
the story being bound up with Gizur. The Sturlunga editor, when 
he put the whole together after Sturla's death, cut up Thorgils' Life 
and wove it in among the contemporary chapters of Islendinga, as 
giving a fuller account of many events there slightly touched on. 
And so we have it in Cocl. A. It would be almost possible to 
reconstruct the separate Saga of Thorgils. But as it would weaken 
that part of Islendinga very much, it has been left in the text in 
this edition. Two leaves of the separate Thorgils Saga have lately 
turned up in Norway in a bad state ; they have been collated, 
though the text they give is a little inferior to the one we have. 
These are from an Icelandic vellum of the fourteenth century (see 
vol. ii. pp. 1 1 8-2 1, the foot-notes). 

THE BIOGRAPHIES OF THE BISHOPS are of two kinds, of entirely 
distinct origin. The first the Miracle -books, which we find in the 
MSS., as in the case of St. Olaf of Norway and St. Magnus of Ork- 
ney, tacked on to the large Lives of the Saints who are the subjects 
of them. They were used as lessons in the Service of the Saint's 
day, and were continually added to as fresh miracles were per- 
formed. The first in Iceland is of course that of Bishop Thorlak 
of Skalholt, the earliest Icelandic saint, the oldest MS. of which 
(AM. 645) dates from c. 1200. There are other less excellent 
recensions (see preface to Biskupa Sogur, vol. i, Copenh. 1858, 
by the present Editor, where they are all printed). Those of John 
of Holar are only found in the MSS. which also contain his Life, 
of which something will be said below. The miracles of these 
two bishops took place after their death, but in the case of the 
third Icelandic saint, Gudmund of Holar, very few wonders 
happened when he was dead, his mighty works and sanctity were 
acknowledged during his life-time. Indeed, till about eighty years 
after his death, when there was a kind of revival of his cult, his memory 
was not a very blessed one, for the continual strifes in which he was 
mixed up had still left their traces in many men's minds ; but at 
this date all these feelings were forgotten, and a collection of his 
miracles was made with the view of getting his sanctity officially 
recognised in Norway (the other two saints had received their 
honours by a kind of universal suffrage at the Althing per unani- 
mitatem populi in 1198 and 1200 respectively). The composer 
laments the written collectanea, made by the bishop's friends, 
which perished in the fire that destroyed Laufas* church in 1258. 
This Miracle- v book of about 1320 is preserved in AM. 657 (printed 


in Biskupa Sogur, vol. i. pp. 559-618); here is found the famous 
ghost story of Sealhead (Selkolla), a sort of ' Grendel ' monster 
which haunted Steingrim's firth and was laid by the bishop. 

Of the Biographers proper of the Bishops, first comes the anony- 
mous author of Hungrvaka, or the Lives of the first five Bishops of 
Skalholt (1056-1176). The author, whose name we should be 
glad to know, was evidently a pious and truthful man, a clerk and 
a resident at Skalholt, well read in the scriptures, and knowing 
Ari's Islendinga-b6k. He tells us that he learned much from 
Gizur Hallson, whose life had been bound up with this see of 
Skalholt, and we must suppose it to have been written after 
Gizur's death (July 27th, 1206). The title ' Hunger- waker,' 
which he gives to his work, shows his intent, by telling what he 
knew of the holy men he writes of, that people should be stirred 
up by their example and seek to know more of them. 

To the same author we owe the Biography of Bishop Paul 
(Pals Saga), (bishop 1195-1211, died Nov. 29, 1211,) a model bio- 
graphy of a model bishop ; it contains many idyllic scenes of home 
life. Having been, as he hints to us, of the bishop's household, his 
personal knowledge of his hero assures the fidelity of his descrip- 
tions and anecdotes. Both this and Hungrvaka came down to 
us in one vellum, which turned up about the end of the sixteenth 
century. Its influence was very remarkable, for it roused Bishop 
Odd (of Skalholt, 1589-1630) and Jon Egilson the priest to try and 
complete and continue the history of the subsequent bishops in 
the same style, taking Hungrvaka as a model. To it therefore we 
owe- our knowledge of the days of the Reformation and of the Lives 
of Odd Gottskalksson and many other men of worth and mark. 

Bishop Thorlaks Saga (born 1133, bishop 1178, died Dec. 23, 
1193), an entirely separate work though by that same author, spoken 
of in the preface of Sturlunga, is well worthy to be set beside the 
other two Sagas. Thorlak was indeed a very saintly man, of a 
gentle womanly disposition, but very strict in his discipline, and 
ever ready to resist what he believed to be wrong. His early life 
was passed abroad ; he studied in Paris, and Lincoln in England, 
which he left in 1161. This was of course before any idea of 
Thomas-a-Becket's sanctity had arisen, and destroys the idea 
that Thorlak could have brought any traditions relating to him to 
Iceland. This Saga was, we take it, written in Bishop Paul's life- 
time, and after the sanctity of Thorlak was declared. It exists in two 
MSS., in each of \vhich the Miracle-book (founded on that which 
Bishop Paul read out to the Althing as proof of Thorlak's super- 
natural power) is affixed. But in one, AM. 382, which is based on 
a better text than the other one, there is a curious insertion, by 
a man living some fifty years later, who writes in a vigorous style, 
resembling that of Ami's Saga, with a preface. In the middle of 
the Saga there is inserted an 'Oddaverja j^attr' (Biskupa Sogur, vol. i. 
pp. 280-93), containing an account of a part of Bishop Thorlak's life, 

21. BIOGRAPHIES. cxxi 

which he complained the old biographer had overlooked, namely, 
his political contests and troubles. When Thorlak first became 
bishop, his heart was set upon the plan which Bishop Ami took 
up nearly a century later, the desecularizing of the glebes. Here 
he was brought face to face with the chiefs, Sigurd Ormsson of 
the East, and Jon Loptzson of the South ; and hating strife, and 
willing if possible to live in charity with all men, he turned his 
attention to the mental and moral condition of his diocese, the 
concubinage, the besetting sin of the time, and the like. But even 
here he had to encounter the redoubtable chief Jon Loptzson, 
whose much-loved mistress RagneiS was Bishop Thorlak's own 
sister; and when the bishop bade him put her away, the chief 
threatened to quit the community of Christian men altogether, and 
take up his abode in Thorsmark, if he and RagneiS were not left 
in peace. Here too Thorlak gave way protesting. The fruit of 
this forbidden union was Paul the Bishop (see above). There are 
therefore very evident and excellent reasons why the old biogra- 
pher, writing at the house and in the life-time of Bishop Paul his 
friend and patron, should glide lightly over such matters, in the 
treatment of which he must blame his father Jon and his mother 
Ragnei6, or else excuse them at his uncle Thorlak's expense. 
The other MS. is Stockholm, No. 5. 

Bishop John's Life (born 1052, bishop 1106, died April 22, 
1 121). This biography with the slight early part of the Hungrvaka 
gives the first view of Icelandic life after the blank of fifty years which 
followed the old Saga-times. It testifies to great changes ; and its 
hero, Bishop John himself, was at the head of the progressive move- 
ment, striving however to turn it into what he considered the right 
channel, building the school at Holar, c. 1116 ; laying the founda- 
tion to the famous Benedictine cloister of Thingore ; introducing 
the best ecclesiastical music, of which he was very fond ; building 
new churches (it was so that he employed Thorodd the gram- 
marian) ; changing the heathen names of the days ; but setting 
his face against such innovations as dancing, which had been 
lately introduced, and was a perfect rage for a time, much to 
the endangering of good morals, and encouragement of light 
living. The bishop had travelled abroad in his youth with his 
mother, and the legend which tells how he saved his great friend 
Saemund from his wizard master occurs among his adventures 
abroad. Once in Norway he saved the Icelandic colony by his 
'wise speech' from the anger of King Magnus Barefoot, which 
had been roused, by Gisli Illugisson, the poet, slaying a henchman 
of the king's in revenge for his father's murder. The Icelanders 
had violently rescued him from prison, and the King had deter- 
mined to make an example of them all. 

The North quarter of Iceland wished for a bishop of their own, 
and Gizur was willing that it should be so ; hence a see was set up 
at Holar, and John was elected ; he went to the newly set up arch- 

cxxii PROLEGOMENA. 21. 

bishop-stool in Lund to be consecrated by Ozur. The friendship 
of John with Saemund and all the best men of his day, the excel- 
lent influence he had over his disciples, several of whom, as Klaeng 
(afterwards Bishop), Biarni the Arithmetician, and Abbot Vilmund, 
became distinguished men, inspire much veneration for the ' musical 
schoolmaster;' and if a man is ever justified in his works, surely 
he was. When the South had got their saint in 1198, the North 
cast about for one also, and who so fit as John ? So nearly eighty 
years after his death he too was made saint ' consensu populi ' at 
the Althing in 1200. There are two MSS. of this Saga containing 
different recensions : Stock. 5 and AM. 234, fragments (see Biskupa 
Sogur, vol. i. pp. 150-260, where both texts are printed). A work 
of Gunnlaug the Benedictine, written in Latin, was the origin of 
those two Lives, pp. 215-60. The chronology of all the Bishops' 
Lives above mentioned follow the ' Thingore System.' 

Of the succeeding Bishops of Holar, Ketil 1 (bishop 1122-45), 
the pious and noble friend of Ari (see Haflidi's Saga), Biorn Gils- 
son (bishop 1145-56), also a pupil of John's School, and Brand 
Saemundsson (bishop 1163-1201), the shrewd old man who had 
something to do with the religious Revival which made Thorlak 
and John saints, a movement which Paul, his fellow-bishop, was 
not nearly so eager about, of none of these are Lives found. In 
Ketil's case this is a real loss ; one would wish for a * Hungrvaka ' 
telling of him. 

Giidmund the Priest's Saga (born Sept. 26, 1160, bishop 
1202, died March 16, 1237) tells the life of Gudmund Arason up 
to his election as bishop. This extraordinary man is one of the 
foremost characters of the Sturlung times, and he is mixed up with 
every event of importance that took place in Iceland during his 
life. He came of a noble family (see pedigree, vol. ii. p. 493), 
famous for long-lived, handsome, and gallant men, and fair women. 
His father Ari met death like a hero in Norway, to save the life of 
Earl Erling, whose henchman he was. His father's sister Ingi- 
biorg, the first wife of Sturla of Hvamm, was the most beautiful 
woman in Iceland. His father's brother Ingimund, a great 
traveller and sailor, and a devoted scholar to boot, brought 
up the boy Gudmund after his father's death. The turning-point 
of his life came when he was on a voyage with his uncle Ingimund, 
the ship was wrecked near the Horn, and though Gudmund was 
saved, his legs were so terribly crushed that he was lamed for 
life. The scene is well told in our Saga ; the account after the 
storm of Ingimund's anxious solicitude for the safety of his book- 
box, rushing to it when it was found, and spreading out the books 
on the rocks to dry, is very amusing, for ' his heart was with his 
books/ Other voyages of this Ingimund are mentioned, especially 
his trading to England. His end was terrible ; he was wrecked 

1 Bishop Ketil was a great-grandson of Gudmund Riki, of Liosvetninga, and 
a son-in-law of Bishop Gizur (pedigrees, vol. ii. p. 492). 

21. BIOGRAPHIES. cxxiii 

on the deserts of Greenland (in 1189), and nothing was heard of 
him till fourteen years after, when his ship and the frozen corpses 
of himself and his companions were found by accident. 

According to the notions of his day, Gudmund being crippled 
was only fit for the priesthood, and he accordingly took orders ; 
but he threw himself into his new career with the whole zeal 
of his nature, and lived and died as a true Wiking ; and although 
he was fighting under the Rood of the church, instead of the 
heathen Raven, he struggled as fiercely in total disregard of odds, 
and was as incapable of giving way an inch as any Jomswiking 
of old. ^Openhanded was he even in his straitest poverty, 
cheerful in the face of the worst dangers, a born leader of men, 
who could attract to him such very different natures, as Aron's, 
Thord's, and Hrafn's, with a faith of the most ardent kind, amount- 
ing to actual superstition, and with a natural generosity of soul, 
both qualities which he shared with the man he most resembled, 
St. Thomas of Canterbury; but Gudmund also possessed what 
Thomas entirely lacked, a vivid and poetic imagination. 

The asceticism, the fervour in prayer, the charity of the young 
priest soon began to give him the reputation of a very holy man ; 
his curious consecrations of wells and springs, for which he was 
soon very famous, and the raptures (probably epilepsy) into which 
he was occasionally cast, when it was said that his spirit appeared 
to people many miles away from the place where his empty body 
lay (on one occasion saving a man from the clutch of a giantess), 
increased this impression. He made circuits of the country, 
hallowing the waters and relieving the sick; it was on one of these 
that he visited Hvamm, and sat a guest at Snorri's bridal (1200). 

Kolbein Tumason, a great chief in the North, who had married 
his first cousin, entertained a high regard for him ; and when the 
bishopric of Holar fell vacant, managed to get it conferred on him. 
Being an ambitious man, there is also said to have been in Kol- 
bein's mind some idea that the new bishop, owing so much to 
him, would be under his thumb, and prove a useful friend. But if 
he thought this, as Henry II is said to have done, like Henry he 
was mistaken, as was very soon proved. Gudmund at first re- 
sisted the proposal to raise him to the episcopal stool with great 
earnestness, but his scruples were overruled, and he set out to 
Norway for his consecration. The letters passing between the 
chiefs in these negotiations are given in our Saga, which ends here. 

The MSS., Codex Resenianus and AM. 657, and the way in 
which the Saga has been inserted into Sturlunga in bits have 
all been touched on above. The style is striking and peculiar, 
which is seen even in the Sturlunga abridgment. The author is 
not known ; the Editor has guessed at Lambkar Gunsteinsson, later 
Abbot of Helgafell (died 1248). It must anyhow have been written 
during Gudmund's bishopric by one who was with him in Iceland 
in his circuits when priest, but who did not go abroad with him. 

cxxiv PROLEGOMENA. ai. 

For this and other questions connected with the Saga, see preface 
to Biskupa Sogur. 

The second part of Gudmund's life must be gathered from 
Islendinga and from the curious collections of stories which we 
have spoken of above. It will be perhaps as well to sketch the 
end of his career, as it is one of the distinct threads of Islendinga, 
and to take it here will prevent the short analysis which must be 
given of that great work from becoming too complicated. 

After a terrible voyage, in which his friend Hrafn's skill as a 
seaman saves the whole crew, he is consecrated and comes back 
to Iceland. His notorious lack of all sense of economy led to the 
appointment of a curator of the property of the see, and Sigurd 
Ormsson, an old friend of the bishop, was given this stewardship. 
But they did not pull well together, and troubles arose. But what 
brought matters to a crisis was the bishop claiming sole right of 
jurisdiction and punishment over a priest who had committed some 
atrocious crime. Kolbein, his old patron, upheld the common law ; 
both were right according to their several views, and neither would 
give way, and when Kolbein came to Holar to hold an executive 
court, he was slain by the blow of a stone (Sept. 9, 1208), a mani- 
fest judgment of God, as the bishop's men thought. This death 
led directly or indirectly to most of the disorders of the Sturlunga 
time. A great league of eight chiefs was formed against the 
bishop, Sighvat and Snorri among them (neither Hrafn nor Thord 
would join it). They went to Holar and arrested Gudmund, 
Snorri's politic craft covering the violence under colour of an 
invitation to his own house. The following winter (1209-10) he 
stayed at Reykjaholt as Snorri's honorary guest, and a line is pre- 
served of a drapa composed by Snorri, in the fashion of the old 
time, in honour of the bishop. The bishop's years of wandering 
now begin, the enmity of Sighvat, whose wife Haldora was Kol- 
bein's sister, pursuing him from place to place, while a band of 
sworn adherents gathered round him in his exile, and repaid 
violence by violence. Twice Gudmund went abroad, but he did not 
get on any better with the Archbishop than with the chiefs. Sigh- 
vat had now moved to Grund in Eyjafirth, and became the greatest 
man in the North. He and Arnor, Kolbein's brother, came down 
upon the bishop and his band as they lay at Helgastad, captured 
him, and carried him away across the whole island to Hvita in the 
West, where he Jkept him waiting for a fair wind to send him in 
exile to Norway. But now Eyjolf Karsson plans and carries out 
the gallant rescue, which is so well told in Islendinga (ch. 41). Then 
follow the events that have already been related, the slaying of 
Tumi, the Grimsey fight, and the bishop's capture and exile to Nor- 
way for four years. In 1226 he came back broken in health, but as 
implacable as ever ; hunted about by Kolbein the young, with 
short intervals of peace, when he was allowed to live at Holar. At 
last he fell blind, and after a year or two more of restlessness and 

21. BIOGRAPHIES. cxxv 

unquiet, his last illness came upon him. He would not die on his 
back, saying, like Hofer, that one should meet death standing, so 
he bade them lift him out of bed and set him on his feet when he 
felt the end was near, and sinking from their arms on to a hurdle 
strewn with ashes, he breathed his last. Gudmund was given the 
title of ' Good ' by the solemn act of the Bishop and Chapter in 
the fourteenth century, but he was never rightly sainted as Thorlak 
and John had been. 

Bishop Aral's Saga. Sturla's work, as we have seen, breaks 
off in 1262, two subsequent episodes alone occurring in 1263 and 
1264, so that for the later period of Icelandic History we must 
look elsewhere. The deficiency is partly supplied by Bishop Ami's 
Saga, which, as a continuous story, begins in 1271. For the blank 
between, comprising several of the most important years of the 
island's history, we have unfortunately nothing except the dry 
notices of the Annals. 

During Bishop Ami's episcopate (bishop 1269, died April 17, 
1298) arose the question of the ownership and management of the 
glebes and other ecclesiastical endowments, which was fiercely fought 
over by the lay patrons and great churchmen of the time. Bishop 
Ami was the leader on the clerical side in this struggle, his foremost 
antagonist being Hrafn Oddsson, a daughter's son of Hrafn Svein- 
biornsson. Born in 1237, Arni died in Norway in 1298, leaving 
behind him the memory of the greatest Hierarch that had ever 
worn the bishop's mitre in Iceland. This Life of the bishop 
stands alone among the other Icelandic biographies, resembling 
much more a modern historical work than a Saga, comprising 
letters, secret correspondence, documents, &c. It is the work of 
a cleric, a near relation of the bishop's, but one who, though a 
decided churchman, is yet frank and fair in his dealings with party 
questions. In its present state the story is imperfect, ending 
abruptly with the year 1291, omitting the last seven years of its 
hero's life ; though, owing to a modern transcriber having wound 
up the story by tacking some annalistic notes to the end, covering 
the last years of the Life, this has been little noticed. 

Our text is derived from Cod. A, in which it was placed after 
Sturlunga. Of this two and a half leaves are still remaining. By 
a curious incident we can prove conclusively that all our paper 
transcripts are derived directly from this single vellum. One of 
our three extant leaves is mutilated, the first and fourth columns 
being intact, while of the second and third the most is gone, yet 
leaving stumps of the lines. (See the facsimile of Cod. A, third 
hand, where this piece has been selected on purpose.) From the 
transcripts we see that in c. 1640 this leaf was but partly mangled, 
and that a slanting segment had been cut off, maiming only the 
nine lines at the bottom. At a later date the whole vellum was 
destroyed by a Vandal's knife, and this leaf left as it now stands. 
All our paper copies are here confused, getting worse and worse, 

cxxvi PROLEGOMENA. 21. 

some even skipping altogether the maimed lines, of which however 
the stumps still remain. The best transcript is the modern vellum, 
now in Stockholm, No. 8, taken by Bishop Thorlak Skulason. 
(See Biskupa Sogur, vol. i. pp. 714, 715, chaps. 25, 26 of the Saga.) 
This was the only blank or mutilation (besides the lost end) in the 
vellum at that time, and a good luck has left us just this leaf, with 
the stumps remaining, so as to make the evidence complete and 
conclusive, for no two vellums could ever be alike as are two 
copies of the same printed editions. The text following after the 
last leaf that is left answers to four leaves and a half in the vellum ; 
owing, we think, to the last page being, when in 1640 the copies 
were taken, blurred and unreadable. The sheet containing the 
end of the Saga was at that date also lost ; but it appears to have 
been extant in 1580, from which time dates a modern Annal com- 
pilation (marked L and M in the edition of 1849). The compiler, 
as many entries show, knew Sturlunga and Bishop Ami's Saga. 
We take it to have been this very vellum that he had in hand. 
For besides entries well known to us from the preserved text 
(such as the Ballad ditties, A.D. 1218), there are two entire, highly 
interesting, now found nowhere, viz. the entry of the eruption and 
earthquake in the South in 1294, and the appearance of new Gey- 
sirs near Haukadal (see vol. ii. p. 475, see also the Editor's article 
on Geysir in the Dictionary). The second entry in question is the 
detailed account of the sudden destruction by lightning of the cathe- 
dral in Skalholt in 1309. Both entries we take to have been derived 
from the lost end of Bishop Ami's Saga, in this our very vellum, 
then complete. There are two leaves of another ' barren ' vellum 
which yield a little better text for the portion they contain ; they 
have been used in the Editor's Biskupa Sogur, to which we may 
refer the reader for the text of this Saga (pp. 679-786), which was 
deserving of a somewhat minute notice here, as it is so intimately 
connected with our Islendinga Saga, and because it is the last his- 
torical work of the Classic Age of Icelandic letters. The Editor has 
guessed that Bishop Arni Helgason II, the nephew and successor 
of Bishop Arni I, may be the author of this Life of his predecessor, 
which most probably was composed c. 1315. 

Bishop Lawrence's Life (born 1266, bishop 1324, died April 
J 6, 1331)- The last of all the Icelandic biographers faithfully 
described by his favourite disciple Einar Haflidason, who wrote 
down the bishop's recollections from his own lips. It is a very 
charming and interesting Saga, giving the picturesque and chequered 
career of a good and gifted man. It is of value to the Historian of 
Norway, as it gives a glimpse of the condition of the Norse church 
at the end of the thirteenth century. For it was in that century, in 
the service of the Archbishop, that Lawrence first came into pro- 
minence ; his faithfulness and boldness led him into great adver- 
sity when his patron, through illness, became incapable of helping 
him, and at last he was banished to Iceland, forbidden to preach, 


and suspended from his functions. But his meek and lowly bear- 
ing vanquished even his enemies, and like Abbot Sampson, to 
whose life-story, as told by Mr. Carlyle, that of Lawrence bears 
much resemblance, after years of patient endurance he was at last 
by his very enemies raised to a position which it had seemed 
hopeless that he should ever attain. The end of the Saga, contain- 
ing the last few days of the bishop's life, is lost in both of the 
MSS. (AM. 406 and 180) on which the text rests, but the gap may 
be filled up from the Annals. The Saga was published in Biskupa 
Sogur (pp. 787-914). That Einar Haflidason was the author of 
it, was guessed by Bishop Finn, but again put forth by the Editor 
(see preface, Biskupa Sogur), who was at the time ignorant of the 
bishop's remark in Hist. Eccl. 

A collection of the Lives of Bishops, from Hungrvaka to Law- 
rence, was published by the Icelandic Literary Society, Copenh. 
1858, in one volume, together with an Introduction, under the 
present Editor's care. 

ABBOT ARNGRIM OF THINGEYRI (born c. 1280, died 1361). The 
author of a life of Gudmund, written (1345-50) as a piece justifi- 
cative, to be used as evidence of that bishop's sanctity. We knew 
something of Arngrim from the Annals and from Bishop Lawrence's 
Saga ; for the Editor inclines to identify Arngrim with the monk of 
Thykkvabaer and the priest of Oddi of the same name. He therein 
appears as a man of wild, loose character. He was a musician, and 
when he was sent to Norway to represent the cloister in a suit with 
the bishop, whose agent was Egil (afterwards bishop of Holar), he 
is described as neglecting his business, and passing his time in play- 
ing on the organ He had something of genius in him evidently, 
and his literary character may suffer from the accounts of his moral 
shortcomings furnished by the annalist. Bishop Gudmund's Saga, 
which is compiled from older sources, contains little new about 
the bishop, but tells a great deal about Iceland, as it was in- 
tended to be read abroad, and Arngrim was desirous of making 
all necessary explanations. Its style is pompous and magnilo- 
quent, recalling that unrivalled patchwork of grand phrases, Saxo's 
Danish History. It is printed in Biskupa Sogur, as a first fasciculus 
to vol. ii, which winds up the second series. 


There is still one kind of historical work to notice The 
Annals. They make their appearance comparatively late in Ice- 
landic Literature, and outlive every other class of composition, 
getting fuller and fuller as the Saga dwindles, and finally almost 
reaching the rank of Chronicles. They are the jackdaws of the old 
literature, the fatter the Saga the leaner the Annals, and vice versd. 

There are no Annals dating before 1150. The earliest notices, 
bald and short, are merely drawn from the works of Ari and 

cxxviii PROLEGOMENA. 22. 

Saemund. The first eruption (the favourite topic of the Annals) 
recorded is that of 1104. The greatest and most important Annal 
collection are those called Annales Regii, ending in 1306, though 
continued by a later hand. These Annals (given here in the old 
spelling and from the unique vellum, in vol. ii. pp. 348-391) are a 
mere ' register/ though highly valuable as an index to Sturlunga 
and the Lives, furnishing the dates. For the time of the Common- 
wealth (till 1262) they are almost paramount, so full and accurate, 
that one may well-nigh dispense with all the rest. From notices 
e.g. under year 1259, one would think that our collection was 
mainly founded on dottings or memoranda of Lawman Sturla. 
After 1262-1331, the other Annals, brief though they be, furnish 
new matter. For instance, those of Lawman Hauk in AM. 315, 
covering years 1271-1315, and others. In 1331 the last Saga 
ends, and henceforth the Annals are our main source, (of deeds 
and charters there are but few.) 

From this time till 1392 we look first to the Annals of Einar 
Haflidason, the author of Lawrence Saga. The main events of his 
long life, as recorded in the Annals and the Saga, are as follows : 
He was born Sept. 16, 1304 or 5 the entry under 1307 in Flatey 
Annals must be wrong. Tonsured (' vig6r kninu-vigslu ') when nine 
years old ; entered the school at Thingore as a pupil of monk Law- 
rence (later bishop), whence he went to the cathedral school at Holar ; 
his father died 1319; the private secretary to Bishop Lawrence, 
'night and day about his person,' 1324-31, and wrote his Life; 
ordained priest in 1331; received the prebend of Hoskuldstad 
in 1334 ; steward to Holar, 1340 ; administered the last unction to 
Bishop Egil, Aug. 12, 1341; 'officialis' (locum tenens during a 
bishop's absence or death), 1341 ; got the prebend of Breidabolstad 
in Vesterhoop, which he kept for forty-nine years, 1344; went 
abroad to Norway, 1345; his mother died 1348; 'omcialis' 
second time, 1370 sqq. ; had a great lawsuit, 1388-90, and won it 
by the aid of his son Sira Ami; 'officialis' third time, 1391 ; died 
Sept. 22, 1393, aged eighty-nine, having outlived his master and 
friend the bishop by sixty-two years and five months. Beyond the 
Life and the Annals he is not known to have written anything. Of 
the Life, see above. The Annals compassing the fourteenth cen- 
tury, down to his death, are preserved in AM. 420, under the name 
of ' Logmanns Annal/ the MS. having once been the property of 
a Lawman ; his work is, for the fourteenth century, the main ground- 
work for the Annal compilation in the Flatey-book. 

The largest collection existing is that in the Flatey-book (vol. iii. 
pp. 473-83, Flateyjar Annalt), the earlier part of which is founded on 
a sister MS. to Annales Regii, but in a very confused state, always 
being in the wrong when the two disagree. But for the fourteenth 
century these Annals are of great value, though still confused and 
displacing dates. 

The New Annal s close the list, covering some thirty or forty 


years. They end abruptly in 1430, after which there is a total 
blank for above a century. Of all the Annals these are the best, 
Chronicle- like, even Saga-like, approaching in style the last two 
writers of the Saxon Chronicle. They are preserved in one vellum, 
a copy of the sixteenth century, and form our chief authentic infor- 
mation of the Great Plague in 1402 (confounded by later tradition 
with the Black Death, which never touched Iceland), and the begin- 
ning of the English Trade in Iceland in 1413. They are on this 
account printed in full in the Rolls' edition of Hakon Saga, Append. 
pp. 409-426. After the close of these Annals an absolute blank 
of nearly a century falls on Iceland and its history, till the Revival 
under Bishop Odd and his friend and scribe Jon Egilsson, to 
whom we owe the scanty scraps of information which we have 
relating to this dark period. 

A collection of Icelandic Annals was issued by the Arna- 
Magnaean trustees in 1847. 

The OBITUARIES, calendars in which the deaths of people of 
note are entered, often give interesting information. Two of these 
have been preserved (though the vellum originals are lost): one 
of the thirteenth century, printed in vol. ii. p. 392, is very useful 
for the chronology of the Sturlunga period. The other of c. 1330 
(here printed in vol. ii. p. 472) relates to the firiyovoi, and mentions 
several people of whom we know nothing, as they belong to the 
generation which succeeded the great age of which Sturla wrote. It 
also comes from a lost vellum. The entries in both have been as 
far as possible identified by the Editor, and years, so far as known, 
added. One or two errata may be corrected here. Under March 6, 
the person meant is certainly Sigurd Tafsi, the Archbishop, who 
died on this day in 1254 (see Hakon Saga, ch. 276); under May 8, 
Bishop Nicholas, or whoever it be, cannot be the great antagonist of 
Sverri, who died in Nov. 1225. It is one of the few entries added 
by a later hand, like the preceding one, referring to the year 1420. 

LISTS, i. Personal: a list of Poets (Skalda-tal), preserved in 
Kringla and Upsala-Edda, published by Worm and Mobius; of Kings 
of Norway (Series Regum), in Fb. i. 26-28 and elsewhere; of 
Bishops of the ten Nidarosian dioceses ; of Abbots of Iceland, in 
Stockholm 5 and elsewhere, often confused and inaccurate ; of 
Priests, in No. 1812 (see ii. 503); of Logsogumenn, in Mela-bok 
and Upsala-b6k. 2. Geographical : a list of Fjords in Iceland in 
a stray mangled leaf in Hauks-bok (see Sturl. ii. 474) ; of Islands in 
Norway and of North British Rivers, &c., both in ulur (Edda) ; 
of Churches in Greenland, Fb. iii. 454. 

GENEALOGICAL SCROLLS. Fragments of separate scrolls, of which 
many must be lost, are preserved in Mela-bok and in AM. 162, fol. 
(printed in vol. ii. pp. 497-500). One or two are found affixed to 
vellums at the end ; one of these, important for our purpose, was 
attached to our vellum of Hrafns Saga, vol. ii. p. 311. Others are 
printed in vol. ii. pp. 501, 502. 

VOL. i. i 

cxxx PROLEGOMENA. 23. 


There is ample evidence that many Sagas have been lost. In 
order to form even an approximate idea of how many, it is not 
sufficient to set down the names of Sagas which are positively 
recorded, for many have perished, leaving no traces, not even the 
name. That such is the case we can safely conclude from the 
still extant Sagas, of which not more than the third part is cited. 
Thus, if the vellum, often a single one, of a Kormak, a Gunnlaug 
had by mischance been destroyed, say in the sixteenth or the 
fifteenth century, no trace of such Saga having ever existed would 
now remain. Even Egils Saga is never quoted in old writings. How 
chary they were of citations we have had many opportunities of 
seeing. Our way of enquiry would be to mark down the proportion 
between Sagas quoted which still exist and their ratio to the whole 
number of actually existing Sagas. Then to mark down Sagas 
quoted but lost, presuming the lost Sagas not cited to stand in the 
same ratio as the former ones. 

We shall now name Sagas cited and existing : Laxdcela (cited 
in Gretla and Olaf Tryggvason) ; Eyrbyggia (Hauks-b6k) ; Nials 
Saga (Thorstein Sidu Hallson Saga) ; Bandamanna Saga (Gretla) ; 
Biarnar Saga (Gretla) ; Heidarviga Saga (Eyrbyggia) ; Vapn- 
firdinga Saga (Olaf Tryggvason Saga) ; Niardvikinga Saga (Lax- 
dasla); Hallfredar Saga (Vatzdzela) ; Svarfdcela (t>orleif Jarlaskald). 
Thus of the existing thirty-five Islendinga Sagas about ten are 
quoted or mentioned, such important Sagas as Egla, Gisli, and 
Gunnlaug's Saga being never mentioned even by name. 

Lost Sagas cited are: Thorgils Hollu son's Saga (Laxdaela) ; 
King Brian Boru's Saga or Brians Saga (Thorstein Sidu Hall- 
son Saga) ; the concluding chapters of Niala also are no doubt 
borrowed from it. Gauk Trandilssons Saga (see above). Gauk 
is mentioned in Niala ; he is also mentioned in one of the Mae- 
showe inscriptions ; an echo of this old and once, as it seems, 
popular Saga is in Maurer's Volksagen, ' M er Gaukr bj6 i Stong, 
{>a var eigi til Steina-sta6a Iei6in long.' Skald-Helgi' s Saga, on 
which story we have ballads, Skald-Helga Rfmur. 

The quotations from the Landnama should be kept apart, refer- 
ring, as they do, to vivd voce Sagas, told, but not as yet written. 
There is a whole cluster of plots of Sagas scattered through that 
work. Sometimes they are cited by name, ' As is told in N. M. 
Saga,' or, ' Hence arose the Saga of N. M.' Of these, many are 
lost : Thord Gelli, Grimolf and Gerpi, Vebiorn Sygna-kappi, Hroar 
Tungu-godi, and many others. Some have been preserved, not 
always, we should think, just as told in the days of Ari, for 
instance, Thorskfirdinga, Isfirdinga, Svarfdcela, Erik the Red. 
Certainly too, some Sagas, which we only have in * ]Dsettir/ were 
once complete and separate works, as Sighvat's Saga. 

Another piece of evidence is left : On a fragmentary vellum of the 

23. LOST SAGAS. cxxxi 

thirteenth century, a poem, Islendinga Drapa, is preserved, which 
contains short accounts of the subjects of many Icelandic Sagas. 
The poet, we take it, lived in the East of Iceland, in the latter part 
of the thirteenth century, for he starts with two small minor Sagas 
of the far East, spending three verses upon each. His list of the 
East and the North seems to be the most complete. In the existing 
part the following occur : Vapnfirdinga, verses 3-5 ; Droplaug, 
6-8; Egla, 9, 10; Glum Geirasoris Saga (lost), n; Hallf red's 
Saga, 1 2 ; Thorolf 'Skolmsson (lost), 1 3 ; Finnbogi (an early instance 
of a fabricated Saga), 14; Orm Storolfsson (apparently from a 
better text than Flatey-book), 15 ; Biarni the Poet (lost), 16 ; Gretla 
(probably an old draft), 1 7 ; Thorleifthe Earl's Poet and Svarfd&la, 
1 8; Orm S&ogarnefand Gauk Trandilsson Saga (lost), 19; Gunnar's 
Saga (probably the separate Saga which we only know as part of 
Niala), 20; Midfirth Skeggi's Saga (lost), 21 ; Hall o' Side's Saga 
(perhaps Thidrandi's J)attr is a part of this, and there may be scenes 
from it incorporated in Niala), 2 2 ; Thorstein Hall d Side's son's 
Saga, 23 ; Holmgang-Bersi's Saga (perhaps from a separate Saga, 
of which we only have a part in Kormak) and Kormak's Saga, 24 
and 25 ; Thorarinn Steinarssons Saga (lost), 26; Holmgang-Starri 's 
Saga (lost). Of these twenty- two some ten exist, and it may be 
presumed that at least an equal number have perished, if we 
remember that we probably have only half the poem. 

Again, on the fly-leaf of the St. Olafs Saga at Stockholm, No. 2, 
in a hand of c. 1300, this list is written : 

skiarlldunga .b. rumveria .s. ii. bekr. eyrbygia .saga. A/nundar. brenu saga. 
Sturla/ .saga, drarma saga. viga Glums .saga. 

Of these Sturla and Onundar-brenna are the originals, no doubt, 
of the abridgment of Sturla of Hvamm and Gudmund D^ri, pre- 
served in Sturlunga ; Drauma Saga is unknown ; Skioldunga is 
called ' b6k/ and distinguished from the Sagas, and evidently refers 
to the Book of Danish Kings' Lives of which we have part. 

It must be remembered that our Sagas, especially the local 
ones, are derived from very few MSS. (one or two in most cases) ; 
hence the chances that many are lost is on this ground alone very 
great, as may be seen from the following table. We must here go 
back to 1630-40, when there were as yet no paper copies. Of 
the figures; the units represent a vellum surviving at that date 
and now still extant, either in body or in paper transcripts, for 
many of the vellums have since perished ; the fractions represent 
fragments of another vellum, in most cases the shreds of one or 
two leaves, the sole remnants of barren vellums of which no paper 
transcripts were taken : 

Gullboris S. I. Biarnar S. I. Njar&vik. I. 

Havardar S. i. HeiSarv. I. Erik Red (North) I. 

Vapnf. I. Valla Lj6t i. Olkofri I. 

|>orst. hviti i. Jborst. Si&u H. I. Har&ar S. i|. 

i 2 

cxxxii PROLEGOMENA. 23. 

Haensa f>. if. Droplaug i. Reykdaela 2. 

Kormak ij. Floamanna S. 15. Gunnlaug 2. 

Vatzdacla ii. Liosvetn. S. i j." Bandam. 2. 

Svarfdasla l. Faereyinga S. i|. Hallfred 2. 

Glum if. Gisla Surs S. 2i. Eirik Red (West) 3. 
Hrafnkel i|. 

Add to this list, Kristni Saga i, Islendinga-b6k (Libellus) i, Land- 
nama 2, Sturlunga 2 ; and of the Lives and Biographies, Arna 
Saga i, Laurentius Saga 2, Aron i, Pals Saga i, Hungrvaka i, 
Hrafn Sveinbiornson's Saga 2. The great complex Sagas fared 
better: Niala some 15, Egla 13, Eyrbyggia, Laxdaela, and Gretla 5 
each (mostly however bare shreds of what once was a vellum). 
These are sad statistics, when we consider that the worthless fabri- 
cations in 2nd and 3rd vols. of Fas. (B6si, Ketil hceng, Egil One- 
handed, Gongu-Hrolf, &c.) exist in three or four MSS., where one 
or even none would have sufficed. Yet after all, we must be thankful 
that a work of art has been preserved at all, though it be but 
in one scorched and mangled copy. The damp climate, the 
chances of fire, &c. are especial dangers in Iceland, and the small 
vellums on which the lesser Sagas were first written would be 
more exposed to risk than the more costly MSS. of the greater 
Sagas, which belong to a later time, when books were more widely 
read and cared for. On the whole we may guess that at least 
one third, if not one half, of the Icelandic Sagas have totally 

Two Sagas, lost as separate stories, we have reserved for a last 

Skald-Helga Saga, the story of Helgi the Poet and his unfor- 
tunate love, preserved in Rimur (Ballads) of the fifteenth century. 
Three verses of the Saga are preserved in a fifteenth-century 
handwriting on the fly-leaf of Cod. Upsal. of the Edda, and other 
fragments are cited by Snorri. The hero was born in Borgar- 
fiord, but the scene lies chiefly in Greenland a rough, gross love- 
story. One beautiful touch there is, viz. the poet goes in quest 
of his lost sweetheart, and at last, after travels of toil and danger, 
finds her in Greenland, when, by a step-mother (or the like), he 
is allowed an interview with her, but they may only be together as 
long as ' three fires burn out.' 

Sighvat the Poet, a purer and nobler life than Helgi's. He is 
the friend and companion of St. Olaf ; a black-eyed man, stam- 
mering of speech in prose, but in verse his utterances were as 
fluent as those of others in talking. A great traveller, he visited 
Russia, lived at the court of Cnut the Great ; went to Normandy ; 
and even made a pilgrimage to Rome in the year when the battle 
of Stiklestad was fought. Afterwards he became the friend and 
counsellor of the young King Magnus, whose godfather he was. 
He died c. 1040, for the story in Hulda (Fms. vi. 108) is surely 
apocryphal; moreover, his last verses are of c. 1038 ; and Sighvat 


was a true songster, and let no year pass without its due burden 
of song. He was buried at Christ Church in Nidaros. 

Of no poet are there so many verses left as of Sighvat, about 
150, many extemporised. The Great Life of St. Olaf is dotted 
with them. His Saga is lost as a whole, but scattered fragments 
are preserved in Flatey-book, and it was used by Ari and Snorri in 
their Life of St. Olaf. 


These are preserved in some of our oldest MSS., which having 
been kept in cloisters and church libraries, have been better pre- 
served than secular works, exposed to the risks of fire, damp, and 
ill-usage in Icelandic farms and Norwegian halls. As giving early 
examples of spelling and style, both Norse and Icelandic, they are 
often of high philological importance. These compositions, espe- 
cially those of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, are mostly 
diluted, embellished paraphrases. The technical words for this last 
were 'glosan ' and 'glosa ' (to gloss), a plain rendering being thought 
too simple (see the Priest Grim Holmsteinsson's preface to the 
Life of St. John). Accordingly these works are, on the whole, in 
style and manner inferior to the old English or Anglo-Saxon of 
the same kind. Dikta and dikt are the technical words for any 
prose composition in Latin, such as the Lives of Bishop John and 
Olaf Tryggvason by Odd and Gunnlaug ; snara is to translate. 

HELGRA MANNA SOGUR, or Lives of Saints. The shorter recen- 
sions of these are among the oldest works in the literature, but 
the bulk, enlarged and paraphrased, are of the thirteenth and 
fourteenth centuries. The following are in existence (those 
marked * being of known authorship) : 

Life of St. Agatha. 


*Nicholas of Bari. 


Edward Confessor. Fb. 




Paul the Hermit. 












Seven Sleepers. 











Mary of Egypt. 





Cross (legends of). 


And the Vitae Patrum of 


*Michael the Archangel. 

St. Jerome, or Lives 


*Nicodemus the Evange- 

of the Fathers. 

Duggal (trance of). 


The bulk of these works are preserved in three collections AM. 
234, mutilated in Iceland; AM. 235; and the great Stockholm, 
No. 2, fol., of the end of the fourteenth century, containing twenty-five 
Sagas. For the older series we have fragments of similar collec- 
tions in AM. 623, AM, 645, AM. 656, &c., dating from before 

cxxxiv PROLEGOMENA. 24. 

1220, and may be even of the later part of the twelfth century. 
Some fragments of MSS. of Saints' Lives are contained in AM. 
655. These Saints' Lives have all been edited in two vols., under 
the name of Helgra Manna Sogur (including the Legends of the 
Cross, the Dialogues of St. Gregory, the Legend of Michael the 
Archangel), by Dr. C. Unger, Christiania, 1877. 

The Life of the Virgin Mary, or Mdriu Saga, founded on the 
apocryphal mediaeval legends, including a large collection of legends 
or miracles, Theophilus, Romanus, and several others, in many recen- 
sions, all now edited by Unger, Christiania, 1872, in one volume. 

The Lives of the Apostles belong to the same category as the 
above, though perhaps not quite so early. These Postula Sogur, 
including the Lives of St. Clement, the Four Evangelists, and 
John the Baptist, have been edited by Unger in one great volume, 
Christiania, 1874. 

The Nidrstigningar Saga, or Harrowing of Hell, a rendering 
of the last part of the Pseudo-Gospel of Nicodemus, a most popular 
mediaeval work, deserves a special notice here. It is contained 
in AM. 645 and 623, the latter a very old vellum. Edited in 
Unger's great collection. 

These works are all from Latin originals, and Saints' Lives in 
Latin are mentioned in Sturl. vii. ch. 123, and in Norse in Hak. S. 
ch. 329. 

The HOMILIES rank next in order ; of these there are three col- 
lections, (i) The Icelandic Homilies of the famous old Stock- 
holm MS., No. 15, one of the oldest Icelandic vellums, bound in 
sealskin ; brought to the continent by J6n Eggertson, who bought 
it for five marks in 1682. It has been most accurately edited by 
Professor Wisen of Lund, 1872, and largely made use of by 
the late Swedish philologist, Rydquist, in his great work, Svenska 
Spr&kets Lagar. (2) The Norse Homilies, of which, though 
other fragments exist, the only complete text is AM. 619. This 
twelfth-century vellum also contains the best text of St. Olaf s 
Miracles, showing the early date at which St. Olaf became the chief 
object of veneration in Norway. (3) The Sermons and Homilies 
of Pope Gregory (AM. 677, a twelfth-century vellum) are chiefly 
interesting for the numerous citations from the Gospels, the only 
vernacular translation till the Reformation. The Norse Homilies 
were edited by Unger, 1864. Those of Pope Gregory (a fragment, 
about ten in number) are being edited at Copenhagen by Mr. Thor- 
vald Bjarnarson, 1878. There is little doubt that by Thorodd's 
' l^&ingar helgar ' are meant Homilies, not Lives of Saints. 

Elucidarius, famed in the Middle Ages, exists in three vellums, 
one (AM. 674), exceedingly old, has been photographically edited, 
Copenh. 1874. 

The Lives of King Edward (edited in the Rolls' Series, vol. i. 
pp. 388-400) and King Oswald (edited in Ann. for Nord. Oldk. 
1852) and Dunstan (edited as Appendix to-Hakonar Saga, Rolls' 

2 4 . LIVES OF SAINTS. cxxxv 

Series, pp. 385-408), like the Saints' Lives, are from Latin originals 
written in England. 

The compilers of some of these religious works are known; 
among them are 

Bishop-elect Kygri-Bjorn (died 1237), the author of a Life of 
the Virgin ; of him much is told in the Saga of Bishop Gudmund, 
whose secretary he had been, though it is as his opponent that he 
appears later. 

Priest Berg Gunmteinsson (died 1 2 1 1 ), of a Western family, com- 
piled a short Life of St. Thomas of Canterbury. 

Jon Holt, priest of Hitardale, known from Ami Bishop's Saga 
(died 1302), compiled a Life of Thomas-a-Becket, probably that now 
contained in the Thomas-skinna. There is besides a Norwegian 
translation of the Quadrilogus, contained in a vellum at Stock- 
holm. Both have been accurately edited by Unger, Christiania, 
1869. The Rolls' edition of Thomas Saga is a reproduction of 
Unger's printed text. 

Prince Hakon (1232-57) was the author (or rather, the work was 
executed under the King's patronage, as in usum Delphint) of a 
good Norwegian version of John of Damascus' story of Barlaam 
and Josaphat, the best and foremost of this whole series of Sagas. 
It was ascribed by an old writer (Arngrim the Abbot) to King 
Hakon Sverrison, who died 1204, but, as the Latin original of 
the legend was not in existence in 1200, this must be a confusion. 
The work was edited by Unger and Keyser, Christiania, 1851. 

Bishop Brand Jonsson of Holar (died May 26, 1264) left behind 
him a book called Gyfcinga Sogur, an account of the Jewish Wars, 
&c., from the Historical Books of the Vulgate. When King Hakon V 
(1299-1319) ordered a paraphrase of the Bible to be made, the 
author (c. 1310) got no further in his task (which he performed in 
regular mediaeval fashion, making use of Vincent of Beauvais' Ency- 
clopaedia, the Speculum Historiale, and of Petrus Comestor's work) 
than ch. xix of Exodus, p. 300 of Unger's edition. The unfinished 
book was completed by affixing the rest of the Bible history, taken 
bodily from Bishop Brand's work, to this fragment, so that the bulk 
of the GySinga Sogur has been thus preserved to us. The whole 
work goes by the name of Stjorn. It is curious as the only work 
till the Reformation by which an unlearned man could gain any 
knowledge of the Old Testament. It is preserved in several Ice- 
landic vellums, and was edited by Unger at Christiania, 1862. 
The above theory was set forth by the present Editor in N/ 
Fe'lags-rit, Copenh. 1863, pp. 132-151. 

Grim Holmstemsson, a priest (died 1298), wrote a Life of John 
the Baptist (preserved in AM. 625) at the request of the well- 
known Abbot Ruriblf Sigmundsson ofVer (died 1307), of whom we 
hear in Bishop Ami's Saga. Runolf himself was the author of a 
Life of St. Austin (Augustinus Saga). 

Bishop Lawrence's bastard son Arm] a Benedictine of Thingeyri 

cxxxvi PROLEGOMENA. 25. 

(born c. 1296), was the author of a Life of SV. Duns Ian (see above) 
and of poems, some of which remain. We are told somewhat 
of his birth in Norway, and his younger days, in his father's life. 
Though he was clearly a youth of great gifts, his wild behaviour 
and drunkenness caused great grief to his father, whose remon- 
strances with him are set down in his Saga. But these were 
apparently of little effect, for an ominous silence covers his career 
from the death of the Bishop, 1330. 

Berg Sokkason, Benedictine Abbot of Thwera (1320-50), the 
author of Lives of the Archangel Michael and Si. Nicholas of Bart, 
and no doubt of many other Lives of Saints. His style is lauded by 
Einar Haflidason, the author of Laurentius Saga, who tells us that 
his paraphrases of the Saints' Lives will last as long as the country 
herself. Such was the taste and fashion of the fourteenth century. 
He has been supposed, on the authority of the Stockholm MSS. 
(Bergs-bok), to have been the author of the Great Olaf Tryggvason. 
But the word ' snaradi ' is either a misreading of the writer or 
a mistake. It is however extremely likely that Berg wrote or had 
written the copy of Olaf Tryggvason, which the scribe of the great 
Stockholm vellum had then before him. 

J6n Halldorsson, of Norse birth, a Dominican Friar, and last 
bishop of Skalholt, in Iceland (1325-39), studied in Paris and 
Bononia. He used to entertain people, in sermons and in table- 
talk, with legends and stories, which were since collected by his 
friends, and have come to us, though in a fragmentary state, in 
several vellums, AM. 624, 657, 764; a complete edition is contem- 
plated by Dr. Gering of Halle. These stories are mostly of 
monkish type ; some, however, are interesting. Best of all is 'Arch- 
bishop Absalom and the Peasant/ see Oxford Icelandic Reader, 
p. 234. The story of Mors (the same as Grimm's 'Der Gevatter 
Tod,' No. 44). Bishop John was a colleague of Lawrence of 
Holar, and is often spoken of in his Life ; by charge of the dying 
Bishop Lawrence he in 1331 ordained Einar Haflidason the priest. 
For a brief account of his studies abroad in Paris and Bologna &c. 
and of his death (March 25, 1339), see Biskupa Sogur, vol. ii. 
pp. 221-230. 

25. ROMANTIC SAGAS (Riddara Sogur). 

These are either Norse versions of stories from the great 
Mediaeval Cycles, preserved, with one exception only, Elis Saga, 
in Icelandic copies from the Norwegian translations, or else 
fictitious Sagas composed by Icelanders out of incidents occurring 
in the Romances, bearing the same relation to these as the Skrok- 
Sogur do to the genuine Islendinga Sogur. 

The first Romantic Sagas date from the reign of King Hakon 
Hakonsson (1217-63), when the longest and best were composed, 
and they appear to cease at the death of King Hakon the Fifth 



(1319), who, we are expressly told, commanded many translations 
to be made. They in no way represent Northern life or man- 
ners, but are merely a Court Literature of purely exotic character. 
They became very popular in Iceland when the close connection 
with Norway and other causes had brought about a complete 
change of taste, which allowed the true Sagas to lapse into almost 
complete neglect, as is witnessed to by the Rimur. 

For further information on the subject the reader is referred to 
Dr. E. Kolbing' s instructive preface to Riddara Sogur, Strasburg, 
1872, in which collection many of these Romances will be found. 

A collection of eight or ten of the best and most ancient is in the 
press, under the editorship of Dr. Gustaf Cederschiold of Lund. 

A list of the chief of them is appended. Those marked *, and 
perhaps more, are pure fabrications : 

Romances of 


Amilius. Kolbing. 

Bsering. Cederschiold. 

Bevus (Bevis of Hampton). Ceder- 

Blaus and Victor. 

Clarus. Cederschiold. 

Conrad. Cederschiold. 


Dinus Dramblati. 

Elis. Kolbing. 

Errek and Enid (Arthur cycle). Ceder- 

Falentin (Valentine and Orson). 

Flores and Blancheflur. Ann. Nord. 

Flovent. Cederschiold. 


*Hring and Tryggvi (AM. 589). 

Jarlman (AM. 589). 

Jvent (Ewaine). Kolbing. 

Kirjalax (Emp. Alexios). Gislason. 

Magus (Sons of Aymon). Ceder- 

Mirman. Kolbing. 

Mottul (Boy and Mantle story). 
Cederschiold and Wulff. 

Niculas the Juggler. 

Nitida Fraega. 

Pamphylus and Galathea. Kolbing. 

Parceval (St. Graal). Kolbing. 

Partalopi. Klockhoff, Upsala, 1877. 


Saulus and Nicanor. 
*Sigurd Foot. 
*Sigurd the Jouster. 

Tristan and Isoult (AM. 543). Kol- 
bing, 1878. 

Valvent (Gawain). Kolbing. 

Two perhaps merit a separate mention for their size and from 
the circumstance that they are derived from Latin originals : 

The Alexander Saga, written by Bishop Brand J6nsson 
(died 1264), founded on the Alexandreis of Philip Gautier. The 
translator intended Alexander to fill up the gap between the old 
historical books of the Old Testament and the Maccabees ; hence 
it is that Alexander is found along with Stjorn. Published by 
Dr. Unger, Christiania, 1848, from AM. 519. 

The great Karlamagnus Saga ok Kappa hans, made up of 
several books, such as Agulandus, Geirard, Olger, Otwell, Geipunar 
Jxittr, Runceval, Landres, &c. It is derived partly from French 
originals, partly from the chronicles of the Pseudo-Turpin, and 
would be of about the same date as Bishop Brand's work. Edited 
by Dr. Unger, Christiania, 1860. 

These Sagas are chiefly to be found in three great collections 
contained in the vellums, Stockholm 6 and 7, 4to, and the oldest 




(c. 1 300), 7, fol. Part of Stock. 7, 4to, is at Copenhagen as AM. 580. 
Most of those collections date from the fourteenth century. In 
AM. 598 is a collection of fragments of MSS. of Romances, 
Pseudo-Sagas, &c. 

Besides stories of Knight-Errantry, Mary of Brittany's Lays 
were also, by King Hakon Hakonsson's orders, translated from 
French into Norse. They are known as Streng-leikar or Harp- 
ings and Ljot5a-b6k or Book of Lays, and survive in a single 
Norse vellum of the thirteenth century, edited in 1860 byJDr. Unger. 

There is a Norse version of the Story of Troy and the Brut legend, 
based on Geoffrey of Monmouth and Dares Phrygius, called Breta 
Sogur, the first part of which is known as Trojumanna Sogur. 
Published in Ann. for Nord. Oldk., Copenh. 1848, 49. 

R6mverja Saga may perhaps be fitly noticed here; it is a 
paraphrase of Sallust's Jugurthine War and Lucan's Pharsalia, and 
curious as the only version of any portion of classical literature 
which, as far as we know, was ever attempted in Norway or Ice- 
land. It was edited by Dr. Gislason in Prover, Copenh. 1860. 

A brief thirteenth-century History of the World (Sex Aetates 
Mundi} in AM. 625, also edited by Dr. Gislason in Prover, Copenh. 
1860 (a fragment of a fuller recension published in Rimbegla, 1780). 

Of the Rimur or Ballads, founded on written stories beginning 
with Olafs Rfma in Flatey-book and continuing through the fifteenth 
century, the very metre points to foreign influence, while the sub- 
jects show the decadence of taste. Of the Rfmur many were founded 
on the worst Sagas, which contain the very smallest grain of tra- 
dition and the largest amount of false matter; while the better 
mythical stories, the Kings' Lives and the Icelandic Sagas, are 
scarcely touched on. Of the latter indeed 'only three are cited. 
A list of these Ballads will exemplify this * : 

From foreign Romances : 

Baerings Rimur. 

Blaus Rimur. 

Dinus Rimur. 

Filpo Rimur (lost Saga). 

GeSraunir or Brings ok 

Tryggva Rimur. 

Geirards Rimur. 
*Glettu Diktr (lost Saga). 


Hektors Rimur. 
Herberts Rimur 

Jalhnans Rimur. 
Kappa Rima. 
Klerka Rimur (lost Saga). 
Konrads Rimur. 
Landres Rimur. 
Mabils Rimur (lost Saga). 

From late half-fictitious Sagas : 

Andra Rimur (lost Saga). 
Ans Rimur (Fas. ii). 
Bosa Rimur (Fas. iii). 
Bronu Rimur (Fas. iii). 
Egils einhenda (Fas. iii). 

Harald Hrings bana Rimur 

(lost Saga). 

Hjalmter Rimur (Fas. iii). 
Ogmundar akraspillis (lost 

Olvis Rimur (lost Saga). 

Magus Rimur. 
*Ormars Rimur (lost Saga). 

Reinalls Rimur (lost Saga). 

Rollants Rimur. 

Saulus and Nicanor Rimur. 
*Skikkju Rimur. 

Vilmundar Rimur (lost 

fjjofa Rimur (lost Saga). 

Sigurdar fotar Rimur. 
Sigurdar f>ogla (lost Saga). 
Sturlaugs Rimur (Fas. iii). 
Sorla Rimur (Fas. iii). 
{>oris halegg (lost Saga). 
|>orsteins Rimur (Fas. ii). 

Those marked * have been published. 




From mythical Sagas : 

Fri8pj6fs Rimur (Fas. ii). Hemings Rimur. *V61sungs Rimur. 

Griplur. Lokrur. *{>rymlur. 

From historical and Icelandic Sagas : 

Grettis Rimur. Raudulfs Rimur (O. H.) J>raenlur (from Faereyinga 

6lafs Tryggvasons Rimur. *Skald-Helga Rimur (lost Saga). 
*6lafs Rima (Fb.) Saga). 

*Ski5a Rima (edited by Maurer, a mock-heroic poem, especially interesting). 

We also find the following heroes alluded to in the Rfmur, 
where a list of lovers is introduced : 

Elida (lost Saga). 




Gunnlaug and Hrafn. 



Priamus (lost Saga). 



Skald-Helgi (lost Saga). 




Some works of the preceding chapter might, but for being 
translations or paraphrases, count under this head. We shall 
therefore restrict our notice to original compositions. 

The Kommgs Skuggsia the author himself calls it by that 
name of which Speculum Regale is the Latin rendering ; King's 
Mirror, the name evidently borrowed from one" of the many 
Mirrors of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. The anonymous 
author describes himself as a Norseman living in the far north of 
Norway, Halogaland, the county of King Alfred's henchman 
Othere. A dialogue between father and son, the one asking, the 
other answering questions, just in the scholastic fashion of the time. 
At the beginning the author draws up a plan in four sections : 
i. on Chapmen, 2. on Court Manners, 3. on Learned Men, 4. on 
Bonders or the Common People. Only Nos. i and 2 were ever 
executed; and even of these, all the latter half is taken up by 
an excursus on Bible history, the story of Esther, and sundry other 
things, better known from elsewhere ; of the second section, a long 
digression on weapons and warfare, on court manners, dress, &c., 
though interesting, is chiefly drawn, not as one should have wished 
from old Norse life, but from foreign fashions, of the Plantagenet 
days. The chief value of our work is a digression in section i, 
chaps. 8-23, on the Physical History not only of Ireland, but of 
Greenland and Iceland, the Whales and Seals, the Icebergs, the 
Northern Lights, the Icelandic Volcanoes and Springs, and so on ; 
all unique in its kind and greatly interesting. All the rest we might 
afford to miss, but not this. The style is somewhat stilted and 
ornamental, like in Saxo, but for all that, bald and prosaic, though 
full of good Norse common sense, and even humour but it is no 
classical work to be set off against the Icelandic Sagas. It has 
however made a great stir in the literary world, greater than even 


Niala and Laxdaela did. Its date (the author's name cannot now 
be guessed at) formerly put as high up as possible, to Sverri's days, 
to whom it has even been ascribed, is now agreed upon on all 
hands to be the thirteenth century, King Hakon's classic time, 
c. 1230-50. The state of the MSS. is a curious one: there is a 
Norse vellum (though defective and without the preface) of c. 1270, 
not much younger than the lost original, and a few leaves, also 
Norse, of the same time. Then all is blank, and the work would 
now be defective, but for the chance that there are some ten or 
twelve Icelandic vellums all of the sixteenth century. It appears 
that about the year 1500, a stray copy from Norway came to Ice- 
land (there are no traces of the work being known there ere that), 
where it was much thought of, and numerous copies taken. It has 
twice been edited, once in 1768 with learned notes, again in Chris- 
tiania in 1848, the text, but in an Icelandic normalised spelling; 
a new edition in the Norse spelling of the old vellum is required. 

MATHEMATICAL : Turning to Iceland, we find uppermost 
learned works of a calendary and arithmetical kind. A ' Star-gazer ' 
named Stjornu-Oddi (Star-Oddi) is named as authority for a 
system of reckoning the time 1 (called Odda-tal, the Reckoning 
of Odd) ; he lived in the North of Iceland, but when we do not 
know; the dream or vision called the Dream of Star-Oddi (published 
along with Rimbegla, 1780) is a fable. Next to him is a Priest 
Bjarni BergJ>6rsson tolvisi, or the ' Number- wise/ the Arithme- 
tician, a pupil of Bishop John's school at Holar, died in 1173; a 
computistic treatise founded on his writings and those of Star- 
Oddi has come down to us under the name of Rimbegla 2 (rim 
being the mediaeval term for almanack, computation) , in an old 
vellum of the twelfth century, in No. 1812, a quire of twelve leaves 3 , 
now being edited by Dr. Piehl of Upsala. Since many other 
calendary essays were added, and at last, in the fifteenth century, 
collected into a miscellaneous volume called Blanda*, in AM. 624. 
A collection was published by Stefan Bjornsson, Copenh. 1780, 
under the name of Rimbegla, extending the name to the whole, 
though of right it only belongs to the old essay. A little essay 
called B6kar-b6t, also preserved in No. 1812, is a kind of old 
appendix to the Rimbegla. 

Purely arithmetical: An essay called Algorismus, preserved in 
Hauks-b6k, probably by the pen of Lawman Hauk Erlendzson 
(died 1334), the great penman, collector, and annalist; treats of 

1 ' Sva tal&i Stiornu Oddi, er gloggvastr manna var i allri tolu um himin-tungla 
gongu, hve bar at syn, allra j>eirra manna, er a voru landi hafa verit, at. . . .' The 
Author of Rimbegla. 

a The Preface sayi, ' Tekr bokin nafn J>a&an ok heitir Rimbegla, bvi at hon man 
sva bykkja saema mega hja go&u rimtali, sem "begla " hja fogru smi&i.' 

:i The whole volume, No. 181 2, is a collection of sundries, of various dates, loosely 
stitched together. 

4 'Skal sja bok ba&an af nafn taka ok heita Blanda, fyrir bvi at saman er 
" blandat " skyldu tali ok oskyldu.' Preface. 


the Four Rules, and the Square and Cube Roots. Hauk is also 
the first man who employs Arabic figures instead of the Roman 
numeral letters. The Algorismus is published in Ann. for Nord. 
Oldk., Copenh. 1848. 

GEOGRAPHICAL : An essay called Guide to the Holy Land (LeiSar- 
vfsir ok borga-skipan), Nikulas (died 1158), a Benedictine Abbot of 
Thvera in the North of Iceland. Published under the name of Sym- 
bolae ad'Geogr. medii aevi, by Werlauff, Copenh. 1820. Similar 
tracts are found scattered in the Hauks-b6k, all in a scholastic and 
skeleton-like fashion. A little essay from AM. i e , published 
in Fms. xi, is worth special notice, as it mentions Wineland, gives 
the number of the Orkneys, the Faroes, the Hebrides, &c. The 
Flos Peregrinationis of Gizur Hallzson is mentioned in p. ccxiv. 

Small and insignificant essays or rather translations, sorting 
under Physica, are scattered about in collections of miscellania, 
such as Hauks-bok, AM. 624; or even medical, as in AM. 194. 
The natural-historical section of the King's Mirror already men- 
tioned is here of course of paramount interest, as are the lists in 
the ^ulur. Observe also the chapter in Arngrim's Life of Gud- 
mund, describing the nature of Iceland. 

Of Glosses, such as abound in the A. S. (the J31fric Glosses), the 
Icelandic is very poor. A small collection of about one hundred 
and fifty words, on a stray blank page in the old vellum, No. 1812, 
lately published in Zacher's Zeitschr. by Dr. Gering of Halle, is 
about all. But a rich crop of synonyms and word-collections 
(giants, dwarfs, sea-kings, gods, battles, weapons, ships, rigging, 
parts of ships, rivers, islands, sea, earth, besides trees, fishes, 
whales, birds, &c.) is contained in our Mur, a motley mythic 
geographical-physical collection, in alliterative gaberdine, memorial- 
verses, for learning by heart one would think. The chief collec- 
tion, fullest and best, is found at the end of the famous Edda MS. 
AM. 748. The Grammatical Essays of Thorodd and Olaf H vita- 
skald, the Commentary to Hattatal are treated separately, 6, 20. 


For some time before the Reformation, owing to the revolution 
of taste and manners, an almost complete ignorance of the older 
Literature had prevailed in Iceland, but hardly was the stir of the 
second change of Faith over when, as elsewhere, the feeling for 
antiquarian research began to arise, side by side with the spirit 
of the new Literature. It is with the former result that we now 
have to do. 

The first man of any note in this field was Arngrim Jonsson 
(1567-1648), whose Brevis Commentarius appeared in 1593, and 
his Crymogaea, an interesting epitome of Icelandic history, in 1609, 
when Islendinga-b6k, Sturlunga, and Bishop Ami's Saga were all 
unknown. He does not appear to have made any copies of the 

cxlii PROLEGOMENA. 27. 

old MSS. Vatzhyrna (and a few Sagas) was the storehouse from 
which he drew the constitutional history of Iceland. 

Magnus Olafsson, a priest (1574-1636), headed the revival of 
poetry in Iceland by the compilation of his handbook, the Laufas 
Edda. We have but few copies of his, but he left an abridgment 
of a lost Orkneyinga Saga, and the first glossary of the Icelandic 
tongue, the Lexicon Runicum. 

Biorn Jonsson, of Skardsa, in the North of Iceland (born 1574, 
died blind 1655), judge, franklin, and client of Bishop Thorlak 
Skulason, began writing about the year 1625, at the age of fifty, and 
became one of the foremost antiquarians of his day. His specula- 
tions are often rash and hyper-patriotic, but it is impossible not to 
admire his zeal and industry. He wrote Annals, composed an 
account of Greenland, and took a few copies, but they are not very 
accurate. He notices the terrible state of the MSS. in his days. 

Bishop Odd, of Skalholt (bishop 1589-1630), made the great 
collection of Deeds and Inventories (Maldagar) which rescued for 
us what was left of Icelandic church history outside the Sagas. 
The Bishops, as the better educated men of the Island, indeed 
were the centres of this literary revival. 

Jon Gtzursson 1 (1589-1648), half-brother to Bishop Brynjolf, 
and a Chief in the West, was the first great copyist, and Bishop 
Paul's Saga is only preserved in his copy, which was taken most 
probably in his last years, about 1640. Many folios in his hand 
are preserved in the AM. collection. 

Bishop Thorlak Skulason, of Holar (bishop 1628-56), had the 
ancient lives of the Icelandic Bishops collected ; to him also we owe 
the preservation of the Sturlunga and Bishop Ami's Saga in paper 
transcripts taken about 1640-45. The names of his copyists are 
not known, but their handwriting is familiar to the Editor. 

In the South the learned and venerable Bishop Brynjolf, of Skal- 
holt ( 1639-7 5)> collected a great library. He employed/<? Er lends- 
son, priest (1638-72) of Vallaholt, the best and most accurate 
of scribes, who has left behind him whole folios of beautiful and 
correct penmanship. To his labours we are most highly indebted. 

Another famous scribe of the Copying Age, as it may be called, 
was Ketil Jorundsson, priest of Hvamm (1638-70), in the West, 
mother's father of Ami Magnusson. To him we owe Sona-Torrek, 
which existed only in one vellum of Egla copied by him, now lost. 

1 From his Life, written by his son Sira Torfi, we insert 'Hann var og einnig 
sv6 mikill bok-ritari, aft fair eru her a landi sem samti&is e&r um bessa daga hafa 
svo mikid starfad i rit-verki og boka-skrifi. Hann skrifadi ei ad eins heilar Postillur 
og margar heilagar baekr og baeklinga, heldr og einnig bar ad auki niargar fornar 
frsedi-baekr af allra-handa landa og bjoda fornsogum og sogu-battum, landnamum og 
Annalum, Rimna-flokkum og ymsum kvedlingum, drapum ok Ijodum, og 6'dru 
bess-hattar, af hverju hann hefir eptir sig latid margar bse&i inn-bundnar og oinn- 
bundnar baekr, og jafn-vel heila og stora Folianta. Svo til bessara hans menja er 
ad leita svo sem i annan fjol-haefan handrada, um allt bad e6r flest sem- ma&r girnist 
a5 heyra edr skynja og merkja um allra handa fyrri manna hatta-lag, forn-si6i, fram- 
kvaemdir og ibrottir.' 


From 1650-1700, beginning even in the lifetime of these men, 
the destruction and mutilation of MSS. was very great. Thus 
Bishop Brynjolf's heirs (died 1675) neglected and destroyed many 
of his fine collection of vellums l . 

The Saga copies of the ancient time, even those few that exist 
of the sixteenth century, were all on vellum ; these from the revival 
period, all (the few exceptions of Bishop Thorlak are mere 
curiosities) on paper. This is why we distinguish between the 
vellum and the paper MSS. and talk of the Paper Age 2 . 

The history of some of the more notable MSS. may be worth 
tracing, to show how the destruction of vellums went on in the time 
next preceding Ami Magnusson, 1640-1700: Of Islendinga-bok 
and Sturla's edition of Landnama, copied by Jon Erlendsson in 
1650 and 1651, not a leaf remained when Arni Magnusson made 
enquiries for them. The Landnama of Hauks-bok, copied by the 
same scribe, was cut up for binding by a priest, and Arni could 
only secure a few loose leaves, all that were left. 

As to Orkneyinga, Magnus Olafsson's Lexicon cites phrases 
from a Jarla Saga, and especially from a fishing scene, which are 
not to be found in our recensions. His abridgment of the 
Orkneyinga Saga, made 1632, now at Upsala, contains this scene 
and two more verses than our text gives, as well as a whole list 
and a better text of the other verses of the Saga. Among the AM. 
fragments are two leaves of a lost vellum, once used for binding, 
which give eight of the references found in Lexicon Runicum, 
with precisely the same mistakes as the citations therein contained. 

1 From the Bishop's Life in MS. we take the following : ' Magister Brynjolfr 
lag&i stora astundan a og pyrmdi engum kostnaSi til a& fa hina beztu skrifara til 
a5 upp skrifa, optast me5 stort settletr, allar gamlar sogur, Annala, ok hvers-kyns 
Islenzkar Fraedi-baekr, sem harm upp spurdi i ymsum st66um pessa lands. Svo hann 
og Biskupinn |>orlakr svo sem keptust vi8 a5 koma Antiquiteter a fot aptr, pa vi6ast 
undir lok lionum ; og ad peirra daemum skrifuou pa margir upp aptr gamlar Sogur 
og FraeSi-baekr. Og eigi hafa laerdoms-mentir framar sta5i6 i bloma en a peirra 
dogum. . . . Jon bondi i Flatey, sonr Sira Torfa Finns sonar, atti stora og bykkva 
Pergamentz-bok me5 gamla Munka-skript, inni haldandi Noregs-konga Sogur og 
mart fleira ; og her fyrir var hun almennilega kollu6 Flateyjar-bok. Hana faladi 
Mag. Brynjolfr til kaups, fyrst fyrir peninga, si8an fyrir firnm hundrud i jor6u. 
Fekk hana bo ekki a5 heldr. En er Jon fylgoi honum til skips ur Eyjunni, gaf 
hann honum bokina ; og meinast ad Biskup hafi hana fullu launad. Si&an sendi og 
skenkti Mag. Brynjolfr hana Kgl. Majestati.' 

2 As to the sad plight in which the old vellums were even in 1640, see Biorn of 
Skardsa, Preface to his Annals. He says : ' f>at votta paer baekr og skrz&ur sem 
beir skrad hafa ; sem po mi tekr a6 sjazt litill ormull af a medal vor. fjvia6 pessar 
baekur hinar gomlu eru mi allar feygdar og fordiarfaSar, svo a9 a bessum fam skraefium 
sem eptir eru, finzt hvorki upphaf 116 endir;' . . . and, 'Nu fyrir bad sem a6r 4 
veik, aS paer frae&i-baekr sem bessir menn hafa saman tekiQ um Island og tilbur5i 
h6r, eru mi for-rotnadar a8 mesta parti, pa hefir peim HeiQarlega Herra Biskupi 
Jporlaki Skiila syni osasmilegt synzt sem og ovitrlegt, a& af felli, svo a8 einginn ssei 
eSr vissi eptir oss, hvernig i landinu til gengi& hefir, hverir bvi hafi stiorna9, hvenaer 
bad kom undir utlenda herra, Sta8irnir undir Kenni-valdi5, og annad fleira slikt. 
Og hefir bvi latiS upp teikna og saman skrifa pad sem na5zt hefir, fyrst pann fr68a 
Landndm, og siftan pa miklu Islendinga Sogu, \ hverri mart ma um slikt greinilega 
sja. f>vi hverr skal segja vorum eptirkomendum fra sliku, ef einginn heldr bvi uppi ? ' 

cxliv PROLEGOMENA. 27. 

It was evidently from this MS. that Magnus Olafsson worked ; it was 
in his days complete, all but the end, for we have no reference 
of his to the latter part or to the last verse of the Saga, no notice 
of which is contained in the list. But another vellum of this Saga, 
which was in Norway in the sixteenth century, has perished com- 
pletely, as may be thus shown. We have a Danish translation of 
the Orkneyinga, 1615 (which G. Storm believes to be a copy from 
an older translation made about 1570), from a far better text than 
the Flatey-book, but with a blank. Asgeir Jonsson (of whom 
below) made a copy from a fragment of the same Saga in the old 
University Library, destroyed in 1728. This transcript is now 
in AM. 332. On the other hand, there is the Danish translation 
existing of the whole Orkney Saga of 1615. A blank, common 
to both the translation and AM. 332, helps us to identify the 
vellum fragment as the original from which the translation was 
taken. The vellum itself was destroyed save a small fragment, 
which was incorporated in the University Library, where, ere its 
destruction in the great fire, it was copied by Asgeir Jonsson. 

Again, to take the case of King Hakon Hakonsson's Saga. 
Our copies of it are nearly all abridgments, especially Fris-bok, 
the only full texts are in Skalholt-book and Flatey-book, although 
the latter is cut down a good deal towards the end, while the 
former lacks the end, as it already did in the middle of the 
seventeenth century, as can be told from the copies then taken. 
The true unabridged end of the Saga would now be lost but for 
a rare and happy accident. In Stockholm there is an Icelandic 
vellum of the fourteenth century, representing a text of no remark- 
able worth. But in the sixteenth century this vellum had become 
mutilated, the end was lost, which a scribe supplied from another 
vellum, in the true, unabridged form. This late transcript is now 
our sole copy of the full text. Of the vellum from which the 
transcript was taken no traces are left. Even the Stockholm vel- 
lum has since been mutilated, and the passages referring to the 
battle of Largs must be supplied from a fragment in AM. 325 
and from Flatey-book, which has been little altered in that part. 

Of MSS. which left the island before the Copying Age, say 1640, 
we have as a rule no paper transcripts, but of nearly all brought to 
the continent after that date copies were taken, which in many 
cases we may compare with the transcripts made in Denmark from 
the same vellum at a later date by Asgeir J6nsson (1680-1700) 
for Torfaeus, and by others for Ami, &c. 

The history of the Sturlunga MSS. will be told in 31. 

Thus to form a correct idea of our materials we must go back 
to about 1640, and see how matters stood then, tracing down- 
wards. For if this be not done, no true idea of the value of the 
paper transcripts can be arrived at, and the real basis of our texts 
must remain a matter of guess-work. 



It is about 1630 that the exportation of vellums from Iceland 
begins ; most of those which left the country earliest being sent as 
presents from Icelanders to men of note or learning in Denmark. 
Thus even two years before this date, Arngrim had sent a MS. of 
the Edda as a gift to Ole Worm, by whose name it has gone ever 
since. This, as far as is known to the Editor, is the first instance 
of the kind. The next seems to be Vatzhyrna, also sent over by 
Arngrim, but to whom or in what year we know not. The Codex 
Upsalensis of Edda followed shortly after. 

The chief collectors at that time in Denmark were Stephanius 
(died 1650), the learned editor of Saxo, and Bishop Resenius, 
whose collection of Icelandic vellums was incorporated in the 
University Library in 1685. 

The chief exporter was, as we shall see below, Bishop Brynjolf. 

The whole of our Icelandic MSS. are contained in the following 
Collections, which are here taken in order. 

^ Royal Library of Copenhagen, founded by King Frederic the 
Third (1660-70), as his private Library, but now become national 
property. For an excellent account of its origin and genesis see 
the present Librarian Christ. Bruun's Kong. Bibl. Stiftelse, Copenh. 


The Icelandic vellums are all in the Gamle Kongelige Samling 
(Old Royal Collection). The paper MSS. in the New Collections 
are worthless. The following. list drawn up by an amanuensis of 
Torfaeus will be the best notice of the former. The last three in 
this list came over in 1656. The other portion (twelve vellums) 
was procured by Torfaeus himself or presented by Bishop Brynjolf 
to the King in 1662. This list is here printed for the first time 
from a loose paper unearthed by the Editor in 1862. 

Manuscriptorum in Pergamina Catalogus. 
[a] Cla. episcopus Schalholtiae hos misit : 

1. Codex Legum modernarum in Islandia; folio [J6ns-bok, No. 3270], 

2. Regum quorundam Norvegorum historia; folio [Morkinskinna, No. 1009]. 

3. Njali cujusdam historia mutila ; quarto [Graskinua, No. 2868], 

4. Gislavi Sur, et Thormodi Kolbrunarscaldi ; quarto [lost]. 

5. Mathematica quaedam ; quarto [Rimbegla, No. 1812], 

6. Edda Saemundi; quarto [Cod. Reg., No. 2365]. 

7. Edda Snorronis ; quarto [Cod. Reg., No. 2367]. 

[ft] Reliqua haec comparavi : 

1. Historia Regum Norvegiae a Magno cognomine Bono, usque ad Svererem 

Magnum juxta seriem continuata ; folio [Hrokkinskinna, No. 1010]. 

2. Sanctae Thomae Archiepiscopi Cantabregiensis, et SanctijOlavi Regis Nor- 

vegiae Historia; folio [Thomasskinna, No. 1008], 

3. Njali Historia mutila; quarto [frag., Nos. 2869-70]. 

4. Annales quidam vetustissimi ; quarto [Annales Regii, No. 2087]. 

5. Halfreki [sic] Territorii cujusdam Norvegici Regis ante Pulchricomi tempus 

historia. Item Heidreki Cimbriae Regis vetustissimi et multa alia ; octavo 
VOL. I. K 

cxlvi PROLEGOMENA. 27. 

Habentur praeter superiores manuscriptos in Bibliotheca Regia : 

1. Flateyar-bok in folio, quern transtuli; [Flatey-bok, Nos. 1005-6.] 

2. Gragas, folio, transferences ; [Cod. Reg., No. 1157.] 

[Torfaeus has here forgotten to mention the Volsunga r Saga, which was mislaid 
for many years, during which time only paper copies were known, and 
only found in 1821. It is now in the New Royal Coll., No. 1824. b.] 

Dette forskrefne er skreven after Mons. Thormod Torvesons egen haand 1712 
i Octobri. [There are pencil marks on this list in Ami Magnaeus' hand.] 

University Library, Copenhagen. This Library was completely 
destroyed by the great fire of 1728; but this deplorable accident 
has done less harm than was to be looked for, owing to the 
collection of paper copies made by the learned Torfaeus, who 
has preserved fair texts of nearly all that was valuable. The 
nucleus of the Library were the Codices Reseniani. The whole 
collection is most commonly quoted under the title Codices 
Academici. Among which were the Kringla, Jofra-skinna, 
Gullin-skinna, which were brought from Norway to Copenhagen 
in the sixteenth century, the two Fagrskinnas, A and B (we have 
by chance a leaf which exactly fits into the blank left in the paper 
copies, it had been used for binding in Norway, where it was 
found), three or four vellums of Sverri's Saga, and a few important 
fragments of Orkneyinga. There were also the greater part of 
Vatzhyrna (the heaviest loss of all), of which we gather some in- 
formation from Arngrim's Crymogaea; Hrafn Sveinbiornsson's Saga; 
the 'Annales Reseniani;' the great Codex Bergensis, a diplo- 
matarium of deeds, letters, and charters, of which Ami's copies 
contain no doubt the best part; and many old Norse and old 
Danish MSS. One book of this collection alone escaped, the 
Codex Resenianus of Priest Gudmund's Saga (now numbered AM. 
399), which had been lent out of the Library to Arni Magnusson. 

Upsala. Stephanius, the learned editor of Saxo, had made a 
collection of Icelandic MSS., which were on his death (in 1649) sold 
by his widow to the Swedish nobleman, Magnus de la Gardie l in 
1651, at whose death in 1686 they were presented to the University 
Library. We can identify these from the old catalogue ; and only 
one is lost, a MS. of the Kings' Lives. They are a very important 
collection, though few in number. The ' Upsala Edda,' Gretla, the 
unique MS. of the Legendary Life of St. Olaf, Odd Monk's Life of 
Olaf Tryggvason, Strengleikar, and Elis Saga are among them. 

Stockholm. The greatest collection next to that of Arni Magnus- 
son is that of Stockholm, at the Royal Library. In 1658, during 
the war of King Charles X, an Icelandic ship with a young Ice- 
landic student, named J6n Rugman (born 1636), from Rugstadir 
in the North, on board, was taken and brought to Gottenburg. 
There he was well received by Count Peter Brahe, the King's 

1 For the many ups and downs in the life of this remarkable man during the 
reigns of Queen Christina, King Charles X Gustaf (to whose sister Count Magnus 
was married), and Charles XI, see Andreas Fryxell's charming work, Berattelser 
ur Svenska Historien. 




trusted friend and Sweden's first man, and settled in Sweden. A 
few years later (1660-62) he was despatched to Iceland in quest 
of MSS. He reaped a rich harvest there a collection of MSS., 
obtained principally from the north of the island. In the mean- 
time more Icelanders had settled in Sweden, and in 1682 Jon 
Eggertson brought over a second collection from the same quarter, 
of which we have a list specifying the cost of every volume. 

The vellums of Heidarviga Saga, Gunnlaug, the Bergs-bok, and 
Thidrek's Sagas, the Homily-book, and the collections of Saints' 
Lives, Romances, &c. are the most important of this collection. 
The vellum copies amount to about thirty, not counting the small 
and insignificant ones. There is, besides, a great collection (about 
two hundred) of paper MSS., but with few exceptions (e.g. the 
Danish Translation of Orkney Saga) these are of little worth. Two 
vellums, with the O. H. No. 2, and a MS. of Thidrek of Bern's 
Saga, had been at Stockholm from the fourteenth century. 

WolfenbtitteL The Library here contains two MSS. bought at 
a sale in the seventeenth century. One of these contains Egla 
and Eyrbyggia. The other a great collection of Rimur. 

Christiania. Beyond the slips and fragments which had been 
used for binding the ledgers of an up-country sheriff in Norway, 
1624, which were discovered in 1847, and contain pieces of Fagr- 
skinna (as noticed above), of Norse Law, of Thorgils Skardi's Saga, 
of the Life of S. Brandan, this Library contains no Icelandic MSS. 

There were, when Ami Magnusson began to collect, some sixty 
and odd vellums already enlisted into foreign libraries. 

Ami Magnusson 's Collection. ARNI MAGNUSSON was born at 
Kvennabrekka, in the West of Iceland, in 1663, but his youth was 
spent at the famous farmstead of Hvamm, where his mother's father, 
Ketil the priest, lived, a well-known copyist of MSS. At Ketil's 
death (1670) his son Paul succeeded to his cure. Ami came to 
Copenhagen in 1683 as a poor student, but soon became acquainted 
with Bartholin, who employed him in writing and copying. Even 
at this time Ami began to collect MSS. The first he acquired was 
Hulda, which had come a few years earlier to Norway, and had just 
arrived thence in Denmark, where it fell into Ami's hands in 1687. 
The second purchase made was the great AM. 132, which had been 
sent by an Icelander, Biorn Magnusson, to Denmark with his son as 
a credential and recommendation to the Danish scholar Bartholin 
(died 1690), and it was at his sale that Arni bought it in 1691. At 
the same sale Arni bought another great Icelandic vellum, namely, 
the present AM. 61, containing both the Olafs' Sagas. This 
vellum had been presented by Magnus Biornsson to the Danish 
governor Heidemann, from whom it came to Bartholin. The third 
was the Fris-bok, so called from the name of its owner and Eir- 
spennil. These vellums had come to Denmark from Norway 
(where they were written) in the sixteenth century; Arni bought 

k 2 

cxlviii PROLEGOMENA. 27. 

both in 1696 at the sale of Jens Rosencrandz, the possessor of 
a second folio of Shakespeare (acquired by the Royal Library for 
i dollar 2 mark 8 skilling, about 5 shillings), the only complete 
edition of his works which Mr. Bruun, the Royal Librarian, has 
noticed in more than seventy Danish catalogues of private collec- 
tions of the seventeenth century. Fourthly, the vellum B of 
Sturlunga (AM. 122 A), acquired about the year 1700. 

But the bulk of his . collection was the fruits of his stay in 
Iceland from 1702-12, when he was employed on the Royal 
Survey; these MSS. came from all parts of Iceland, but chiefly 
from the west. Although Arni, having left Iceland for good in 
1712, never returned to Iceland, he left many friends behind him, 
and from them he received the 'gleanings' or 'aftermath' of his 
harvest, and less important MSS., fragments, &c. came over at 
intervals till his death. In 1719 Torfaeus died at his distant house 
in Norway, and Arni bought his whole library from the widow. 
Thus he got the important copies which Torfaeus had had taken of 
Icelandic vellums in the University Library by his kinsman and 
amanuensis Asgeir Jonsson (1680-1702, died in Norway in 
1716), which included many early MSS. of importance in the 
collection of the University. After this date no MSS. of any 
importance except a paper transcript of Sturlunga have been dis- 
covered in Iceland. The folio copies of Asgeir J6n Erlendsson, 
of J6n Gizursson, &c. ; the quartos of Ketil Jorundsson, of Bishop 
Thorlak, Biorn of Skardsa, &c., all went into Arna Magnusson's 
collection, and were there saved from destruction. 

Arni has carefully traced the history of each MS. or fragment, 
as far as he knew it, in his scholarlike way, thus preserving much 
useful information which we lack with regard to the other collec- 
tions. In October, 1728, came the great fire of Copenhagen, 
lasting many days, and on the 6th of January, 1730, Arni died; 
he had never recovered the shock, nor had the heart to find out 
in the ruin of his library what he had really lost. What the loss 
was we have the means of judging from Ami's catalogue of 
vellums (AM. 435 in his own hand) for the years 1707-27, 
which was checked through by the Editor (in about 1861), and 
from the numerous cross-references on Ami's slips in the MSS. 
themselves, from which it appears that far from Bishop Finn's 
well-known statement in Hist. Eccles. (made indeed nearly fifty 
years after the event), that only one-third had survived the fire, 
being substantiated, the truth is that hardly one MS. of any 
account has perished 1 . Paper copies and some MSS. of little 
worth, as well as many printed books of printed literature, must 

1 ' Mirantur multi, quae supersunt, reliquias ; quid autem fecissent, si integram 
illam congeriem ante incendium Havniense vidissent? Cum jam vix tertia pars 
supersit, quod eo majore fiducia scribo et pronuncio, quod multodies eandem his 
meis oculis lustravi, hisque manibus reliquias, quae supersunt, ex flammis exportavi, 
ultimusque omnium ex domo, flammis jam jam chartas lambentibus egressus sum. 


have formed almost the whole of that portion of the Library which 
then perished there. Of vellums we miss : two vellum copies of 
Thidrek of Bern's Saga, three or four of Karlamagnus, Baejar- 
b6k (containing St. Olaf's Saga, the only copy of the Great Earl 
Magnus Saga, and the beginning of Bjorn Hitdselakappi's Saga, 
which is not found elsewhere), and two or three MSS. of Lives 
of the Saints, Romances, &c. The one great irreparable loss 
was that of the twelve leaves of Heidarviga Saga. With respect 
to the Poetic Edda we have perhaps some cause to regret the 
paper copies of the seventeenth century (1643-1700), all of which 
were then destroyed. The following list, from a slip in Arni 
Magnaeus' own hand (inserted in AM. 739, 4to), will give some 
idea of them : 

Saemundar Eddur geysi-margar. 

Meo hendi J6ns Gislasonar ; 410. 

Magniiss Sigurdssonar ; fol. 

Arna Alfssonar ; fol. 

MeS hendi Sera Olafs Jonssonar; 410. 

Me3 hendi Mag. Brynjolfs framan af fra Oddi Sigurdssyni; fol. 

MeS hendi Bjorns a Skarosa ; 410 ; gau6rong. 

Me9 hendi Sera Jons i Villingaholti ; fol. 

MeS hendi Sera J ; 8vo. 

Sera |>orkels Arngrimsonar ; 8vo ; onyt. 
Sera Arna i Gerdi ; 8vo ; onyt. 
Sera Einars i Gordutn ; 4to ; onyt. 
Sera Halldors i Reykholti ; 410, 

Sigurdar Bjornssonar logmanns ; fol. BaSar eins rangar me& tvofaldri Voluspa. 
I Magister Brynjolfs var fleira en i membranis. 
Jons i Oddgeirsholum ; 410. 

MeS minni eigin hendi ; fol. f>araf hafa copiur Sera Jon i Hitardal og Pall 

If we had these copies we should probably be able to ascertain 
with certainty the origin and contents of the other Edda fragments 
which once existed, and to fix the authenticity of the additions 
which the paper MSS. supply in a few places. About the middle 
of the century (about 1650), a few more leaves may have been 
extant of AM. 748 than were fifty years later, when Arni rescued 
the remaining six leaves ; hence may be derived the half verses 
Voluspa 64, and Havam. 134 (Mobius), as surely were the final 
verses of the Runic Song of Sigrdrifa. 

It is difficult to overrate the services which Arni rendered to 
Northern Literature ; but for him the bulk of the works which form 
its chief glory would have perished slowly but surely, the change 
of taste had already restricted the love of the old masterpieces of 
the past to a learned few, whose labours were as liable to loss, 
decay, and neglect as the MSS. they laboured to preserve, and the 
ungrateful tradition which declares that Arni robbed his country 
of her precious manuscripts bringing them over only to perish by 

Nullam autem jacturam aegrius tulit, quam eorum, quae propria manu excerpserat ; 
scrinium enim, in quod talia infercierat, inter alia remanserat, cum ultimus qui ave- 
heret currus, omnium non capax esset.' Hist. Eccl. hi. iii. p. 576. 


fire at Copenhagen is but another instance of the reward which 
popular ignorance too commonly metes out to merit and true 
patriotism 1 . 

Ami's distinguishing attribute is a steadfast earnest character, 
and a shrewd and careful sagacity, which stood him in good stead 
in the career which he had so wisely marked out for himself and so 
successfully carried out that of a great collector. 

The slips in his marked handwriting, containing as much as he 
knew of the history of the MSS. to which they are attached, are 
even affixed to fragments, and prove the care and thought which 
he was willing to expend on the meanest shred of the Literature 
he had done so much to preserve. They are unfortunately all 
that survives of the collection which he had been forming for many 
years towards a Literary History of Iceland. Ami's faithful friend 
and client J6n Olafsson, the humbler Boswell of a gentler Johnson, 
came to him a youth of twenty in 1725, from his foster-father 
and Ami's friend Paul Vidalin, and lived with him day by night all 
the remaining years of his life, nursing him on his death-bed, Jan. 
7, 1730. He outlived him by well-nigh fifty years, a living index 
of the memories of the life and sayings of Ami and Paul Vidalin. 
He has recorded for us many good remarks and humourous say- 
ings of his patron. 

Like Johnson, his taste was practical ; above all, he delighted in 
Annals, Charters, Deeds, &c., and was especially fond of Libellus, 
which he considered to be the only surviving work of Ari's (whose 
authorship of Landnama &c. he left unheeded), while he considered 
the Islendinga Sogur as in some sense unworthy the serious con- 
sideration of the historian. A specimen of his criticism is given 
below, which will give some idea of his literary standpoint, and 
the curious patchwork style of his memoranda 2 . 

We have noticed elsewhere the results of the Benefaction which, 
though it was long before it took effect, has yet been of great use 
in stimulating the interest felt in Iceland for the older literature. 

1 Many of the chiefer vellums Ami bought, not in Iceland at all, but in Denmark, 
such as AM. 61, 66 (Hulda), 132 (the great vellum), Edda Worm., Njala 468, &c., 
not to speak of Fris-b6k, Eirspennil, and others that had never been in Iceland. 
In fact, in 1702, at Ami's arrival, there were few vellums of note in whole condition 
left in Iceland. 

9 Of the Sagas, he says : ' Flestar af vorum Islenzku sogum eru skrifa&ar af 
hominibus historiae penitus ignaris et chronologiae imperitis ; eru par i mestan part 
scitu indigna amplificeruft me& sernum or5a-fjolda ; item res confutissime traktera&ir, 
og mart aukiS og osatt. Islenzkir stulte evehera&ir. Flestar eru og skrifadar svo 
seint, a8 autores kunnu eigi vel vita veritatem gestorum. 1 Islenzkum sogum eve- 
herast stulte Islandi, og peirra meriter, einsog peir vaeri ollum nationibus fremr. 
Framar odrum hefir Njals sogu autor veri& blyg&unarlaus bar i morgum sto&um. 
Og er ba& eitt argument til a5 Saemundr Fro&i se ei hennar autor, bvi af honum er 
ad vaenta meiri greindar.' MS. Nye Kgl. Saml. 1836. 

Ami wrote no books. 'There are too many books,' he used to say, but he 
collected all his life towards some Opus Magnum. All these papers were stowed 
away in the ill-fated ' scrinium ' he left behind him unawares in the burning house, 
and the loss broke his heart. 


In these six collections are contained the whole of the Icelandic 
MSS. now extant of original value. None but late and inferior 
copies from MSS. in these collections exist elsewhere. 

-After Ami's days Icelanders continued to take copies, for use in 
the island, from their originals on the continent, many of those 
have been brought from Iceland in later times. Thus Finn 
Magnusen collected and sold many of these; hence the paper 
MSS. in the Bodleian, the British Museum, and the Advocates' 
Library. Sir Joseph Banks brought over some such MSS. in 
1772. As far as they touch on the old literature, they are (with 
one exception, of which later) entirely valueless. 

The Danish historian Suhm (died 1798) had many paper tran- 
scripts taken by Icelanders, for use in his works. These are now, 
with others, in the New Royal Collection at Copenhagen, but, like 
all copies taken after Ami's days, they are completely worthless. 
The single exception is the Sturlunga paper text in the British 
Museum and Advocates' Library. The habit of making such 
copies has survived to the present day in Iceland, but their sole 
interest lies in the beautiful penmanship of the scribes. 

It is perhaps worthy of mention that Cardinal Mazarin, in 1648, 
formed the project of collecting Icelandic MSS., and tried to 
induce Stefan Olafsson the poet (died 1688) to come to Paris 
as Librarian and Translator, but he was dissuaded by his parents 
and Bishop Brynjolf from accepting the invitation. Though 
the Cardinal did get several vellums, he acquired none of any 
value. A MS. of J6ns-b6k is the best of the collection. 

As to the outward appearance of Icelandic vellums, those of the 
Royal Library are not now in the dress they were when they came 
from Iceland, having been bound in 1780-87, bearing the royal arms 
of Christian VII, not unscathed by the binder's knife. Thus in Cod. 
Reg. of the Poetic Edda the index to the dialogue is often written 
far in the edge of the margin, in order not to disfigure the page, this 
has in one or more instances been touched by the binder's knife. 
The Flatey-book, a colossal vellum, is now parted into two volumes. 
Few remain in their natural savage state No. 2845 in plugged oaken 
boards ; the Graskinna and 1812 in sealskin with hair on, the fitting 
gabardine, we take it, of small vellums, indeed, the ' limp cloth ' 
of those old days. The Arna-Magn. vellums are plain binding of 
Arni Magnusson's own time, all uncut, the shreds in pasteboard 
cases. A few still in their old bare thong-plugged oak-boards, such 
as Hulda, Niala 468, AM. 132. Best of all are the vellums in Stock- 
holm, each volume, bound or unbound, encased in a separate case. 
One strange custom of Ami's must be mentioned, the paper folios 
of Jon Erlendsson, Asgeir, and others, containing each a whole 
collection of Sagas, are all cut up and distributed according to the 
class of the Sagas throughout the Library, disjecta membra, the 
odds and ends being filled up by Ami's scribes. 

clii PROLEGOMENA. 28. 


We may add a few words as to what possibility there may yet 
be of recovering MSS. either in or out of the island itself. As to 
the latter contingency. During the fourteenth and fifteenth cen- 
turies, which were really the Dark Ages of its spiritual and literary 
life, there was little communication between Iceland and other 
countries with the exception of England, with whose western ports, 
especially Bristol, there was considerable trade between the years 
1413-1520. But although Englishmen frequently wintered in 
Iceland, there are no traces of their bringing anything, save fish 
and eider-down, home with them. We must regret this, for there 
were no doubt at that time twice as many vellums in existence as 
ultimately survived until the Revival, two centuries later ; and many 
Sagas must have utterly perished since, which might then have 
been saved. 

In the Faereys or Faroes, inhabited by the Icelanders' nearest 
of kin, there was in the Middle Ages, if we may believe the 
somewhat mysterious hints of the Ballads, one great book at least 
said to have come from Iceland, the contents of which may be 
guessed at from the Ballads themselves (as in the similar case of 
the Icelandic Rfmur) l . These are chiefly of a fabulous or romantic 
character, but one or two of the Islendinga Sogur must have been 
among them. The following list of the subjects of these lays is 
fairly complete : 

The Ballads of 

The Fosterbrethren. Jallgrim. 

The Laxdxlafolk. Half. 

The Faereyfolk. Hervar and Arrow-odd. 

Gunnar. Finn and Halfdan. 

Orm Storolfsson and Brusi. Gongo Hrolf. 

The Jomsvikings. Illugi Gridarfostra. 

Heming. Sigurd Fafni's bane and his cycle. 

King Olaf and the Troll. Norna-Gest. 

The Lady Margaret and King Magnus. Loki. 

But of the original MSS. not a vestige remains. 

In Norway there were, besides their own, a great many Icelandic 
vellums in early times. Fragments of some of these are preserved 
at Christiania, in Denmark, and Sweden, beside stray books which 
came through Norway, as Olaf s Saga in Stockholm and some 
others. Hopes had been entertained that the Vatican might (even 
if there were no Icelandic MSS. among its treasures) possess one 

1 The Ballads, says Mr. Hammershaimb, often begin saying 

Ain er riman ur Islandi komin skrivad i bok so breida. 
Or, Frodid er komid ur Islandi skrivad i bok so breida. 
And, Hafid taer hoyrt um kongin tann id skrivadur stendur i bok? 
Svaboe's Ballad collection of 1781-82 is still in MS. in the Royal Libr. Copenh. in 
phonetic Faroe spelling. Printed are Siurar kvaji by Lyngbye, in 1822, and the col- 
lection of Hammershaimb, in Nord. Oldsk., Copenh. 1851-55, in Icelandicised spelling. 
The Ballad in Antiq. Americanae gives a fair specimen of the whole kind. 


or two of the lost Latin Sagas, as King Olaf s Life by Odd, and 
Bishop John's Life by Gunnlaug, and the Life of the Kings by 
Saemund; but Hunch's unsuccessful search augurs ill for this 

In Iceland itself, damp and rot, smoke and dirt, in farm- 
houses built of turf and imperfectly weather-tight and warmed 
with fires of sheep's dung, were, after all, the greatest enemies 
of MSS. None but religious works, homilies, lives of saints 
and the like, seem to have been preserved in the monasteries, 
where they met with more care than fell to the lot of secular works 
in private dwellings. But there are a few homesteads, the seats of 
great families, which seem to have possessed and preserved col- 
lections of MSS. These lay mostly in the west, e.g. Skard in 
Medalfellzstrand, Reykjaholar, Ogr, Stadarhol, and others, and the 
vellums would be some of them no doubt heirlooms, as it were, in 
the very places where Ari, Snorri, and Sturla had lived. Great 
havoc was wrought by the binders in the seventeenth century, 
cutting up fragments and sometimes mutilating complete MSS. 
We know how many clippings of this sort were saved by Arni 
Magnusson (e.g. in the cases AM. 162, 325, 655, 698, noticed 
elsewhere), but even now all books from Iceland, especially those 
from the east, should be carefully examined for such scraps, though 
there is not much hope of any great finds, as owing to the causes 
noticed above, few bindings of the seventeenth century (and those 
of later date are hopeless) have survived to the present day. But 
as in the old style of book-covers, and even in old printed Bibles, 
&c., when the backs were loosed by use or decay, the leaves got 
loose and frequently fell out altogether (for instance, two folds of 
the Eddie Lays are thus lost), a scrap or two of such lost sheets 
might still be forthcoming ; and even a shred of an Icelandic MS., 
owing to the condensed style and close writing, full of abbrevia- 
tions, is often of great value. Thus of the lays in AM. 748 only 
six leaves are left, but these contain three poems in full and por- 
tions of other three. 

To speculate still more boldly. Greenland was of all the Norse 
settlements in the closest relation to Iceland. Judging from the 
number of churches and parishes, the names of which are on 
record, the colony at its best must have had a population of about 
three thousand souls, nor were these people entirely uncultured. 
Two of our Eddie Lays, those of Atli, are inscribed 'Greenlandish,' 
and the internal evidence confirms it ; for reasons noted elsewhere 
we should add a third (that of Hyrni) to this category. 

Several of the Icelandic Sagas are closely connected with Green- 
land in scene and characters; this was also the case with some 
that are lost, notably Skald-Helgi. Nay, the Greenlanders most 
likely had Sagas of their own. All these, as well as the Icelandic 
MSS. which we may fancy them to have possessed, are lost by 
the entire extinction of the colony, which was brought about as it 

cliv PROLEGOMENA. 28. 

is supposed by famine and plague, caused by the breach of com- 
munication with the mainland, and, if any belief may be given to 
the legends of the Eskimos, by the assault of that people on the 
enfeebled European settlement. This great catastrophe seems to 
have happened about 1 400 and the following years. When Green- 
land was re-discovered two centuries later, not a trace was left of 
the former colony; they had died, like Franklin and his crew, 
leaving barely a sign of their existence. Whether the MSS. which 
they may have possessed in the twelfth century perished with their 
owners or are still hidden in the deserted dwellings, the very site 
of which is as yet unknown to us, we cannot tell. For we must 
not too hastily accept all the conclusions of the learned editors 
of the Gronl. Hist. Mind, or Antiq. Americanae. The massive 
upstanding stone buildings they depict fit badly with what we 
know of Icelandic dwellings, whose turf walls and sod roof will 
have sunk together in a heap, so that the explorer would have to 
seek for relics below rather than above ground. Still a search 
could hardly be wholly unproductive, and household appliances 
and utensils might at all events repay the toil which is little likely 
to be rewarded by the discovery of MSS. or wood-carvings. 

In Iceland itself the search may be more hopefully attempted, 
and we may conclude with a pious hope that some one of the 
hidden homesteads lying beneath the ashes of that volcanic land 
may yet yield the harvest with which the insulae of Pompeii and 
Herculaneum have enriched the explorer. The fourteenth century 
was especially marked by violent volcanic convulsions. In 1362 
the greatest eruption ever recorded destroyed two parishes, a whole 
little county. A deed of an earlier date which we still possess 
(ii. 503), names some twenty farms which now lie buried beneath 
the ashes. Swinefell, Flosi's house, alone escaped. This district is 
one where the stories of Nial, of Hall o' Side, and of Thord Frey's 
priest would be well known, and no doubt reproduced on more than 
one vellum, but as there is some reason to fear that the glacier 
streams have completed the work of destruction begun by the 
ashes, we cannot hope for much here. In 1390 (see Sturl. ii. 477) 
two great homesteads near Hekla were destroyed by an eruption, 
one of which, Skard, is a famous place in Icelandic history, as the 
dwelling-place of many worthies, and the chief estate in the district. 
Here were preserved two crosses, one marking the height of King 
Olaf Tryggvason and the other that of Hialti Skeggisson the 
missionary (see Kristni Saga); and here, if anywhere, we might 
certainly expect to find MSS. of value, such as Ari's Liber and 
Saemund's Book of Kings. The other farm is Tjalda-stadir, which 
got its name from the tents which were set up as a field hospital by 
that heathen Samaritan Thorstein, for a plague-stricken Norwegian 
crew who had come there. It was also a notable place, and one 
where MSS. may perhaps be awaiting the spade and pickaxe of 
a new Schliemann. 



In the time of the Commonwealth, while the creative instinct was 
still at work, we may fancy the written literature as circulating in 
pamphlet-form, small-sized vellum books roughly copied, like the 
quartos of our early playwrights, such as the Libellus gives us an 
example of. But all these have perished, and it is from the collec- 
tion of the following centuries, fine large books well written on 
large parchments, that we derive our texts. It was not till all 
original power had died away, that this work of collecting began, 
that nobles paid clerks to copy out for them what MSS. they 
wished to have. But we owe a debt of gratitude to the men who 
did this work ; if they could not write themselves, they at least 
took care of the works of those that could ; if they had no imagi- 
nation or much scholarship, they gave faithful copies and good 
clean texts, so that, though we should have liked to have their 
scholia on the stories they have handed down, we have every 
reason to be content with their honest work. The popular taste 
was at this time very low, caring for little but French Romances 
(in prose translations) and fictitious Sagas ; only the collectors, 
few of whose names are known, remained faithful to the older 
literature. Of the collections (under which we include all MSS. 
which contain several distinct works) we can seldom give the exact 
date, but they begin in the thirteenth century ; the bulk are of the 
early fourteenth century. Their numbers dwindling away in the 
fifteenth century (to a fourth of the number of the preceding 
century), in the sixteenth they disappear, leaving a gap of c. 130 
years before 1630. The earliest collections made were those of 
the Laws, see 35. 

Of the collections of Historical Works made by Icelanders in 
Norway, we have spoken already, see 15. 

The collections of Islendinga Sogur may be roughly arranged 
as follows : 

a. AM. 132 once contained three greater, seven minor Islendinga 
Sogur, and two fictitious Sagas. It is of the end of the thirteenth 
century. A model MS., important for its spelling, of beautiful 
penmanship, and in fair preservation. The facsimile in the old 
edition of Egla is bad. 

b. Vatzhyrna, a century later. In a complete state it seems to 
have held two greater, two minor, four fabulous Sagas, and three 
or four 1*36 ttir fabulous also. See Fornsogur and Bardar Saga 
(Nord. Lit. Samfund, 1860) prefaces. It once belonged to Arn- 
grim the Learned, and formed the staple of his material for Cry- 
mogaea. It has had a curious fate, one part (known as Cod. 
Resenianus) came into the University Library in 1685, and is 
mentioned by Ami as Vatzhyrria, but when we come to compare 
Arngrim's quotations from it, only one of his three refers to a 

clvi PROLEGOMENA. 29. 

Saga contained in this portion, we therefore conclude part to have 
been separated. That this is so, a set of fragments of a folio in 
beautiful writing, preserved in AM. Library, shows. For putting 
these fragmentary eight leaves and what we know of Codex Rese- 
nianus (which itself perished in the fire, though paper copies have 
survived) side by side, the size, writing, and contents tally, while a 
genealogy in one of the fragments and another in the Codex agree 
in drawing pedigrees down to J6n Hakonsson (the nobleman for 
whom Flatey-book was written). Moreover, in these fragments we 
find the two quotations which Arngrim gives, but which are missing 
in Codex Resenianus, correct to a misspelling. We may therefore 
conclude with absolute certainty that these fragments are part of 
that smaller half of Vatzhyrna which got separated from the bulk 
of the book (Cod. Res.) after Arngrim's days. Resenius, into 
whose hands the greater part fell, was a Danish bishop, who made 
the fine collections which perished with the University Library. 
Facsimile in second volume of Isl. Sog., Copenh. 1847, Tab. II. 

c. The Liosvetninga vellum, which, from our Liosvetninga and 
Vapnfirdinga Sagas being derived from it, we have called Liosvetn- 
inga. A large folio of the later fourteenth century in a gross thick 
hand, but correctly copied ; seven leaves only remain in very bad 
condition (three Liosv., one Vapnf., one Drop!., one Finnbogi, one 
Thorstein Stangarhogg). But the vellum must have contained more 
matter, and we are inclined to think that several Sagas (Reykdaela, 
Valla-Liot, Havard, and perhaps Svarfdaela), which we cannot 
father to any other MS. or fragment, may be derived from the 
lost part of it. A facsimile of it would be welcome. The frag- 
ments have been used for the Oxford Icelandic Reader (Liosv. and 
Vapnf. extracts). 

d. AM. 309 comprised Laxdaela (best text of part used in 
Oxford Icelandic Reader), Niala, Eyrbyggia (only bits of these 
left), and Olaf Tryggvason Saga (a copy from Flatey-book, a rare 
instance of one old MS. copying from another that survives). 
Dated 1498. No facsimile; part of Laxdaela should be taken. 

e. AM. 556 of the fifteenth century: Gretti, Gisli, and Hardar 
Saga, all these perfect. Facsimile in Isl. Sog., Copenh. 1847, Tab. I. 

f. A M. 557 of the fifteenth century contains, among other things, 
Gunnlaug's Saga, the Saga of Erik the Red (on which the text 
in Oxford Icelandic Reader is chiefly based), and Hrafn Svein- 
biornsson's Saga. Facsimile in Antiq. Americanae, Tab. V. 

g. Stockholm, No. 18. A most valuable MS. of the thirteenth 
century, containing Heidarviga (see p. liv) and Gunnlaug's Saga. 
Its fate has been curious. 'The Editor was able to examine it in 
1874 (the first person who opened it since J6n Sigurdsson had 
read it thirty years before), and compare its Heidarviga text with 
that of editions, finding two small mistakes in the latter (ch. 15, 
p. 321, 1. 3, giving sva nokvi mikinn for the accepted sva ncssta 
mikinn, and ch. 16, p. 321, 1. 9, where it gives verksnvd for verksmiti. 

29. COLLECTIONS, ETC. clvii 

Diet. s. v., p. 698, should be corrected here, we suspect the reading 
verksmi6ar-ma8r in Bandam. ch. i, AM. 132 to be also a misread- 
ing for ' verksnu8ar-mao'r '). The first hand of Heidarviga appeared 
to the Editor to be part of a still older unfinished MS., the oldest 
written Islendinga Saga left to us, completed by two later hands at 
a later date. Facsimile in Isl. Sog., vol. ii, Copenh. 1847, Tabs. IV 
(the old hand), V, VI. 

h. AM. 561, fourteenth century: Liosv., Vapnf., Gull-]poris Saga. 
See 9 for account of this MS. 

i. Cod. Reg., see p. cxlv above, early fourteenth century, con- 
tained Gisli, Fostbrsedra, Thorstein's Hall o' Side son's Saga. This 
MS. has vanished in some way, as the Editor first found out ; we 
hope it may yet turn up. 

/. Mela-bok, an early fifteenth-century vellum ; two or three leaves 
remaining, containing genealogies (printed here in App. II) and 
pieces out of the Landnama in Liber. See Oxford Icelandic 
Reader, p. 17. Facsimile in Isl. Sog., vol. i, Copenh. 1843, Tab. II. 

k. Among the fragments in AM. 162 are three leaves of a fine, 
well written little MS. of the early fourteenth century, which once 
contained Biorn and Kormak's Sagas. It is the mother text for 
Biorn's Saga. A facsimile would be worth taking. 

/. Codex Wolphenbuttelensis contains Eyrbyggia and Egla. A 
fourteenth-century MS. The texts are both of B class. Facsimile 
in Antiq. Russes, vol. ii, Tab. III. 

m. In AM. 445 b are nine leaves of a folio vellum, fourteenth 
century, which contained Eyrbyggia, Floamanna, and Vatzdaela. 
A barren MS. The fragments are printed in the Appendix to the 
Editor's edition of Fornsogur and Eyrbyggia. Facsimile in Antiq. 
Americanae, Tab. VI. 

n. AM. 20 Add.: fragments of the end of the thirteenth century of 
a vellum which contained Eyrb. and Laxd. (which usually occur toge- 
ther in MSS.), written in a very fine and regular handwriting, which 
occurs in the Stock. No. 18 of Odd Monk, and in certain fragments 
of Niala. Facsimile in Munch's Odd Monk, Christiania, 1853. 

o. Pieces in AM. 162 of a roughly written MS. (Gisli and Gluma); 
not used in the editions. 

p. Hauks-bok, amid much miscellaneous matter, contains Fost- 
brsedra and Erik the Red (West), also Landnama and Kristni Saga. 
We shall recur to this MS. 

g, &c. In the capsae which hold these additamenta are many 
other fragments of Islendinga Sogur vellums, mostly copies of 
single Sagas. 

Of collections of the Kings' Lives : 

a. The giant Flatey-book, written for Jon Hakonsson (1370-80) 
of Vididals-tunga in the North. A full account of this MS. will 
be found in the preface to the published edition. The old book 
is in two hands ; a third hand inserted three sheets, King Harald 
Hardrada (Morkinskinna type), a hundred years later. How it 

clviii PROLEGOMENA. 29. 

came into Bishop BrynjolP s possession is told in a foot-note (p. cxliii, 
note i.) Edited by Vigfusson and Unger, Christiania, 3 vols., 1868. 
Facsimile of first hand in Antiq. Americanae, Tabs. I, II ; of second, 
executed for the first time for Rolls' edition, Orkney Saga. 

b. Skalholts-book, AM. 81 (Sverri, Boglunga, Hakon's Sagas), a 
fifteenth-century MS. Belonged to Bishop Thorlak Skulason. End 
wanting. No facsimile yet taken. 

c. Hulda, AM. 66, an early fourteenth-century MS. Facsimile 
in Fornm. Sog., vol. vi, Tab. I. 

As an example, both of the various fates which a MS. may 
undergo, and of the patient care with which Ami Magnusson 
traced out wherever he was able the history of the treasures 
he acquired, we have affixed a note 1 of his on this, the most 

1 ' Noregs konunga Sogur (incipere debent in Jaroslao Russiae rege) folio minore. 
Bokina hefi eg fengi& af Arna Hakonarsyni, en hann af foQur sinum Hakoni Arna 
syni a Vatzhorni. Hakon eignaftizt hana (sem mer er sagt), fra StaQarholi. A 
spaziunni stendr a einum staS "Jon Steinpors son 1624." |>essa bok kollu&u beir 
i BorgarfirQi fyrrum Huldu. Noregs konunga sogurnar (Huldu) fe"kk Hakon Arna 
son a Vatzhorni til eignar fra Sta&arholi; Ie5i paer sioan S ra fjor&i i Hitardal. 
S ra f>6r8r leSi lit af ser Sigur5i Jonssyni Logmanni, hverr bokinni eigi vildi aptr 
skila, hvorki Hakoni ne S ra f>6r5i. Relatio Jons Hakonar sonar. Anno 1671 pa 
J>orm68r Torfason var si&ast a Islandi, sa hann Kalfskinnz-bok hja Sigurdi Jons- 
syni Logmanni, hver e8 hana kalla6i Huldu. Kannast og einnig nokkrir i Borgar- 
fir8i vi8 petta bokarinnar nafn. Seint a dogum Sigur&ar Logmannz kom bokin 
aptr i hond Hakoni Arna syni, og var pa vi&a skemd og fjiin. I minu (Arna 
Magnussonar) ungdaemi var hun til lans i Hvammi i Hvamms-sveit. Sidan le&i 
Hakon Arna son pessa bok til Noregs syni sinum Arna Hakonar syni, sem pa var 
Ammanuensis formoSar Torfasonar. Ami faerdi me8 ser fra Noregi bokina til 
Kaupinhafnar, og seldi mer 1687. fessa bok Huldu hafoi fyrrum att Gisli f>6roar 
son Logmaor. Jons Steindors sonar nafn stendr a henni, og raun hann hafa pottzt 
hana eiga eptir Steindor Gislason. Gisli Magnusson a Hli8arenda vildi na til 
bokarinnar ex jure Gu&ninar Gisla dottur m68ur sinnar. Bjarni Petrsson mun 
hafa orSit handhafi a5 bokinni undir Jokli ba hann hafSi Stapa-umbo8. Her um 
Anno 1663 litvega&i pessa bok S ra Hannes Bjornsson pa prestr a My rum, ok 145i 
hana Halldori Jonssyni i Reykholti ; hann S ra Helga Grimssyni a Husafelli, hver 
hana upp skrifa8i 1664. Eptir exemplari S ra Helga skrifa&i S ra Halldor i Reyk- 
holti anna8 exemplar 1666. Allt J>etta um bokar-lanin var i pukri, og atti aerid 
hljott a8 fara. Mag. Brynjolfr hefir Iati8 S ra Jon i Villingaholti af skrifa pessa 
bok, og a eg pa& exemplar in folio. Jon Hakonarson skrifadi og eitt exemplar af 
bokinni adr hun sigldi. jpa& eigna&ist Gudrun Hakonar d6ttir (Pdll Amundason) 
og af Gu&ninu fekk eg Ami Magnusson bokina. Er in 410.' AM. 435. And 
again in slips ' Noregs konunga sogurnar in 410 (!) le&i Bjarni Petrsson Sigur8i 
Jonssyni Logmanni ; S ra Hannes Bjornsson pa prestr i Borgar-pingum na9i bok- 
inni i Einarsnesi (volente vel inscio Sigurdo), og Ie5i hana S ra Halldori i Reykholti. 
S ra Halldor fekk hana i hendr S ra Helga i Husafelli, og kollu8u peir bokina lit iir 

rssu Huldu. S ra Helgi skrifaSi bokina upp fyrir sig (pa8 exemplar var in 4to, og 
eg pa8 mi, fengid af Gudriinu Stephans dottur), eg eptir pvi exemplari skrifa&i 
S ra Halldor fyrir sig anna& exemplar (er in 410, og a pa8 mi 1711 S ra Hannes Hall- 
dorsson). Gu&mundr Jonsson br68ir Sigur8ar logmannz, skrifafii og eitt exemplar 
fyrir sig (er ovist hvort hann skrifa& hafi eptir Kalfskinnz bokinni, e8a b6k 
S ra Helga). |>egar S ra Helgi bokina afskrifao haf8i var henni aptr skila& til 
Einarsness, og tandem tok Hakon a Vatzhorni hana par (i Einarsnesi meinar 
S ra Hannes) aptr vegna Bjarna Petrssonar. Relatio S ra Hannesar i Reykholti 
1711. Exemplar GuSmundar segir S ra Hannes gau8-rangt veriS hafa, og pa& er 
svo i sannleika. Eptir pvi skrifa8i Magmis i Hvammi sitt exemplar in 4to, og er 
pa8 eins 6nytt. Exemplar GuQmundar er i Saurbse a Kjalarnesi. Eg let Asgeir 

2 9. COLLECTIONS, ETC. clix 

important MS. for the Lives of Harald Hardrada and the following 
kings of his blood. 

d. Hrokkinskinna (wrinkle skin), a sister MS. of the fifteenth cen- 
tury, with slightly better text in places. Facsimile in Fornm. Sog., 
vol. vi, Tab. III. 

e. AM. 6 1, early fourteenth century, contains both the Olafs' 
Sagas : used for extracts as the best text in the Oxford Icelandic 
Reader. Facsimile in Fornm. Sog., vol. iv. 

f. Bergs-bok in Stockholm contains both the Olafs' Sagas and 
some poems, Lilja, Rekstefja, Geisli, &c., c. 1400. Facsimile in 
Dr. Cederschiold's edition of the poem. 

g. Fragments of a lost vellum, AM. 325, eleven leaves, which 
once contained Sverri's, Hakon's, and Magnus' Sagas. Abridged 
texts. Important for Magnus Saga. See Rolls' edition. It has 
been in the hands of an annalist, and (as Munch suggested) from 
lost leaves of this MS. insertions have been made in one of our 
Annal collections. 

h. Fragment of a vellum at Stockholm (Sverri and Hakon's 
Sagas), important for the end of Hakon's Saga, which is in later hand 
than the bulk of the book. There are one or two interesting mar- 
ginalia in this vellum 1 : ' In the year 1644, 2oth June, at Gellding- 
holt, this Saga was read by Sigurd Thorfinnzson ' (a late notice of 
the practise of Saga-reading). 'John Magnusson has learnt on 
me ' (reminding one of JElfred's learning his A B C on the beau- 
tiful MS.) : a ditty 

' Many love the summer, for the fair birds' song ; 
But I like the winter best, for the nights are long/ 

Jonsson upp skrifa Pergamentz bokina i Kaupinhafn med 6'llum bondunum eins og 
bar stendr og gaf eg si6an baS exemplar S ra f>6rdi a Sta8arsta8. Er in folio. Copiu 
af bessu S ra |>6r8ar exemplari a Logma&r Pall Jonsson Vidalin, me5 hendi 6g- 
mundar Ogmundssonar. Er og in folio. Af Noregs konunga Sogunum, er Borg- 
firSingar kolluSu Huldu, a L6gma5rinn SigurSr Bjornsson copiu, skrifafia me8 hendi 
Gu8mundar Sal. Jonssonar. Er in 410. Vidi 1703 i Saurbae a Kjalarnesi. Er vida 
rangt skrifu8, og stundum aflagislega orett in nominibus propriis. Eptir bessu 
SigurSar Logmannz hefir skrifaS S ra Magnus Magnusson i Hvammi, er ba3 hans 
exemplar og in 4to (vidi) 6correct einsog hitt, og likast nokkuru verra. S ra 
Magmiss exemplar eignadizt eptir hann dau8an Jon sonr hans. Haec ultima scripsi 

' Anna5-hvort Hulda, e8a copian S ra Helga sem ur henni deriveraSist, mun vera 
uppruni til Husafellz-bokar-nafnsins, og svo allt vera i villu um bessa nafn-gipt, 
sem fyrst er komin fra Svium.' 

1 On the margin of leaf 12 'Anno 1644 2 ta J un ii i Gelldingahollti var pessi 
Saga lesin af Sughurde Thorfinnz syne.' 

On leaf 16 ' Jon Magnusson hefur laertt a mig.' 
And the Ballad ditty 

' Margr prisar sumari8 fyrir fagran fugla-song ; 

En eg haeli vetrinum pvi nottin er long.' 
And the ditty extemporised 

Bleki8 lekur bokfell a, bitr Iiti8 penni ; 
Heldur veldur ho'ndin sma, henni eg um kenni.' 


And the verse 

* The ink is leaking on the leaf, badly bites the pen ; 
Nay, the hand is much too small. Well, I '11 blame that then t* 

Used after trying a pen on paper or parchment. 
Collections of Biographies : 

a. The Sturlunga MSS. will be noticed below. 

b. The great Stockholm, No. 5, fourteenth century. (Lives of 
J6n, Thorlak, Bishop Gudmund, and Edward the Confessor, lists 
of Bishops, &c.) 

Collections of Saints' Lives and Romances are referred to 

Prose-Edda. Codex Wormianus (Snorra-Edda, Skalda Treatise, 
Epilogues, Appendices, Rigsmal), AM. 748. (Eddie Poems, Skald- 
skaparmal, Olaf Hvitaskald's Treatise, f>ulur.) Facsimiles to 
be published in the imperfect vol. iii of the Copenhagen Snorra- 

Collections of Miscellanea. The most famous of all such is 
Hauks-b6k, a quarto of 200 leaves when entire (about the largest 
size ever reached by an Icelandic vellum). An extraordinary ' om- 
nium gatherum,' as the contents' list will show. Islandica : Land- 
nama (imp.), Kristni Saga (imp.), Erik the Red (West), Fostbrsedra 
(imp.) Legendaria and Mythica : Heming's Mttr (imp.), Heidrek's 
(imp.), Ragnar's (imp.) Sagas. The Story of Harald Fairhair's 
Poets, the Brute Story, and Merlin's Prophecy. Theologica : De- 
bate of Body and Soul, Homiletic pieces from St. Augustine, &c., 
The History of the Cross, Portraiture of Jerusalem, Lucidarium. 
Scientifica : Geographical and Physical pieces, treatises on Astro- 
nomy, Arithmetic (Algorismus), on Gems, and lastly, the Voluspa 
[the se.cond text of this famous poem]. The texts are not 
always the best; but we are glad to have them, and to know 
that a man in the fourteenth century was able to gather such a 
varied and, on the whole, excellent choice of works together for 
his personal use and pleasure. The book is now split up into 
three MSS., numbered AM. 371 (Landnama and Kristni Saga), 
544 (the bulk of the book which now keeps the name of the whole), 
and 675 (Elucidarius). There are also fourteen leaves (Geogra- 
phica, Astronomica, &c.) in Iceland, whither they were taken after 
1821, for Werlauff certainly used them for his Symbolae ad Geo- 
graphiam Medii aevi. Several leaves are, as we have seen above, 
lost. See preface to Biskupa Sogur for full account of the history 
of this MS. 

Hank Erlendsson, the begetter of this work, in whose fair and 
regular handwriting the greater part is (two Icelandic clerks of his 
come in alternately now and again), was a man of note in his day, 
though hardly sufficiently prominent to justify the conflict which 
has been waged over his nationality, his parentage, and his life. The 
best account of him is that by Munch, where his handwriting is 
identified, his career in Norway set forth, and what claim he has to 

2 9 . COLLECTIONS, ETC. clxi 

fame shown by the publication of his Algorismus : for it is as an 
arithmetician that Hauk was really in front of his fellow-countrymen. 

We may epitomise Hauk's life here. Although his genealogy is 
well known, as we have it drawn by his own hand in his copy of 
Landnama, and we know who his mother, father, and grandmother 
were, his birth-year is not known. Judging from his own style, 
which never shakes off the Icelandic idioms entirely, though he 
' usually spells Norse fashion, and the character of his penmanship is 
Norse, he was born and brought up in Iceland. A son of Law- 
man Erlend the Strong, by Jorun, and base born (he himself says 
that Erlend's wife's name was Irongerd), he would not be unlikely 
to go abroad early, for that he owes his whole education to Nor- 
way we must certainly believe. He is first spoken of in 1294 as 
Lawman of Iceland. He was also, we know, Lawman of Gula- 
>ing in Norway (several deeds in his autograph were unearthed by 
Munch), and though he married an Icelandic lady, great-grand- 
daughter of Hrafn Sveinbiornsson, he seems to have passed most 
of his life abroad. He died in 1334. 

Besides Hauks-bok we have an arithmetical treatise, a small set 
of brief annals of his day, ' Hauk's Annals/ and a handbook of 
Norse Land Law copied by himself for his own use. And it is not 
improbable, since Hauk was the first and almost the only Icelander 
who used the Arabic figures, that the beautiful contemporary vellum 
of Niala, AM. 133, one of the few MSS. in which they occur, may 
be in some way connected with him, perhaps executed under his 
supervision. There are also one or two MSS. in which we can 
recognise the hands of one or other of Hauk's two amanuenses. 
The facsimiles of Hauk's hand in Antiq. Americ., Tab. Ill, at the 
bottom (Tab. IV and Tab. Ill at the top are his two amanuenses), 
are most beautifully done, as indeed are all those executed for that 

e. One other MS. of a like kind deserves notice the small thick 
AM. 624, still in the old oak boards and thongs of its primitive 
binding. Of this 171 leaves are left; when complete it must have 
gone up to about 200. It is full of varia, sacra, romances, &c., but 
its special feature is the Blanda, a corpus of computistic treatises 
of different origins ; the legends are also noteworthy, e. g. that of 
Archbishop Absalon (given in the Oxford Icelandic Reader), one 
of J6n Halldorson's stories. There are also poems, &c. For full 
notice see J6n Sigurdsson's Diplom. Isl, p. 238. 

Among later collections, which are mingled masses of true, 
false, and legendary Sagas, we need only take two as specimens. 

a. Royal Lib. 2845, of the fifteenth century, containing Gongu- 
Hrolf, Havard, Bandamanna (best text), Ingvar Vidforli, and Half's 
Sagas. A thick vellum. 

b. AM. 152, folio: a huge book, including the Romances of 
Magus, Konrad, Gretti's Saga, and four or five worthless Sagas, 
such as Gongu-Hrolf. 

VOL. i. 1 

clxii PROLEGOMENA. 29. 

The change of taste, very clearly shown in the varying contents 
of these Saga collections, which reflect fairly enough the in- 
clinations of the more cultivated minds of the times when they 
were made, at length manifests itself openly in a new form of 
composition, the Rimur, which were made in profusion at the 
end of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. At length they also 
are thought worthy of collection, and the thick little quartos, of 
which AM. 604, the biggest of all, and the Wolfenbuttel book 
may serve as the best types, close the era of the classic literature 
of which they present the very faintest possible reflection. 

Collections of Sacred Poems of a similar type Drapur, often 
called 'Diktr/ as Ceciliu-diktr are also found; AM. 713 and 
other vellums contain such works. 

When the Paper Age comes, it is curious to see how the copyists 
choose out certain vellums to copy, leaving the rest entirely without 
notice. They, of course, care nothing for the MS., and are only 
anxious to secure the Saga. But they have as a rule been lucky in 
their selection. Thus the standard Egla, Eyrbyggia, and Niala 
copies are from the best text. In a few instances, as Hardar Saga, 
they were less fortunate. When they had once got a copy of a 
Saga, they did not care about taking another MS. and making a 
fresh copy from it. 

Thus even of the most popular Sagas, of which many vellums 
were at their disposal, only two or three are taken : all the rest are 
left barren, e. g. of Egla only three out of thirteen are taken, and 
of Niala about the same proportion. So constant is this rule of 
theirs, that it is almost possible to tell in what order the great MSS. 
became known. Thus AM. 132 and the Vatzhyrna were among 
the first copied, and we can see that there must have been some 
system about it, for in the Liosvetninga vellum, where Vapnfirdinga 
and Droplaug are side by side on the same sheet, Vapnf. is copied 
and Dropl. neglected; they had got the Saga from AM. 132 
already. So in the case of the Biorn and Kormak vellum, Biorn 
is taken and Kormak left, for the same reason. Again, there were 
two vellums of Reykdaela : one has been copied, the other only so 
as to fill up a blank in the first. This is the more tantalising as the 
fruitful vellums have been in most cases preserved, while the frag- 
ments represent barren MSS. which we should often be glad to have. 

But the early copyists were very careful not to let a Saga slip 
altogether, and we can only find two notable instances in which 
they have done so. Heidarviga left the country in 1682. We ought 
therefore to have copies of it, but there are none. It was even 
then imperfect, hard to read, and therefore not attractive to a copyist, 
but we should suppose the real reason for its barrenness to be that 
it lay hid away in the North, and never fell into the hands of any 
literary man. Gulljjoris Saga is the second example. All the paper 
copies of it were taken after Ami Magnusson had secured the MS. 

We may notice here, as a caution to travellers and collectors, 


that no paper copies, save those now in the AM. collection, have the 
slightest value, and that it is absolutely certain that any paper copy 
of a Saga which turns up in Iceland must be itself derived from 
some MS. in that Library, usually through a generation of paper 
copies, the increasing corruptions of which sometimes make the 
text look different at first sight. The penmanship indeed of the 
modern copies is usually very good, but it is only as curiosities that 
any one would care to possess them. 


ISLENDINGA SAGA. It will be well to give a brief summary of the 
contents of those parts of Sturla's work which have not yet been 
treated, so that the main threads of the story may be put within the 
reader's grasp. It was not necessary to add long chronological 
tables, as by the full indices and the year-headings on any page one 
can easily find one's way about the book, which keeps luckily to 
pretty exact order of time. 

Beginning then with the first part of Islendinga (really the main 
work of Sturla) after the seven or eight genealogical trees, which 
give a complete survey of the Icelandic nobility, a table of ' Drama- 
tis Personae ' to the ' Historic ' that follows the Saga opens with 
a few introductory chapters, briefly setting forth the scenes and 
introducing the characters. We cannot help thinking that some- 
thing is missing, a prologue or a few words of the author as to the 
purport of his work, before the present chapter 2, which begins 
with noting Sturla of Hvamm's death. In these opening chapters 
(2-24) we are told of the youth of the three Sturlung brothers, the 
dialogue of Gudmund's daughters, and a few words about Snorri's 
early career. 

There is also imbedded in the midst of this matter (chaps. 
12-14) what seems to be an extract from the lost Liber of Ari, 
partly in his very words, telling of Bishops Isleif and Gizur, and 
of Teit, his friend, and Gizur, Teit's grandson. 

It is with the return of Bishop Gudmund, to whose agency much 
that followed may be traced, that the action of the drama begins 
with the troubles which preceded the foul murder of Hrafn Svein- 
biornsson, a crime which avenged itself very surely and bitterly. 
Most of these matters we have noticed elsewhere ( 21). But in 
chaps. 3337 we come to the death of Hall, the Eyjafiord chief, and 
the migration of Sighvat Sturlason to the North, an important 
event upon which much hinges. 

After a short episode touching Snorri (ch. 39) and his voyage 
abroad, &c., comes the story of the quarrel between the Norwegian 
merchants and Saemund, Orm's slaughter at their hands in re- 
venge (ch. 40), and the King of Norway's wrath when he heard 
the Norwegian version of the quarrel (here Snorri gives the well- 
known piece of advice which has been so often quoted to his detri- 
ment) ; finally, his return is told. And now Snorri's political career 

1 2 

clxiv PROLEGOMENA. 30. 

begins in earnest, when, after the brawl at Breidabolstad, in which 
Biorn is killed (ch. 44, where the ditty, ' Loptr er i Eyjum,' the first 
Ballad ditty known, is quoted), he marries his widow, Hallveig, 
Orm's daughter, the richest woman in Iceland, a political match, 
and one that ultimately fulfilled Thord's boding words when he 
heard of it, but still a happy one while both lived. 

Chaps. 47 and 49 recount the raid at Holar and the return foray 
to Grimsey, which, as we have seen, is told in full in Aron's Saga. 
Snorri now strengthens himself still more by giving his daughters to 
the most influential men in the country one to Gizur Thorwalds- 
son (of whose childhood a striking story is told, ch. 55), one to 
Thorwald, the murderer of Hrafn, and a third to Kolbein the 
Young men whom he wished to make use of, connecting the third 
still closer to him by getting his sister for the wife of his bastard 
son Orsekia. Thord, between whom and Snorri a quarrel arose 
about this time, prophesied evil also of these matches, and his 
forebodings were strikingly fulfilled, for it was Snorri's sons-in-law 
that were the leaders in the attack upon him in which he was slain, 
nor did the matches turn out well (two of the three ladies were 
divorced, and none of them seem to have led pleasant lives). 

Sturla Sighvatzson, the darling hero of his cousin and namesake 
the historian, now comes into the story, a handsome, strong, brave 
young hero, but a brainless man, as his actions and the way in 
which he dragged his father, a far finer character, into disaster and 
death sufficiently prove. But his brilliant qualities are just those 
which fascinate the mind of such a thoughtful poetic lad as Sturla 
the Historian must have been in the heyday of his namesake's 
brief life, though we might perhaps wish he had rather lavished his 
care upon the greater figure of Snorri the Historian. The Althing 
scenes interspersed in this part of the story may be mentioned. 

In chapters 71, 72 a notable deed was done, of which the con- 
sequences were serious indeed. The sons of Hrafn caught Thor- 
wald on an outlying farm (Aug. 6, 1228), attacked the house, set 
fire to it, and burnt their enemy like a fox in his earth. 

The sons of Thorwald, reckless, brutal young men, believed that 
Sturla Sighvatzson had been cognisant of and abettor in the death of 
their father. They therefore surprised Saudafell in the night, Jan. 
1229 (chaps. 75-78). Sturla had luckily ridden away on business to 
a neighbouring farm ; they were therefore foiled of their intent, and 
manifested their disappointment by destroying everything they 
could lay their hands on, wounding the women, letting the ale 
run out, and spoiling the food, entirely disregarding the presence 
of Sturla' s young wife Solveig, who had just been delivered of her 
first child. This Saudafell foray is one of the best-told chapters 
of all the Islendinga, so fresh and true that it brings the whole 
scene before the reader's eye in the most lively way. The coolness 
with which Sturla receives the news in his bath, merely asking 
if his wife was safe, and the mocking verses of Snorri, fitly wind 


up the incident. A reconciliation is patched up, but the defying 
haughty behaviour of the young sons of Thorwald rouses Sturla to 
wrath, and he breaks the truce and puts them to death. This 
tragedy, like the preceding one, happened (March 8, 1232) within a 
few miles of Hvamm, the home of the historian, then a youth of 
seventeen. It is touchingly told and most minutely (chaps'. 88-90). 
So the crime which had rested on their house since Hrafn's murder 
was finally expiated. The pages of the Saga are now defiled by 
the deeds of Snorri's wicked son Oraekia and his band (chaps. 
91-99). Sturla Sighvatzson now starts on a pilgrimage, going first 
to Norway, then to Rome, where he does penance, being flogged 
from church to church, while the people wept at seeing such a fine 
man so cruelly used. But now that he was absolved from his sins, 
his luck left him ; he falls under the fatal influence of the King of 
Norway, too strong for his weak head, and comes home to raise a 
party. It was his actions that ultimately set the civil war a-flame. 

Now follow the cruelties and wickedness of Kolbein the Young, of 
whose crimes one is very pathetically told in ch. 101 ; a few notices 
of Olaf and Thord (ch. 107), and more of the wretched Oraekia. 

The death of Thord (April 10, 1237), who had warned Sighvat 
of the end that must needs overtake him in the path he had chosen 
to take (unwelcome advice which Sighvat took ill, charmed as he 
was by the persuasiveness of his son, though in his heart he must 
have felt that Thord was right), the deaths of Bishops Gudmund 
and Magnus, all take place this year (1237, chaps. 124-25). Thor- 
wald, Gizur's father, had died two years before. Snorri now leaves 
Iceland, hard pressed, and goes to Norway, and with the field thus 
cleared the fight begins in earnest. The Apavatn raid is . fitly 
ushered in by the dialogues between Sighvat and his son, the 
common sense of the old man coming out finely as he banters 
his son on his high ambition and aims in a quiet laconic way 
(chaps. 130-31). Another talk of Sighvat with Mew, an old friend 
of his, in which the coming storm is foreshadowed, is given in the 
following chapter. 

The raid itself is very well told ; the folly of Sturla, which rouses 
Gizur, who has been quiet and gentle up to this point, and having 
waked the tiger at last, neglects to crush him altogether, now 
quickly brings on the end. Sturla himself was in the raid, as he tells 
us, which accounts for the remarkable minuteness of his narrative 
(ch. 1 34). Gizur's behaviour is wonderfully painted ; his hesitation 
till his mind is made up, and his laughing coolness when he had 
decided, is like Louis XFs behaviour to Charles at Peronne. 

Now are set forth the gathering of the forces of both parties in 
the North, Gizur's alliance with Kolbein, and all the omens and 
dreams which ever precede an important event. Then comes the 
fight at Orlygstad (Aug. 21, 1238), a fearful blow to the Sturlungs, 
for Sighvat and four of his sons are made prisoners and slain in 
cold blood, one of the family (Tumi) alone escaping. To Sturla 

clxvi PROLEGOMENA. 30. 

the Historian, who had loyally followed his cousin, quarter was given 
(chaps. 137-44). 

Of course such an event as this, told by an eye-witness, could 
hardly fail to be impressive ; but the narrative is well worthy of the 
occasion, and most moving and vivid it is. 

Ch. 147 goes back to Snorri, the head of the falling family, who 
got the evil news in Norway at an unlucky moment for him, when 
the King and Duke Skuli had begun to quarrel. He had espoused 
what looked like the winning side (Skuli' s) ; he therefore left Nor- 
way against the King's express command ('I will go/ he says 
when he gets the letter), having accepted the title of Earl from 
Skuli. The Duke's death, the King's secret orders (he seems to 
have been roused to fury by something he had found out at Skuli's 
death), the plot against Snorri, the Historian's last interview with 
him, and the brief but striking account of his death (chaps. 148- 
56), complete the real action of the tragedy. 

All the incidents which follow Snorri's death, though less im- 
portant, are most minutely told by Sturla, who took part in them 
all, and the realism of his-narrative is very marked. Orsekia now 
endeavours to revenge his father, and hunts after Gizur to slay 
him, coming upon him at Skalholt, where the Bishop arranges a 
peaceful settlement, which is to be completed next year. But at 
the Bridge-meeting (on a natural bridge, now destroyed, over Hvita 
in Borgarfiord), Gizur treacherously captures Orsekia and Sturla. 
Oraekia is banished, and Sturla is released at his friends' inter- 
cession (chaps. 157-63). 

Here ends the first part of Islendinga, and with it the History of 
the Commonwealth may in truth be held to close. 

Down to this date the character of the heroes themselves, their 
objects, and methods of carrying them out, are nearly the con- 
tinuation of what had been going on ever since Nial and Mord and 
Gunnar and Flosi had fought and taken counsel and carried on 
suits in the old days. But now old Iceland really expires with the 
three Sturlung brothers : and when Snorri, the last of them, is dead, 
one feels a void which is never filled by the subsequent history. 

The student of political institutions will find much to repay him 
in the first part of Islendinga, which he will vainly seek in the 
second, wherein, though the form of the old Common Law is kept 
up, the spirit is manifestly dead. The very crudenesses and 
blemishes of the style in the first part are of a piece with the 
older Sagas and purely Icelandic, for in the second half, where 
there are passages which perhaps excel any in the former, they 
are such as always relate to pathetic or dreadful subjects (the Burn- 
ing of Flugumyri, for instance), while the love of law, the homely 
wit, the rough pungent dialogue, and the little idyllic incidents of 
every-day life which we have noticed as so characteristic of the 
Icelandic Saga, are almost totally absent. We may perhaps sum 
up the matter by saying that the first part of Islendinga is the last 


Islendinga Saga, while the second part is really a collection of 
Biographies that the one is wholly Icelandic, the other tinged with 
foreign and Norse influence; that the one tells of heroes whom 
we long to know more of, the other of men and matters for which, 
though they interest us as long as we are actually under the charm 
of the author's words, we care little when the sound of his voice 
has ceased to ring in our ears. 

The second part of Islendinga opens with the return of Thord 
Kakali, the avenger of the Sturlungs. He had been many years 
in Norway, of which we told somewhat in Aron's Saga. He was 
the fourth of Sighvat's sons, and far the most talented of them. 
He is a man of order and discipline, good-hearted and generous 
altogether the finest character of the epigonic generation. His 
antagonist is Kolbein, who had since Snorri's death ruled unques- 
tioned, and forced the West country-men to take oaths to be faith- 
ful to him. (The story of Gisli's equivocating oath is amusing, ch. 
164.) When Thord appeared the friends of the old family rally 
round him, and the feud begins anew, and lasts with the usual 
alternations during his life. By one of the sudden surprises so 
frequent in this part of Islendinga, Kolbein nearly captures Thord. 
Kolbein is overtaken by a snow-storm, but makes his men wrestle 
to keep themselves warm. His men now lie waiting for Thord 
to pass by. However, all their patience is in vain, for Thord's 
quickness saves him, and he escapes after all. The chase across 
the snow is very realistic, as indeed is the whole incident. Hrafn 
Oddsson was present at this affair, and it is from him, we believe, 
that Sturla got the story (chaps. 164-74). 

A little later Kolbein again sends out two bands, one to surprise 
Tumi, the brother of Thord, at Reykjaholar, which they accom- 
plished (April 1 8, 1244), slaying Tumi; the other to capture 
Sturla, who got away, as was noticed in his life, being warned in 
time (chaps. 186-88). 

The famous sea-fight, Floa bardagi, is the next event of note, 
fought in fishing-boats under the midnight sun (June 24), in the 
highest latitude in which perhaps a naval engagement ever took 
place. It is told by Sturla in most grand and impressive style, as 
the very Trafalgar or Salamis of his day (chaps. 191-97). 

Kolbein dies in his bed, July 22, 1245, aged only thirty-five, and 
Brand, his kinsman, takes up his position. He is overthrown by 
Thord at Haugsnes fight, April 19, 1246. This is briefly told, 
though it was the greatest battle that had ever taken place in Ice- 
land, 100 being slain (it was long used as a chronological land- 
mark, just as Waterloo often is), but then Sturla himself was not 
present (chaps. 204-5). 

Thord is now supreme, and unopposed for four years, when he 
goes abroad. After a short stay in Norway he came back, but 
soon sailed again thither, never to return again. The King was 
too jealous of him to let him go back, and foolishly kept him in a 

clxviii PROLEGOMENA. 30. 

kind of honourable captivity in Norway, where, at his post of 
Sheriff, he died like a caged lion, Oct. n, 1256. 

It is here that the story of the Svinfellings (ch. 215) comes in. 
An account of this Saga has already been given ( 21). 

Thorgils Skardi now comes on the scene. His career has also 
been roughly sketched. We shall therefore confine ourselves to 
pointing out the chief incidents which occur during the last years 
of this period. The Burning of Flugumyri, Sept. 22, 1253 (chaps. 
252-60), Sturla's masterpiece, the Slaughter of the Burners, Jan. 
25, 1254 (ch. 262), various notices of the old Norwegian Bishop 
Henry, who was now sitting in the seat which Gudmund had filled, 
and the going abroad of Gizur, are first to be noted. Gizur leaves 
Odd, a young man whom he used as a cat's-paw, to fill his place 
while he was away, but he soon showed himself unequal to the 
task. Escaping a terrible snow-storm in the middle deserts of 
Iceland (ch. 274), which raged in the beginning of Jan. 1255, he 
falls in a surprisal a few days later at Gelldingaholt, Jan. 14, 1255 
(chaps. 275-76). This story is also excellently well told. The 
career of Thorgils now fills much space, but this section of the 
work is relieved by several scenes of merry-making, dancing, &c., 
the bright side of the Icelandic life, of which we see too little in 
the midst of the slaughter and discord. The Battle of Thvera, 
at which Sturla was present, July 19, 1255, is minutely and drama- 
tically told (chaps. 285-93), w ^h all proper accompaniment of 
dreams and omens. Three years after Thorgils also fell by 
treachery, Jan. 22, 1258 (chaps. 312-15), aged thirty-two. 

Gizur now came back with the title of Earl (ch. 317). The final 
submission of Iceland to the King took place 1262, two quarters 
and a half swearing fealty, promising to pay scot to the King, and 
take an Earl (chaps. 324-27). 

A little episode contains the death of Thord Andr^sson (the last 
scion of the great house of the Oddverjar), by treason at Gizur' s 
hands, Sept. 27, 1264 (chaps. 328-29). Chapters 330-31 relate 
Sturla's going abroad, and give his adventures in Norway, the first 
of which has been already touched on in his Life. 

There seems to be a break here : whether Sturla ever wrote more 
we know not. Finally, in ch. 332, Sturla's death is recorded, and the 
Islendinga ends. It is curious that there is no mention of the evil 
Earl's death, Jan. 12, 1268 1 . 

1 It must not be supposed that in the above hasty sketch all that is interesting or 
worthy of attention in the Islendinga has been pointed out. There are touches in 
every chapter of which the sociologist, the historian, and the philosopher will see the 
value. But if the reader were to be brought face to face with such a bulky work 
without some clue to guide him, he might easily be repulsed by the multitude 
of characters, the number of streams of action, and the minuteness of the treat- 
ment, and give up the task of mastering it as hopeless. To any one attacking 
the Sturlunga for the first time, we would recommend the reading of the latter part 
of Sturla's Saga, the full text of Hrafn's Saga (App. I), and perhaps Aron's Saga, 
before reading the first part of the Islendinga. He will thus be better able to see 


A few words on the real significance of the whole story may not 
be out of place. The fall of the Commonwealth and the destruc- 
tion of the old Houses is what it really means. For some years 
the chiefs had been one by one giving up their Godords to the 
King of Norway; and the Oath taken in 1262, 1263, 1264, by 
Quarter after Quarter, till the whole island had sworn fealty and 
agreed (for the first time then) to pay scot, was but a public ratifi- 
cation, as it were, of what had gone before. Up to this point the 
chiefs, we think, had acted wisely ; and if Norway had been a rising 
instead of a sinking power at the time, much good might have 
come of it. But other changes followed quickly. Snorri's con- 
fiscated estates became ' royal demesne ; ' the Althing and Quarter 
Courts disappear, and a kind -of Curia Regis takes its place, the 
Logretta, exercising a restricted legislative power which withers 
away, and full judicial powers as a High Court; the Logsogu- 
maSr shrinks into the Logma6r, Justitiarius Regis (of which there 
are two, one for the North and West, one for the South and East 
Quarters) ; a Viceroy is appointed, at first called Earl, but after- 
wards named ' HirQstjori/ Magister Aulae, like our Justitiarius 
capitalis domini Regis in Ireland; the place of the GocW with 
their clients was filled by S^slumen (King's Sheriffs, who collected 
the taxes, kept the peace, and performed many of the functions of 
our J. P.'s), with defined districts (S^slur), a new thing in Iceland, 
where the ties of Clientela were not affected by locality. In a 
word, the old Common Law was swept away in 1271, when 
a Code, and that of foreign origin, was first introduced into Ice- 
land. And we cannot but regret this : dreadful as were the disorders, 
unsettled as was the condition of the country, the sacrifice of the 
public life of the old days, with all the ennobling influences, was 
a high price, too high surely to pay even for peace. Our expe- 
rience of the New Monarchy in England, which did not attempt 
a quarter of the change, shows how dangerous a thing it is for a 
nation to give up the smallest jot of its power of self-government 
to secure the greatest advantages. Peace was secured, but the 
island sunk into a torpor and inaction which it has never since 
completely shaken off. 

The decay of the great Houses went on side by side with this 

Erocess ; the civil wars and feuds, though the number of those that 
;11 was, to English notions, ludicrously small 1 , had cut off the 

the way the history of the age is going, and understand bit by bit the circumstances 
in which the great drama of the Islendinga takes place. 

1 The Editor has calculated that in the fifty years' feuds, from Sept. 1 208 to Jan. 
1258, the death of Kolbein Tumason to the death of Thorgils SkarSi, only 370 men 
in all fell, not so many possibly as perished in shipwrecks, when eighty or ninety 
men often died at once, and fording rivers during the same time. The explanation 
of course is that the chiefs alone fought to the death ; the common people were 
always given quarter, and had little interest in continuing a desperate conflict which 
they could get little good or harm from. The nobles, who could only look for 
death at the hands of their foemen, had every motive for fighting hard. 

clxx PROLEGOMENA. 30. 

flower of the nobility, the wisest, the bravest, the most vigorous, just 
as happened in our Wars of the Roses. Many of the great families 
too had begun to show signs of physical exhaustion, the demoniac 
character of Gizur, with its startling contrasts, manifests such a 
complex and peculiar organisation as is seldom to be met with save 
in the last generations of an old and failing family. The miserable 
children of Snorri are another case in point. Those that lingered 
on were cut off from a free political career after 1271, while in 
Ecclesiastical matters Iceland had been subordinate to the King 
and the NiSaros Chapter ever since 1237 Bishops Gudmund and 
Magnus, who both died in 1237, were the last bishops elected by 
the Icelandic people, so that when the darkness of the fourteenth 
century falls over Icelandic History, the few descendants of the 
old Houses, whose names we know, are mostly in insignificant 
positions, not even (as we learn from a petition made when the 
oaths were taken to a new King in 1302) allowed to occupy the 
office of Sheriff in the S^slur that replaced the Godords, so long 
the inheritances of their families, while the decay of trade in Nor- 
way itself (Norway, the mother of the sea-kings of old, now became 
the bondwoman of the Hanseatic towns, who drew the natives off 
the seas altogether), and the misfortunes of the fourteenth and 
fifteenth centuries in Iceland (earthquakes, eruptions, bad seasons, 
famines, epidemics), prevented them from opening out a fresh 
career in trade or commerce. 

The last of the Oddverjar we know of dies in 1310; the last of 
the Narvasons in 1332; of the Melamen (Abbot Thorstein) in 
1351 ; of the Hitardale family, Ketil the Viceroy, in 1342 ; of the 
Svinfellings, Odd, in 1306. 

Of the greatest family of all, the Sturlungs, Snorri Sturlason the 
second dies in 1302, and the line of Snorri the elder (as we learn 
from a fly-leaf entry only, vol. ii. p. 399) dwindles down to a few 
insignificant names of a bastard line, and the only man who is worth 
notice is Egil of Reykjaholt (the good husbandman of Thorgils 
Skardi's Saga), the son of Solmund, a Norseman, who had married 
Snorri's sister, Helga. He dwelt at Reykjaholt forty years, and he 
or one of his children is connected with the Upsala vellum of the 
Edda, perhaps also with i e j8. He died Aug. 13, 1297, and his 
son John Murt (out of respect, seemingly, to his cousin, four of 
Egil's children are named after Snorri's) is the last of the line 
mentioned. As was noticed above, p. Ixxx, only one family, that 
of Hrafn Sveinbiornsson, is known to have continued through the 
Middle Ages to the present day, but only on the spindle side 1 . 

1 After Erik herra in the Seldaelir family (see Genealogical Tables, I. 3, vol. ii. 
p. 483) came Einar, his son, who begat Biorn the Crusader (died after 1415), who begat 
Kristina of Vatzfiord (a very famous lady, of whom legends survive). Her son was 
Biorn (killed by English traders, 1467, and avenged by the Lady Olofa, his widow), 
from whom the pedigree goes on to the present day. This family held the old 
seats, Skard, Reykjaholar, and Vatzfiorft, and we are beholden to a member of it, 
Jon Finnsson of Flatey (also a family estate), for the Flatey-book, which he gave to 

3 i. THE STURLUNGA MSS. clxxi 


THE STURLUNGA MSS. : Much has been already said of the 
Revival of Letters, the Paper Age, the Copyists, and the like, so 
that what remains to be told of these MSS. of Sturlunga may be 
briefly dealt with. 

In the AM. collection are parts of two vellums from which we, 
like the copyists of the seventeenth century, derive our knowledge 
of the text of our Saga. One of these, ' B ' of our edition, AM. 
1 22 a, is, as we shall see, in a partly perfect condition. But the 
other, ' A/ remains only in a packet of thirty grimy and discoloured 
shreds (twenty-four of Sturlunga, three of Ami's Saga, and three of 
Bishop Gudmund) enclosed in one of Arni Magnusson's rough 
cartridge-paper envelopes or 'capsae' (i22b). These fragments 
are of varied size and shape ; some have been used as slips for 
binding, some as tailors' patterns, and the like ; some are still 
leaves, but half-torn and mutilated in all sorts of ways. The diffi- 
culty of reading them was so great that the expenditure of time 
and eyesight would not have been justified had not the work been 
one of such high worth 1 . But a close inspection of them revealed 
the fact that they were all parts of one great vellum (as indeed 
Arni Magnusson knew, see his note, p. clxxiv, ' the book'). The 
incisions at the back of the leaves (where the back is left), the 
number of lines in the pages, but above all the fact that every 
calculation of the blanks that should be filled by the text interven- 
ing between the different fragments, always squares with whole leaves, 
prove this beyond doubt. There was in this capsa only one shred 
which the Editor recognised as foreign to the rest (amongst which 
it had slipped by mistake), it proved to be the upper part of leaf 7 
of a lost sheet in B, in which MS. it is now replaced. 

We owe the preservation of these two vellums to the pious care 
of Thorlak Skulason, the learned and excellent Bishop of Holar, 
to whom we are also beholden for Biskupa Sogur, &c. This we 
know from Biorn of Skardsa's express words (see 27, p. cxliii, 
n. 2), in which, when talking about the miserable state of the MSS. 
relating the history of the old times, he tells how ' the worshipful 
Bishop drew up and wrote down all that he could lay hands on; 
first the learned Settlement [Landnama-b6k], and then the Great 
Islendinga Saga, in which you may see rrtany such matters laid 

Bishop Brynjolf j and perhaps for Sturlunga and more MSS. to other branches of the 
same family. 

1 In the summer of 1874, at Copenhagen, I met my worthy friend the Rev. 
J. Fritzner, the well-known Norse Lexicographer, and took him over the Arna- 
Magnaean collection, this being his first visit to Copenhagen. He being a learned 
man, I did not get him the 'show copies' of the collection, but taking down the 
shreds of the A vellum, I gave them into his hands, saying, ' You must see Sturl- 
unga.' He looked at the blackened pieces carefully, but made no remark at the 
time. However, a few weeks later, when I was staying with him in Norway, he 
said, 'What you showed me at Copenhagen was extremely interesting; but one 
thing fairly surprised me, I must own, to find Sturlunga looking like that ! ' ED. 

clxxii PROLEGOMENA. 31. 

down distinctly in order. For who should there be to tell them 
that come after us of such things, if we were not to preserve them ? ' 

This is clear enough, but does it refer to our Sturlunga MSS. ? 
It must in the case of B. All the copies lead back to the right 
date, and the best of them (AM. 437-38), from which all the others 
are transcribed, is in a hand which the Editor was able at once to 
identify with that of one of Bishop Thorlak's scribes. 

In the case of A, the answer is equally satisfying because, first, 
all the copies of either class contain Thorgils Skardi's Saga, which 
has never been in B. Therefore the copyists must have known A 
as well as B. Next, the oldest extant copy of the A class, the 
British Museum MS., has an apparatus of marginalia, chronology, 
references, &c. These are derived from a little abridgment of 
Sturlunga made by Biorn's own hand, containing these marginalia 
word for word (see p. clxxvii, foot-note). This little volume actually 
belonged to the Bishop, for in it he has himself written * this Book 
I Thorlak Skulason own/ The notes are therefore Biorn's, and 
the Brit. Mus. MS. writer must either have had Biorn's copy AM. 
439 or a copy of the original MS. (a* we call it) which contained 
these notes. Lastly, Ami's Saga has come down to us in a copy 
made direct from A (Stockholm, No. 8, a vellum for Bishop Thorlak), 
as the scraps of Ami to the three remaining leaves in the capsa 
show beyond a doubt (see the following page). 

It was necessary to prove this step by step, because a* being lost 
(doubtless if we had it, it would be found to be by one of the Bishop's 
scribes), it is only by induction we can prove that the Bishop knew A. 

Having thus settled that the two vellums, from which all our 
knowledge of Sturlunga comes, first emerged and were first copied 
under Bishop Thorlak's auspices, c. 1640, we may proceed to 
notice the exact state of the MSS. 

B now comprises no leaves (including the half-leaf rescued from 
the capsae), and lacks 32 or 34, namely, one sheet at the beginning 
(see vol. i. p. i to p. 33, n. 6) ; two leaves (vol. i. p. 316, n. 3, to 
p. 324, n. i); a sheet (vol. i. p. 336, n. 2, to p. 362, n. 2) ; another 
sheet (vol. ii. p. 7, n. 3, to p. 39, n. i); two leaves (vol. ii. p. 51, 
n. 7, to p. 57, n. 2); one leaf lacerated (vol. ii. p. 78, n. i, this was 
already torn in Thorlak's day); half a leaf (vol. ii. p. 192, n. 3, 
mutilated in Thorlak's time also) ; and the end lost (vol. ii. p. 252, 
n. 4. Biorn's note tells that it ended later in his day at our p. 265, 
1. 26). That the first sheet existed in the Bishop's day can be seen 
from the interpolated pedigree (vol. i. p. 6, n. 3), which is not in A. 
Again, in vol. i. p. 317, there is an interpolation not found in A, 
which shows that the blank of two leaves in B was then filled up. 
B in complete state would therefore have held 144 leaves. 

Cod. A seems to have been entirely complete save the end of 
Bishop Ami's Saga and the mutilated leaf referred to already under 
the notice of that work (p. cxxv), part of which we have still. The 
following list of fragments will complete the notice of A : 

3i- THE STURLUNGA MSS. clxxiii 

Ur Sturlunga Sogu 4 b!63 circiter komin til min 1701 fra Sira Halldori Pals syni i 

Selardal. Eru eigi ur peirra sem f>6r5r Steindors son atti, og mi er hja mer. 

[Sturl., Jborgils skar5i.] 
f>etta blad er 1703 komi& fra Bildudal til Magniisar Ara sonar, en fra honum til 

min. Fengi6 af einum bonda a Bardastrond 1703. [Sturl.] 
f>etta bla3 hefi eg 1 703 fengiS fra Magmisi Ara syni i Haga. [Sturl.] 
Fra Magmisi Jons syni i Snoksdal 1704. [Sturl.] 
Sturlunga Sogu blo6 bessi eru fra Magn. Ara syni til min komin, en hann hefir bau 

fengiS i Bildudal hja Arna Gu8munds syni. Og er bar ekkert meira. [Sturl.] 
Fra SigurSi Sigur3s syni a FirSi 1707.' [Sturl.] 
Fra Eggert Snaebjorns syni 1708. [Sturl.] 
Fra Eggert Snaebjorns syni a Mula 1708. [Arna S.] 
|>enna dalk ur GuSmundar Sogu fekk eg 1710 af |>6r5i Bjornssyni Asgeirs sonar. 

Er lir GuQmundar Sogu sem fyrrum atti Asgeir Einars son. [Gu8m. S.] 
Halft anria5 blad ur Arna biskups Sogu fjorlaks sonar, fengid 1715 fra Mons. 

Ormi Da9a syni, me5 bans brefi dateruSu 1714. [Arna S.] 
|>etta bla5 ur Sturlunga Sogu fekk eg i Svefneyjum i Brei9afir8i um vetrinn 

skamt fyrir J61 1723, meinast fra Flatey komiS asamt bokinni sem bad var 

utan um fyrir saur-blad. Fra Mons. Ormi Dada syni 1724. [Sturl.] 
Fra Capteini Magnusi Ara syni 1724. [Sturl.] 


The older of the two is codex B. It is written after 1306, for 
in an interpolation (vol. i. p. 108, n. 2) Bishop Arni II is men- 
tioned. About 1320 would not be far wrong. 

It is in three hands (facsimiles of which are annexed) ; the first 
(leaves i to 62 of the vellum) is a loose shifty hand, which alters 
its character gradually till it becomes very like the second hand (from 
which however it is certainly distinct); the spelling is irregular 1 . 
The whole impression it conveys is that of the work of a weak, 
or a young person. The hand is remarkably like one of Hauk's 

The second hand (leaves 63 to 69, and 95, ch. 215, to the end) is 
that of the scribe of Codex Resenianus, which the Editor, not know- 
ing this fact, once put to 1280, too early perhaps, though Cod. 
Res. certainly preceded ours. A good hand, and rather antique 
spelling, J) in tne middle of words. This scribe also wrote a copy 
of Jons-bok, now in AM. collection; it contains a statute of 1310, 
which helps to fix his date. It stops in a lost sheet, and resumes 
the work again in ch. 215 (Svinfellinga), and goes on to the end. 

The third hand (leaves 70 to 94), bold dashing penmanship, with 
curious spelling, worthy of attention for its half-Norse doubling of 
consonants, as ' nng ' for ' ng/ ' nnd ' for ' nd/ &c.; and 'aa' for 

1 Instances are Oxlg = 6xl, aux = gxn, gongn = gogn, saungn = sogn, segktar = 
sektar, staflseiliona = starlaegiuna, hugspaei = hugspeki, gudro3 = go6or6, Sigrir3r = 
Sigri3r, iorfra = iofra, slifr = silfr, au3il = Va8il, boigo = bioggo, skoitt = skiott, biorn 
= born, skild = skiold, Ins = Jons, Irunn = Jorunn, Laga = Lauga, Iagr = lag3r, kaeyti 
= keypti, Kafr = Kalfr, hey8u = heyr3u, no8r = nor8r, faela = fsezla, stanum = staduum, 
scrita = scripta, Manus = Magnus, Sklaengr = Klaengr, hen = hne, hev = hve, pva = bau, 
sor = svr, seit = sveit, nuaquad = naquat (i.e. nokkut), fyl!6i = fylgSi, andaiz = 
anda&iz, steinum = steininum, konungins = konungsins, mi bioz sveinarnir = nu 
biogguz . . .; z = d, rezuz = re8uz; cei ce, txikiz, saeikia, asirnir, laeigi, Uraeikia, 
allhaeig. Later new forms Sturli = Sturla, Staf holt = Stafaholt. New word 
dgging = dagan. Further haofdgiant = hofu3giarnt or hafu3-grannt (?). 

clxxiv PROLEGOMENA. 31. 

'a;' once we find the spelling 'haana,' in full, for 'hana,' which 
is elsewhere invariably abbreviated 1 . This scribe was also, the 
Editor believes, concerned in part of Stockholm, No. 5. 

Codex A we take to be of c. 1350; Thord Egilsson is called 
'Lawman' (Ami's Saga, ch. 12), which office he held in 1341-45. 
There are three distinct hands, about which there can be no 
mistake 2 . It was difficult to give facsimiles because it is hard 
to pin legible lines together. Two are chosen to show pieces of 
the characteristic parts of the vellum which do not occur elsewhere, 
Thorgils Skardi's and Ami's Sagas. The complete A, comprising 
those and Bishop Gudmund's Saga in addition too, with fuller text 
than B of Sturlunga, probably contained about 170 leaves. 

The early history of these two vellums we have no means of 
knowing, but in B there is a marginal scrawl on leaf 70 record- 
ing a phrase of Sturla's, which mentions a farm in the parish 
of Reykjaholar in the West 3 . And Ami Magnusson received what 
he got of both vellums from the ' neck ' of the West, The vellums 
of Olaf Tryggvason's Saga, which resemble A in handwriting, are 
also from the West. 

The difference of the A and B texts. B, besides the oft-noted 
omission of Thorgils Saga, bears the character on the whole of an 
abridgment. Whole chapters are omitted, especially in the former 
part of Sturlunga, e.g. in Gudmund Dyri's Saga, chaps. 7 and 8. 
In Islendinga, on the whole, the case is better ; but even here, as 
will be seen from the text foot-notes, it is occasionally curtailed, e.g. 
ch. 164. Occasionally there are corruptions, e.g. the famous passage 
in the preface. Cod. A must have been a very fine vellum, accurately 
and carefully written, so that even the copies are wonderfully correct 
in the many names of persons (c. 4000) and places (c. 2000) which 
occur in the course of the book. The spelling is also very good, 
and the Editor would now keep rather to it in such cases as the re- 
flexive ' z ' for ' sk ' than change it to the older form here adopted. 

How the MSS. came into Ami's hands we know from his 
careful annotation: 

The vellum A [ = AM. 122, capsa b]. 

Tabulae naufragii Magni Chronici Islandiae, Sturlunga Sogu, quod maximo his- 

toriae Islandiae damno, paulo ante nostra tempera, imo in pueritia nostra, in 

occidental! Islandia discerptum est et dissipatum.' [On a loose sheet of paper.] 
'Islendinga Sogunnar Miklu, alias Sturlunga Sogu fragmenta varia komin til min 

af Vestfiordum hvar bokin nylega i sundr rifin er : scilicet hja Arna Gu5- 

munds syni i Bildudal.' [AM. 435 a.] 

1 Instances of his spelling are Kaalfr, Aaron, siaalf, Haalfdan, Hiaalmar, Lamb- 
kaar, kaami or kaain (Cain used as a nickname), Vegglaagr (nickname), raabiti. 
Observe, that while the third hand has the old form Dufgus, the first hand has 
Dugfus (late Norwegianised form). 

2 Some of these hands the Editor fancies he can identify with those of certain 
copies of O. T. S. 

3 ' |>at var til tidinda betta sumar aa Island! at Pall Markus son keypti Gudrunu 
dottur Einars huaps i bio [Bae] i Krox-firdi ok gaf henni hest lios bleikan i tilgiof 
ok var gelldr audru eista.' 


The vellum JB [ = AM. 122, capsa b]. Possessed by Ami Magnusson before 

1701, from his uncle, Priest Paul of Hvamm : 
'Islendinga Sagan Mikla, vantar mikiS i. Er komin til min [before I7 O1 ] f fa 

Pali Ketilssyni, en til hans fra f>6r6i Steinbors syni.' [AM. 435 a.] 

This may be epitomised briefly. Having got B in its present 
state from his uncle, Priest Paul Ketilsson, c. 1701, during the 
next twenty-seven years bits of A kept coming in, mostly from 
the West of Iceland. This unfortunate vellum having been ruth- 
lessly destroyed just before, in Ami's very childhood, as he says, by 
Ami Gudmundsson of Bildudal, a Vandal whose name hardly 
deserves to be recorded here. When Arni had got all these thirty 
shreds together he found out that they were the fragments of a 
better MS. than he preserved, and with a ' cri du coeur ' he labels the 
poor wracks ' Tabulae Naufragii.' It is a curious thing too that 
in spite of his indefatigable research he never secured a paper 
copy of A. They eluded his grasp in a most extraordinary way. 
For that the absence of such copies in his collection is not owing 
to the fire, we can infer from the fact of his selecting a good B 
copy to make his own annotations on. 

Paper copies. The following table exhibits the relationship of 
the most important: 

Copies of A 

A [now fragments, AM. 122 b, vellum]. 

a* chart., c. 1640, [was still in existence in 1730-45.] 

r -' i - i i 
Stockholm, AM. 440 B. M., chart., Advocates' 
chart,, 1650. [fragm.] chart., c. 1690. Library, chart., 
1656. c. 1735. 

Icel. Lit. Society, 
chart., c. 1750. 

chart., c. 1750. 

The later copies (B. M. and Advocates) are the best, they are fair and accurate. 
They contain much of the marginalia and appendix matter of Thorlak's edition a* ; 
the later copies even add indices, &c. 

More minutely this is a list of the best paper copies 
The A class : 

a*. Bishop Thorlak's copy, lost, copies hence 

a. British Museum MS. 11,127, fol., of c. 1690, written in the South of Iceland; 

purchased from Finn Magnusen. 

b. Advocates' Library, Edinburgh, 21. 3. 17, autograph of the learned antiquarian 

Priest Eyjolf Jonsson of Vellir in SvarfaSardal, North of Iceland, written 
c. 1735 ; divided into 425 running chapters. Inscribed ' Islendinga Saga.' 

c. Cod. 8 Holm., of c. 1650. On the fly-leaf, < Olaus Verelius possidet, Anno 

1667.' Then owned by Reenhjelm and by Rudbeck. Inscribed ' Islendinga 

d. AM. 440, 4to. On the fly-leaf, ' Anno 1656, 24 Apr.' And in Arni Mag- 

nusson's hand, ' |>essa bok hefir skrifaS Bryniolfr Jonsson a Efsta-landi a 
Oxnadal. A saurblaSinu utan um petta Sturlunga Sogu defect st69 : " Thor- 
arinn Vigfusson m. eh."' Inscribed ' Islendinga Saga.' Ends in Islendinga, 
ch. 5. 

clxxvi PROLEGOMENA. 31. 

e. New Royal Collection, Copenh. 1234, fol., 358 pp. (of c. 1740): ' M6r gaf 
bokina f>orvaldr Gottskalks son [Thorwaldsen's grandfather] ; hann haf&i 
J>egit hana af hendi S ra Jons Halldors sonar a Tjorn fra S ra Eyjolfi Jons syni 
a Vollum. Eitt hid allra bezta exemplar. ViSeyjar klaustri 9 Aug. 1771, 
vitnar Skiili Magnusson.' Inscribed ' Islendinga Saga.' 

/. A copy in the Collection of the Icelandic Literary Society in the hand of Priest 
f>orstein Ketilsson in Eyjafjord, c. 1750, fol., with indices, chronology. Copy 
of the preceding. 
The B class 

B [now in AM. 1223, vellum]. 

AM. 437-38, chart., c. 1640. 

AM. 116, AM. 114, AM. 120, AM. 117-18, AM. 115, & 

chart. chart. chart. chart. chart. 

Of these paper transcripts we especially note : 

a. Cod. Arna-Magn. 437-38, 4to, chart., in two vols., signed E in the old edition, 

is the best of all the B class, in the hand of one of Bishop Thorlak's scribes. 
In the margin notices in the hand of Ketil Jorunds son. 

b. AM. 115, fol., in the hand of Jon Erlendsson, once owned by Bishop Brynjolf, 

and with marginal notes in his hand. Inscribed ' Islendinga Saga.' 

c. AM. 114, fol., in the hand of Jon Gizurar son. On the fly-leaf verses by 

Priest Jon Ara son of Vatzfjord, referring to the great war then raging in 
Europe *. 

d. AM. 117-18, fol., with chronology and marginal notes in Ami Magnusson's 


e. AM. 116, in the hand of Priest Jon Olafsson of Redsand.^ 

/. AM. 1 20, fol. (of the commonest type). And we note several others in and 
out of Iceland. 

1 We print these, hitherto unpublished verses, as worthy of the historian's notice, 
exhibiting contemporary opinions on the events of a great epoch. A few words are 
illegible ; their places are marked by dots. 

The first, alluding to the Barbary pirates' incursion in 1627 and the Thirty Years' 
War, runs 

' Lof er a& lesa og skrifa, og lyftum birta siQan, 
sagnir af seggjum tignum og sogur a fyrri dogum : 
GoSr Gizurs ni&ji gaSi Jon peirra rada, 
all-vi5a ormr a gulli ibyggr skal po liggja. 

f>akka eg Ian og lukku lundz beds noSru grundar 
tit eg las bo litid Io8i i minni skoSaS. 
Var strid aers og orar aSr a bessu ladi, 
enn mi a& ofrid linnir eingin vopn sjast lengr. 

Sem loki yfir akra ly'Sr gengr hinn bra6i, 
ganga mi vist vikingar vort yfir landid, skortir 
vorn og verjur eirnig ; via um hafid Sviar. 
Gu& gaeti vid va9a, og gegn Tyrkja oss styrki.' 
And further 

' Svenskir halda slag vi& Danska til sjos og lands 4 vi3 pa kj6sa, 
Skaney ey8a, skemma raena, ska6a folki, a borgir vaSa; 
Hertoga-daemin Holstein firtu me8 herskildi fri5 og Ditmarsken, 
unnu Jotland allt i rennu, aS Eyja-f61ki6 . . . stri3 heyja. 
Ldnardr ferr likr Ij6ni um Iandi6 allt til beggja handa, 
slasr og stingr, hoggr, herjar, hlifir ongum, sattir ryfr: 
Haestr veiti Herran Christe hreldu styrk mi Dana-veldi 
Kongi vorum lif og langa lukku gefi i pessum hrukkum. 

Skrifadpann I2ta Aug. Anno 1645. J(^ n ) A ( ra ) S(on)Vatzf(ir6i)/ 

3i- THE STURLUNGA MSS. clxxvii 

g. Cod. Stockholm, No. 3, ' Islendinga sagan mikla byriast hr ; skrifud med 
mesta flytir a& MoSruvollum i Horgardal, Anno 1683' (of the common type). 

h. Dr. George Stephens, amongst his many treasures, possesses a good copy of the 
B class, with various readings from A : ' Skrifu8 a ny a Hvallatrum i 
Brei9afir5i af Petri Jonssyni, Anno Domini 1723. Minum hjartans naunga 
Seig r Joni Hakonar syni liae eg pessa bok naest-komandi vetr. Datum Skar&i, 
Biarni Petursson' (bora 1681, died 1768), of whom Bogi Benediktsen in 
Fe6ga-aefi, ' Skrifari var hann g65r einkum a breytta stafi,' p. 38, foot-note. 

Next comes 

i. Biorn of Skardsa's autograph compendium, AM. 439, 4to, with copious mar- 
ginal notes l , chronology, &c. On the fly-leaf, in Bishop Thorlak's hand, 

And a year later a favourite Ballad metre 

' Ur Danmork hofum ver fengi& fregn um fri5ar hondlan nyja 

vid Svia. 
Donum gjorSist dyr-keypt bii, daprir mistu londin prjti, 

pvi mart vill my'gja. 
I |>yzkalandi preytir striS pa5 i6 Svenska mengi 

svo lengi. 
Le'narSr a er 63r og aer, ymsa bitr hann og slaer, 

svo dyra drengi. 
LandiS allt er eytt og spillt af pvi langa stri9i, 

um si6ir. 
Franskir lika fljiiga a5, falla yfir borg og sta3 ; 

pvi Keisarinn kvidir. 
F65urlandi5 fataekt vort med fri3i Drottinn geymi 

i heimi. 
Daglegt hann vort blessi braud bevari fyrir hungrs nau&, 

svo sott ei sveimi. 
Drottning Svia drambar mi, og digr er . . . arna 

svo gjarna. 
Hollenzkir ba9 hafa gjort a9 hlupu skip um han't hvert 

oss vegar aS varna. 
Fai peir sin forpent laun fall ... m ... 

. . . na9ra. 
Kristnir vilja kallast po, kastist peir i djiipan sjo, 

. . . fla&ra. 
4 d Julii, 1646. J(6n) A(ra) S(on)/ 

1 Etymologies. Folgsnar jarl : folginn e9r falinn. Stafkarla letr : mjog bundnar 
Runir. Bakiarla, bak : aria. Puss e8a posi : litill pungr. Hrseljos : glaeringar 
af hraejum dau&ra manna. Vetvangr, vett : vig, vangr : jord. Hjiikolfr : ol-kro : 
hjuk : gl. Hamfong : forum ekki i annan ham. A berlum er borit, a leiglum er 
Ipgr, er hi& sama. Fes-rgkr : feraekinn e8r ft sinkr. Andaepta e8r m6tsvara. 

Varia. 6lar-rei5i af hu&um pa a Islandz hafskipum. Gael a6 merkilegu daemi 
aettar-b!66sins. Spasaga J>6r9ar. Hugspa Sighvatz. Spakmaeli {>orvaldz og Sig- 
hvatz. Korku danz {ioro'ar teikn fyrir dauda hans. H^r vantar vi& sggu Gizurs 
jarls (to vol. ii. p. 265). 

Literary historical notices. Oddi prestr kalla8r Stiornu-Oddi. Anno 1201 do 
Brandr bp., hann hefir Iati6 saman-skrifa me6an til endist sogurnar, en Sturla hinn 
fr69i paer si9ari. |>a9 hefir veri9 Noregs konunga bok og um Islendinga eptir pad 
Saemundr fr66i og Ari fro&i dou (vol. i. p. 299). Af Sveini Asleifar syni les i Orkn- 
eyja ij. sogu. Byst Sturla um i Geirsholmi sem Holmverjar fyrr. Veginn Snorri 
Sturluson hinn froQi. f>essi kvaedi standa i sogum Hakonar konungs og Magmiss. 

Patriotic, laudator temporis acti. H^r koma eigi utlenzkir ollum kjorum vi6 
Islendinga, sem mi gjorist. Hakon konungr er sok til ofsa Sturlu. Ofrar a konungs 
riki a Islandi. Ekki porQi {>6r6r a6 ri9a i Skagafjor6 me6 hundraS manna upp a 

a Lennart Torstenson, the great Swedish captain. 

VOL. i. m 

clxxviii PROLEGOMENA. 31. 

' Jbessa bok a eg f>orlakr Skula son A 1646.' Inscribed by Biorn as Islend- 
inga Sagan Mikla i stutt mal saman tekin.' Hence are copies AM. 1 21, fol., 
in the hand of S ra {>orstein of tJtskala, and AM. 119, fol., in the hand of 
Asgeir Jonsson. 

The old Edition. The first work undertaken by the Icelandic 
Literary Society was to publish Sturlunga. Their edition is in four 
volumes (three Sturl., one Arni), and took four years (1816-20). 
The men who, at a time of great gloom and distress, devoted their 
time, money, and labour, for pure love of the task, to editing and 
publishing this book deserve both gratitude and respect. They 
begun with the best paper copy they knew of (a B-class MS. 
with various readings in its margin from the A-class copies). 
When they got to Bishop Gudmund's Saga, the Advocates' Library 
MS. came from Iceland and passed into Finn Magnusen's hands ; 
on it the rest of their work is based, but they kept the false division 
into books, and gave a terrible list of various readings from worth- 
less paper copies. To the vellums or to any classification of MSS. 
they paid no heed whatever. An index of persons was given (it 
is very inaccurate), but no index of places, a great desideratum. 
But in spite of these defects it is a very creditable work for the 
time, unpretentious and useful. 

The Vice-President of the Society, under whose auspices the 
first volume appeared (Rask the founder was away preparing 
for his voyage to the East), the venerable Bjarni Thorsteinsson, 
lived to a high age, c. 95, and though blind for thirty years, he 
retained his faculties to the last, dying Dec. 1876. He possessed 
a great store of information respecting the Iceland of his day, her 
law and constitution, was a good English scholar, and a man of 
most amiable and kindly nature. Dr. Egilsson (then a student at 
Copenhagen) and Dr. Gisli Brynjulfsson (a gifted man, whose early 
death cut short a career of great promise) were also members of 
the Society when the work appeared. 

The present Edition. It had long been the Editor's wish to 
undertake an edition of Sturlunga, and when his work on the 
Biskupa Sogur, so intimately connected with it in every way, was 
over, he began in 1861-62 to make preparations for that end, 
going through the MSS. at Copenhagen and deciphering the 
fragments. But his design was broken off by his coming to 
England in 1864, and turning for seven years to a very different 
and all-absorbing subject. Still the plan of an edition the relation 
of the vellums, and of the various paper MSS. to each other and 

Kolbein. Nu vilja Islendinga vikja til konungs malunum. Leggja til konungs 
malin ; me& bvi kemst landi& undir konunginn. Tekr a8 aukast konungs vald a 
Islandi. Snorri fyrstr landraSa-ma&r atti a5 vera. Tekr konungr til aS skipa yfir 
stj6rn. Tekr konungr a6 skikka fj6r5ungum Islands. 

Geographica, touching Biorn's native place, Skagafiord. f>a3 hygg eg Vatznes 
lit fra Vollum. Renna votn fyrir vestan Valla-laug. Sturlunga reitr heitir i kirkju- 
gardi a Miika-f>vera (to vol. i. p. 379). Ari hefir verit njosnar-ma&r og legid i 
G166arfeykir a fri&ja daginn, og J>vi segir (unreadable). Merk aS votn hafa runnid 
vestan Langamyri. 

32. , PRINTING. clxxix 

their respective values had already been settled in his mind, so that 
when he first saw the Brit. Mus. MS. in 1865 he could at once 
recognise its worth and character. In 1873, when he was at 
length able to propose to the Delegates of the University Press 
the undertaking, of which the present volumes are the outcome, 
his long-deferred project was realised. As some excuse for the 
time which has elapsed since then, it may be urged that various 
causes of delay unconnected with the book have from time to 
time arisen and put off the completion of the work. 

The plan of the present Edition is to follow A, basing the 
text on the Brit. Mus. paper MS. (Br., Cd., and Cod.), corrected by 
the Advocates' Library MS. (V) and in a few instances by the 
Stockholm copy (H). Of course wherever the twenty-four vellum 
fragments come in, they are the basis of the text (the ' vellum ' of 
the notes, where the place of their beginning and ending is duly 
noted). In a few of the latter chapters of the Saga, B is used, 
(B for vellum, B* for paper copies where vellum is defective,) all 
useless paper copies (A, B, C, E, G, R, t> of the old edition) being 
entirely disregarded. 

In one place (the preparations for the sea-fight of Floi) there 
were certain difficulties which almost led the Editor to believe that 
there were in the paper copies traces of a third text ; though there 
is nothing else that would at all point to the existence of such a 
one, but it is possible that a* may have had a double text from 
a fragment now lost in this place. 

All changes of order &c. have been already noted in 19, and 
are marked in the foot-notes. All obvious interpolations are given 
in Italics. The Indices, in which references are (as should be the 
invariable rule in editions) to chapter, not page, have been made 
anew, and are as complete as the Editor could make them. The 
collection of nicknames &c. is also new. 


The Copying Age was succeeded by an Age of Printing. We 
have traced the history of the former to its beginning under 
Bishop Thorlak. It is to another, Bishop Gudbrand, that Iceland 
owes the printing press : for a long time the efforts of the printers 
of the island were directed to furnishing a supply of Religious 
Books, and it was not till later that they turned to secular litera- 
ture. Some account of their masterpieces, the noble Icelandic 
New Testament of Odd Gottskalkson, and the translation of the 
whole Bible under the supervision of Bishop Gudbrand, will be 
found in the Oxford Icelandic Reader, where we have been able to 
reprint the Gospel of St. Matthew from Odd's text. 

In the mean time, in 1664, the first Saga was printed at Upsala, 
that of Hrolf Gautreksson. It was followed by several more Sagas 
of the kind, for the Swedish scholars of that day believed that in these 
late and legendary productions the early history of their country lay. 

m 2 

clxxx PROLEGOMENA. . 32- 

The editio princeps of Edda, Copenhagen 1665, hardly deserves 
the name, it is so badly arranged, and gives such a miserably 
corrupt text. 

It is to Bishop Thord, son of Bishop Thorlak and great-grandson 
of Bishop Gudbrand, that we owe the first Icelandic edition of 
Icelandic Sagas. They were issued from the old press with the old 
types, some of which Bishop Gudbrand had cut with his own hands; 
but from Skalholt, whither the establishment had been moved for 
a while from Holar. Bishop Thorlak had had thoughts of printing 
Sagas, but he and Bishop Brynjolf had quarrelled over the right 
of printing and the ownership of the press, so nothing was done. 
Thord's taste and wisdom was shown by the choice of Land- 
nama, Kristni Saga, Libellus, and the Great O. T. S. (Flatey-book 
text), which appeared in 1688-89, having passed through the press 
in two years. We have printed the preface to the latter work l to 
show the spirit and sagacity of the good bishop. 

Nothing further was done for the Sagas in Iceland (it was a 
poor country, and paper copies largely supplied the place of 
printed books) till 1756, when a 4to and an 8vo of Islendinga 
Sogur appeared from the Holum press. About this date another 
little press was set up in the Island of Hrappsey, whence in 1782 
the editio prima of Egla issued. There, too, were several other 
useful books printed, Biorn of Skardsa's Annals, &c. Since that 
date, nothing of the classic literature but reprints has been put in 
type in Iceland. 

Though Arni Magnusson devoted his life to collecting and 

1 Epilogue to Skalholt Edition ofOL Tr. (1688) : ' f>essa Olafs Sogu hefi eg med 
6maki ekki litlu ok kostnaSi a prent ut ganga latid, einkum par eg hefi merkt at 
margir Landzmenn vorir mundi hana girnast, veit eg heldr eigi adra sogu sem mr 
pykkir henni fram taka, baedi til fro&leiks og daegra-styttingar, ok kemr hun viSa 
vi5 Fo&urland vort, einkum par getr um Christni-boSun hr & landi. Vist er bat 
satt at ekkert ber meir at meta en GU&S or& ; p6 er pat eigi bannat bess i mi&li at 
skemta ser at go&um froQleiks-bokum. " Saga bess Haloflega Herra Olafs Tryggva 
sonar Noregs konungs." ' 

And from the Prologue to the Landnama Skalholt, April 18, 1688 : ' En me& bvi 
eg merki ad landsmenn minir sumir girnast lika aS fa gamlar Historiur ok frae&i- 
baekr, einkum baer sem vort Fo&urland ok nalaeg lond ok riki, Danmork ok Noreg 
etc. snerta, ba hefi ek beim til benustu ok boknanar a prent lit ganga 14tiS bessa 
gomlu S6gu-b6k, sem nefnist LANDNAMA, hljoSandi um fyrstu bygging bessa landz 
einkum af Nor&monnum. Er betta at minni hyggju ein sii bezta fro&leiks-bok, ok 
svo sem fundament ok grundvollr til at skilja a&rar gamlar Islenzkar ok Norzkar 
Sogu-baekr, ok Antiquitet. . . . Hvar fyrir bu g68i Lesari matt ei okunnigr vi5 
bregSast, bott bessi bok s^ nokku6 ooruvis or6u& ok stofud, en nd er venjulegt 
e8r almennt vordit her hja oss i bessu landi. 6skandi vaeri bess a& v^r h^ldum vi& 
vort gamla moSur-mal, sem forfeSr vorir briikaS hafa, og brj41u8um bvi ekki, bvi 
sjaldan fer betr begar breytt er, segir gamall mals-hattr. Maetti ba& oss heldr til 
hro&rs horfa, a& v^r heldum 6umbreyttu bvi gamla ok vi&fraega Norraenu-m41i, 
sem briikaS hefir verid a8 fornu i miklum parti Nor9r-halfunnar, einkum Noregi, 
Danmork, Sviariki, etc. Hefi eg huga8, Lofi Gu&, a8 lata fylgja pessari bok 
mappam Geographicam Islandiae. En eigi hefi ek aformat a& leggjast svo i Sagna- 
prent, a8 pess vegna hindrist Gu8s Or9, kvaS xlib a ok skal mest metast meQan eg 
og minir hofum rd& a bessu prentverki.' 

32. PRINTING. clxxxi 

working towards his projected edition of Libellus and Skioldunga, 
he never published any Saga. By a curious accident, however, his 
unfinished edition of Libellus was printed at Oxford. Christian 
Worm, grandson of the great Danish scholar and physicist Ole 
Worm (a man who gave a great impulse to historical and philo- 
logical studies in Denmark and abroad), came, when quite a young 
man, to England, and as he wished to get something ' Runick ' 
printed here, having a copy of Ami's notes with him, he got them 
printed about 1692, though as they lay by many years before 
publication, the book is dated 1716. Ami was very wrath at this 
surreptitious production, and made Worm to give him what the 
Sagas would call 'self-doom/ and thereby got, as damages, 
several MSS. which had descended to Worm from his grandfather's 
collection, Codex Wormianus of Edda, and Codex Runicus of the 
Laws among them ; and lucky it is that he did so, for afterwards, 
when Worm had been raised to the bishopric and was getting on 
in years, a fire broke out in Worm's house and destroyed the 
whole of his library. 

Ami, whose end was hastened by grief and despair caused by 
his losses in a more terrible conflagration, left all his property in 
trust to the University Library to form a fund for the benefit of 
Icelandic scholarship, and especially for the purpose of printing 
Icelandic classics. For forty years this was inoperative, owing to 
vexatious treasury claims, which were at length waived, and the 
bequest took effect. The first work which appeared in connec- 
tion with the fund, was the Niala of 1772, a work which has never 
been surpassed, among the numerous editions of Icelandic Sagas, 
for its artistic beauty, and rarely equalled for its good, sensible 
editing, the model of what an edition of such a work should be. 
Kristni's Saga in 1775, and Hungr-vaka in 1778, and several other 
volumes followed with Latin translations affixed. The Poetic Edda 
among them in 1778 sqq. Since then the fund has put forth, Egla 
1809, Laxdaela 1826, Grdgas 1829, and Kormaks Saga 1832. 
All in the same place, and others of less note. The Danish His- 
torian Suhm had several Sagas published at his own expense, 
fine 'tall copies, broad margins/ but bad texts: Orkn., Gluma, 
Rymbegla, &c. 

The conscientious but heavy scholarship of the end of the last 
century, which had been gradually getting duller and blinder, was 
now pushed out of the way by the New Learning of a knot of 
young men, of whom the leader and inspirer was RASK. He 
founded the Icelandic Literary Society in 1 8 1 6. One of its objects 
was the publication of classic Icelandic works. They began, as 
noticed above, with the Sturlunga. The Society also made the 
large map of Iceland, a work of great accuracy and care. Under 
their auspices J6n Sigurdsson has edited the Icelandic Diploma- 
tarium, and the Editor printed Biskupa Sogur. 

In 1825 Rafn founded the ' Nomena FornfrseSa Fe'lag,' better 

clxxxii PROLEGOMENA. 32. 

known as the Socie'te' des Antiques du Nord. The most useful 
work done by this Society is the Series of Kings' Lives, Fornmanna 
Sogur (Fms.), xii vols., 1825-37. Less notable and not so well exe- 
cuted are the Fornaldar Sogur (Fas.), a collection of mythical and 
fictitious works, 1829-30. It was Fms. that Dr. Egilsson, the last 
of the long list of Icelandic Latinists, used for his Latin transla- 
tions in Scripta Historica. From them was also made a Danish 
translation. Two series of Islendinga Sogur (two vols. each) the 
first 1830, with Icelandic prefaces and apparatus; the latter 1843- 
47, with Danish introductions, &c. followed. The activity of the 
Society in these its early years was evidenced by the production of 
seventeen volumes in twelve years. The gigantic Antiquitates 
Russes and the luxurious Antiquitates Americanae, chiefly useful for 
their beautiful facsimiles, are due to the new Danish management. 

In 1846 a little Society, Nordiske Literatur Samfund (often 
quoted as Nord. Oldsk.), was set on foot, under the auspices of the 
late Professor Westergaard (whose lamented death has so lately 
taken place). It has published several Sagas Gisli, Hrafnkel 
(ed. princ.), Vapnfirdinga (ed. princ.), and chief of all ' Gragas/ 
i. e. Cod. Reg., edited by W. Finsen, all in a handy, useful form, 
with Danish translation. 

The Independence of Norway, secured by the constitution of 
1814, produced astonishing results in that country, which awoke, 
as it were, from a long sleep, and a race of men appeared, whose 
freshness of view and wonderful energy mark a new era in Scan- 
dinavian learning. The publications of Munch and Keyser, the 
Norse Laws and the Norse Diplomatarium, &c., were the first- 
fruits of this movement ; but we are chiefly here concerned with the 
long series of works which Dr. Unger has edited. For the last 
thirty years this indefatigable scholar has been printing MSS. 
(nearly all of which had never hitherto been touched), the huge 
Corpus of Saints' Lives, the Mariu-Sogur, Postula-Sogur, Stj6rn, 
&c. (the remains of the Cloister Libraries), Romantic Sagas (Karla- 
magnus, Thiodrek S., &c.), Historical MSS. of high importance 
(Morkinskinna, Fris-bok, Olaf's Saga, O. H. L., &c.), will remain 
as marks of his colossal industry. 

In Germany, of late years, K. Maurer's edition of Gull-fcori, the 
Editor's Eyrbyggia, Fornsogur, and Dr. Rolling's Riddara Sogur 
and now (1878) Tristram have appeared. 

The Swedish Text Society (Fornskrift-Sallskapet), under the 
leadership of Klemming, has long been engaged with the remains 
of their own old literature. But recently several scholars have 
turned to Icelandic studies, and Cederschwld' s Bandamanna, Joms- 
vikinga, and several Romances, and, most important, the valuable 
Homily- book of Dr. WisSn are editions of permanent merit. 

The study of Icelandic also appears to have taken root in Eng- 
land, and the Northern Sagas for the Rolls' Series, the Oxford 
Icelandic Dictionary (begun in 1866 and finished in 1873), together 

33- THE EDDIC POEMS. clxxxiii 

with the present two volumes, mark the serious interest felt in the 


It is not our purpose to deal fully with these poems, but merely 
to point out, as briefly and clearly as we can, certain points con- 
nected with their origin and history which may serve as suggestions 
for future investigation. 

To begin with the Name ; the word ' Edda/ now applied to a 
collection of Lays of various authorship and age, though occa- 
sionally convenient, is misleading and historically false, and should 
be as little used as possible. It is a word only met with in Rigs- 
|>ula, a Lay, part of which is lost, only found in a stray leaf of one 
MS., where it is used in the sense of Atava, great-grandmother. 
It never occurs in the Laws, and is not found in any other Teu- 
tonic language. Prima facie, it is highly unlikely that we should 
have in any tongue for great -grandmother a simple uncompounded 
word ; and when the word used in the same poem for great- 
grandfather is looked into, it turns out to be the word ' ai/ which 
we take to mean simply ancestor. Whence then can the poet 
have got the word ? He must either have invented it, or, as in 
other cases, borrowed a word of kindred meaning from some 
neighbouring tongue, very possibly Gaelic, just as he does ' Righ ' 
in the same poem *. 

The history of the name begins with the occurrence of the word 
in Cod. Upsalensis (see p. Ixxxi), and in a fragment of Snorri's 
work. // is always used in connection with SnorrCs work, and espe- 
cially with reference to Skaldskaparmal. So the Rfmur over and 
over again used the ' art of Edda ' as equivalent to ' ars metrica/ 
the complicated system of synonyms which were regarded as the 
chief beauty of Icelandic poems for instance, an untaught poet 
who called a spade a spade, instead of describing it by a mytho- 
logical circumlocution, would be scouted as ' Eddaless.' At the 
Revival the first mention of the word is by the annalist of 1580 in 
the before-quoted phrase referring to Snorri (p. Ixxxi). In Cry- 
mogaea, 1609, Arngrim calls Snorri ' Auctor Eddae/ 

We now come to the confusion in the use of the title. In a com- 
mentary to J6ns-b6k, 1626, Biorn of Skardsa several times uses the 
word with reference to vocabulary in the later part of Snorri's Edda ; 
but as he knew this work from Codex Wormianus and took the 
whole of the varied contents of that vellum as one book, he often 
gets confused, and seems to have some theory as to Saemund's having 
begun the work which Snorri finished. Sometimes too he speaks of 
Gunnlaug as if he fancied he had written part of this Corpus. 

1 We can fancy that in accordance with a common and ingenious Icelandic 
custom, which reached a height in Snorri and Sturla's days, the word Edda in 
Rigs-bula, which pleased the hearer's ear, was first applied to the Codex which 
contained it, and much beside, especially Snorri's Edda. If so, it would easily 
become the specific name of Snorri's work. 

clxxxiv PROLEGOMENA. 33. 

Arngrim fell into the same habit in his later works, and when 
Ole Worm asked him how it was that he once called Snorri the 
author of Edda, and now talked of Saemund, &c., Arngrim put 
him off with an ambiguous reply : ' We find it in our monumental 
[observe the omission of antiqua, for it is but a statement of 
Biorn's,] ' that Saemund began and Snorri finished the book.' 

So matters stood when Bishop Brynjolf, accepting Biorn's theory, 
writes to one of his learned Danish friends and speaks of the 
' original Edda ' of his fancy thus, ' Ingentes Thesauri totius hu- 
manae sapientiae conscripti a Saemundo sapiente/ we have, he goes 
on, 'vix millesimam partem' of what is lost. And in this, latter 
statement he is correct, for the lists of names in the f>ulur are 
the last dry bones of once living legends, the ossa coccygis of 
gods and sea-kings and heroes, of whose bodies all the rest has 
long since mouldered in the dust. 

Up to this time the word Edda has been consistently used 
for Snorri's Edda, and before 1643 there is no trace of any one 
knowing the Poetic Edda at all. An Essay of Biorn still in MS., 
written 1641, and a composition of Jon Gudmundsson, penned in 
1642, both treating exhaustively mythological subjects, yield not 
the faintest allusion to the poems we know as * Edda/ 

But now the Cod. Regius of the Lays turned up, and Brynjolf at 
once accepted it as proof positive of his own theory : ' Ilia genuina 
rhythmica Saemundi/ he says ; boldly writes EDDA S^EMUNDI on the 
back of the newly-discovered book, and henceforward the 'two 
Eddas' become a standing phrase among the learned; Snorri's 
Edda being distinguished as Prose-Edda, the Book of Lays as 
Saemund's Edda. 

Whence the bishop got this Book of Lays we do not know for 
certain. About this he says nothing, but we believe that it was in 
the East of Iceland, which was almost a terra incognita, where 
things might lurk in silence for scores of years, for there were no 
great copyists in the East, it was so far from the real centres of 
intellectual life, Holar, Skalholt, and Broadfrith. One reason for 
this hypothesis rests on the fact that with Cod. Regius came a 
fragment (A of editions, AM. 748) which contained Vegtamskvi6a. 
Now there is a poem of the fifteenth or sixteenth century, Hrafna- 
galdr, which was composed to serve as introduction and be affixed 
to Vegtamskvi6a. In it there is a word borrowed from the Voluspa 
of Cod. Regius, so that it is clear the author knew both these two 
MSS. But this poem is, we take it, by an East countryman, the 
word ' endr-rjo3a ' (see Diet. s. v.) being a provincialism only used 
in that quarter, as far as we know. Again, the handwriting of the 
two vellums is quite unlike any handwriting known to the Editor. 
This would, at all events, be hardly the case if they were of 
Western origin, from a part of the country where there had 
been a regular school of scribes with a marked character of hand- 
writing, &c. 

33- THE EDDIC POEMS. clxxxv 

From what has been said before, the reader will see that to 
imagine any 'Eddie tradition' to have existed in Iceland would 
be idle. In fact, if these two MSS. had not emerged we should 
not have known that such poems as the Lays of Helgi, Havamal, 
Hymiskvi3a, the Atli Lays, or the Gudrun Lays ever existed. All 
we should have been able to say when we read parts of Volsunga 
Saga is, what we say now with regard to parts of Skioldunga, ' this 
curious prose must be founded on ancient Lays/ 

In the absence therefore of all direct allusion, we must seek 
back for traces of them through Icelandic literature. In the 
fifteenth century we have, besides Hrafnagaldr quoted above, the 
two Thrymlur (printed in Mobius' edition of Edda), Ballads founded 
on the Lay Thrymskvi6a. Next we come to the fourteenth-cen- 
tury paraphrase of the Lays of Helgi and the Wolsungs in Vol- 
sunga Saga, clearly drawn from a sister copy of our Cod. Regius. 
In the thirteenth century, Snorri's Edda quotes from three Lays, 
which he knew, we think, in the shape of single Lays on separate 
scrolls. About the beginning of the same century, in Monk Gunn- 
laug's Poem, Merlinus Spa/ a paraphrase of Geoffrey's prophecy 
of Merlin, there are phrases and cadences which prove that author 
to have known and sometimes imitated the Lays of Helgi. In 
Fostbraedra Saga is a phrase of Havamal quoted as a ditty. That 
part of Havamal which relates to Charms &c. was also known to 
the author of Ynglinga (Ari). In no other Icelandic composition 
do we see any trace of ' Eddie ' influence, save in Laxdaela only, 
where the character of Gudrun, to our mind, especially in the scene 
where she eggs on her sons to revenge Bolli, is affected by a reflec- 
tion from the Lays. See Oxford Icelandic Reader, where the 
passages are given and pointed out. King Sverri, as we have 
noticed, once quotes a piece of Fafnismal. 

We are thus thrown back on the poems themselves, and must 
examine them to try and find out, if we can, whence and where 
they arose. 

Looking at the mass of separate poems of different styles, ages, 
and subject, as a whole, we shall at once perceive that they are all 
inferior in age to the period when the Scandinavian language 
broke off from the other Teutonic tongues, and took upon itself 
a character of its own, both in vocabulary, in the development of 
new grammatical peculiarities (e. g. the reflexive), and in the great 
morphological changes (e.g. very great contractions and apheresis). 
A very early origin is therefore impossible, and the ninth century 
must be our upward limit. 

We may also note that foreign words are found in these Lays 
of Latin, even Gaelic and English origin (a point we shall recur 
to later). That the finest of these Lays breathe the very spirit of 
the Wiking Age is clear : there could be no better exponents of 
the roving life or daring recklessness and wild adventure of that 
Age than the Lays of Helgi. It is also evident that these Lays 

clxxxvi PROLEGOMENA. 33. 

differ from the Icelandic poetry of known poets in style, diction, 
metre, and subject. 

Again, the ancient myths have been localised in a strange way 
in the West. The Magic Mill is sunk in the Pentland frith, the 
Everlasting Fight takes place at Hoy. Moreover, curious Gaelic 
words occur in the first chapters of Ynglinga, referring to Odin 
and the Ases, which looks as if Ari's mythology at all events had 
come down to him through folks whose ancestors had once been 
in the Western Islands. 

It was moved by these considerations, which a minuter examina- 
tion of the Lays confirmed, that the Editor, some ten years ago, 
came to the conclusion that but one solution was possible that 
these poems (with one or two exceptions, to be noticed below) owe 
their origin to Norse poets in the 'Western Islands' that the 
Lays are, in fact, to these Islands what the Saga was to Iceland 
that they date from a time subsequent to the settlement of Iceland 
from those Islands, though perhaps the work of the first genera- 
tions after that event. 

It is obvious that the only way to settle such a question as this 
is to take the poems one by one, and argue from one to another 
where they are connected, classifying them in the process. 

Let us begin with Rigs-fiula, which, indeed, first suggested the 
above theory to the Editor. Here is an Hesiodic poem : the 
author is giving his idea of the origin of Society, how each class 
arose, and how Kings came to be. It has not at all the look of 
a very early poem, and must not be used as authority for the fifth 
and sixth centuries (an appendix to the Germania, as it were), but 
rather belongs to a philosophical and euemerist class of work. 
There is an explanation needed to the poet's mind for the exist- 
ence of a King, and he is obliged to go beyond the sea (to Dublin 
or Denmark ?) for him, and his normal idea of a state is that in 
which an Earl is the highest degree: this does not point to a 
Norwegian origin. Next we notice that he describes a society the 
grades of which are very distinct the thrall, a loathed and ugly 
person, is quite another being to the ceorl or franklin, whose 
physical characteristics are very different. This is what we should 
expect where two races are in contact, and where serfs of the 
conquered race live on under their conquerors ; but it suits neither 
Iceland nor Norway. Then we find car is employed, non-Icelandic, 
peat dug, not Norwegian, but, as we see from Orkneyinga, a Gaelic 
custom, taught the Norsemen in Orkney by Turf Einar *. Coming 
to words, cart is Gaelic ; calk is Latin ; Edda is foreign (as we 
noticed above) \ the names of several thralls look foreign ; and lastly, 
Rigs-pula itself is, we believe, simply the King's Lay, a fanciful title, 
for which the poet has borrowed the Gaelic Righ, or King. 

Taking Grimmsmal, several of the river names are, we think, to 

1 Peat pits in Caithness are mentioned in Orkneyinga Saga, p. 224, Rolls' edition. 

33- THE EDDIC POEMS. clxxxvii 

be identified with Gaelic streams. Even ' Kerlaugar tvaer ' strikes 
us as remarkably like a Scottish or English Kerlock or the like. 
The Kjar seems to point to some such root as appears in Cher, 
Cher-well, Char, &c., all Celtic names. 

In one of the Lays of Sigurd (an important instance, because the 
Lay in question belongs to a group, all of which must go together) 
we find the phrase ' su3r a Fifi ' [southwards on Fife]. This the 
Volsunga paraphrast has changed to ' su6r a Fiom,' putting a 
place he knew for one he had never heard of. But against his 
reading we may urge that Funen is never used with a mark of 
direction, whereas Fife, which only occurs thrice, always has such 
a mark attached to it, the other two instances being a verse of 
Sighvat's, composed in England at Cnut's Court ' ur Fivi nor5an,' 
and in Orkneyinga <su6r a Fifi/ p. 34, Rolls' edition. 

We may now turn to those compositions which present the 
closest analogy to the Lays of which we are speaking. Many 
of these we know the origin of, and they seem to support the 
foregoing conclusions, for most of them are associated with the 
Western Isles. 

The grand dirge Eiriksmal, perhaps of all these the most con- 
sonant in feeling and style to the finest of the Eddie Lays, was 
composed on the King of Northumberland for his widow Gunnhild, 
while she was yet in exile, at some time between Eirik's death (950) 
and Hakon's death (c. 969), for it was then imitated by Eyvind 
Skaldaspiller. It should therefore be the work of a Western poet. 

The Hafurfirth Lay, ascribed to Hornklofi, calls the King of 
Norway ' King of the Easterlings ' and the Norwegians ' Eastmen/ 
which no Northman would have done, but which would be true in 
the mouth of a Western man. 

In Biarkamal occurs the name ' A6ils/ a form which, like that 
in Ynglingatal, is a worn-down form of ' Eadgils ' and Norse and 
Swedish 'Audgils/ It is found only 1 in these poems, in myths 
founded on such peems, and on the Manx Rune stones that is 
to say, the poems are the work of men who pronounced the name 
in this way, and the only men we know to have done so are from the 
West. In the second fragment of the same poem a river name, ' Orun/ 
occurs, which looks to us like the name of some Gaelic stream. 

Darra$ar-ljo$ is historically a Western song, and it is very 
valuable to us, as it gives us a date; it is after 1014, in the days of 
King Cnut, and of Thorfinn the most powerful of all the Orkney 
Earls whose realm extended to part of Ireland (died c. 1064). 

With regard to Solar-ljoft, the Sun's Lay, we have a strong 
opinion that it too belongs to the West, the purity of its diction, 
the peculiar religious tone which pervades it, and reminds us strongly 
of the compositions and ideas of the early church of the West, the 
sweetness and meekness of the Columbian church. The Vision is 

1 The Wordingborg stone has, we are aware, been read so as to give the word 
apisl, but the letters are very indistinct and the reading of the whole uncertain. 

clxxxviii PROLEGOMENA. 33. 

quite consonant to the early Irish Saints' Lives, and the whole poem 
bears the imprint of a time when heathendom was yet a power 
in the land. The morals too, drawn from stories hinted at as well 
known, do not refer to Icelandic personages or history. We 
should place this Lay in the latter part of the eleventh century. 

Coming to a later or epigonic school of poetry, the poetry of 
Ragnars Lays, the Rune Lay, the Song of Proverbs, and still later 
Krakumal) we can confidently mark these down in the West ; the 
wording of the last poem is quite conclusive (' h ' omitted, &c.) 

When the stream of poetry has run dry, the Gradus ad Parnas- 
sum is needed. The Pulur lists of classified words drawn up in 
verse, for poets' use, therefore fitly close the poetic period. That 
they must be ascribed to the Western Islands was first forced upon 
the Editor's conviction when, coming for the first time into the 
Oxford City Library in 1866, and musing over a big English 
map, he noticed that among the Northern river-names there were 
many which he knew from the Mur Spey, Nith, Oykill, &c.; and 
upon examination he found that of 120 Mur river-names one 
might identify at least 100 as North British streams ranging from 
the Wash to Pentland, and there is little doubt that where a name 
such as Nith occurs, common to Norway and Scotland, that the 
latter is meant. The list of birds also, when examined for the 
Dictionary, comprised a large number of species which do not 
inhabit Scandinavia or Iceland, but are to be found in Bewick, 
&c., as birds of the British Islands. 

In the list of shipping terms, parts of the ship, rigging, spars, 
&c., there are many terms never met with in Icelandic literature 
or talk, and unknown in Norway. This would be just what we 
should expect in the case of a place where the ship was a home, 
and the Wiking-tide lasted longer than in any other land, the very 
focus of the Northmen's Empire of the Sea ! 

That these f>ulur are late, the occurrence of modern Greek 
words fengari, fayydptov, the moon ; nis, vvg, the night (as Bugge 
noticed) ; Kipr, Kvn-pos, Cyprus, such as may have been brought 
back by Rognvald's crusading crews ; and of Latin words, korvuss, 
&c. prove pretty conclusively. 

Coming back once more to the mass of Eddie poetry we may 
feel our way to a rough classification of the single Lays into groups 1 , 
which may serve as a basis for further research. Many of them are 

1 Some such grouping of the Lays as is here attempted for the first time (though 
the Editor had already made this rough classification long before this present theory 
of their Western origin was taken up) is quite necessary to a right understanding of 
the Lays themselves. The absence of any such attempt has had a good deal to do 
with the backward state of ' Eddie ' studies (save as regards textual criticism). If it 
had been done earlier it would have prevented many misunderstandings of the 
subject. It is hoped that in future editions of the Eddie songs the old arbitrary and 
unhistorical order of the MSS. will be at last departed from, and the Lays themselves 
treated as a part of a great school of song, in which Eireksmal and the Waking of 
Anganty, and even the f>ulur have as much right to stand as Voluspa itself. 

33- THE EDDIC POEMS. clxxxix 

single, many only pieces of lost Lays, but some of them are com- 
plex (Voluspa, Havamal), and in some we find distinct interpo- 
lations (Grimnismal). 

Taking the Helgi Lays first, they seem to be the two former 
parts of an epic trilogy, Helgi and Swafa, Helgi and Sigrun, Helgi 
and Kara the third is lost. Judging from the subject and style, 
and lastly, and most conclusively, we think, by ear -from the ring 
and flow of the verses and having known these Lays by heart 
for some twenty-five years, the Editor is entitled to speak with 
some confidence on this head we should also attribute to the 
Helgi-poet the Raising of Anganty and Htalmar's Death (found 
now in Hervarar Saga), as well as the few fragments now inter- 
polated into the older Fafnismal and Sigurdarkvida II. 

To a poet of the same school and period the Editor would also 
give Voluspd, Vegtamskvitia, Thrymskvifta, perhaps the finest ballad 
in the world, and happily preserved complete, Grotta-song, and 
Volundarkvifia (these last two have many resemblances). The 
serenity and calm of this group mark them off from the bright 
vigour of the Helgi group, but the ring and beauty of expression 
and matter common to the two sets of poems would rather incline 
one to attribute them to the youth and riper years of the same 
great unknown poet, than to imagine that two such masters of 
metre and passion were alive at the same time. The contrast is 
not so great as between the Goethe of Wilhelm Meister and the 
Goethe of Faust and Werther's Leiden or the Shakespeare of King 
Lear and the Midsummer Night's Dream. Inferior poems of the 
same school are several of the Wolsung Lays. 

Leaving these, we come to an equally well defined group, 
marked out by a peculiar metre and a different spirit and mode of 
expression, the Dramatic Poems The Fly ting of Loki, Sktrni's 
Lay, Harbard's Lay (some of which seem by the change of 
scene and the number of characters, six in Skirni's Lay, sixteen in 
Loki's Flyting, to mark an actual drama of an early type, in which 
several reciters could take part). They are the work of an un- 
known Western Aristophanes, full of humour, not respecting even 
the gods in his mirth. His conception of Thor, a favourite cha- 
racter of his, admirably contrasted and set off against Loki (e. g. 
Harbard's Lay, where Bergmann's theory is certainly right), is like 
the Athenian's Herakles in some points. The Lay which under- 
lies the prose of Skioldunga (whose compiler was acquainted with 
Starkad's Lay and Biarkamal) telling of Ivar Vidfadme's death may 
well be his also. See Oxford Icelandic Reader for passage. 
Further, the Lay on Skacfi and Niord, and the Lay on Thor's 
Travel to Geirrod, of which fragments (two stanzas of each) are 
left in Snorra-Edda. 

The Learned Poems Grimnismal, Vafthrudnismal, Alvismal, 
and the little ' Stattu fram' 'fragment in Gylfaginning seem to belong 
to the same school, as their dramatic form and metre is akin to the 


former poems, though their matter and intent is more didactic, yet 
there is humour in them too. 

The Greenland Group is discussed below. 

The Genealogical Poems, Lays of a Pindaric cast, of which 
many must be lost, three however survive Ynglinga-lal, by Thio- 
dulf of Hvin (in Ynglinga Saga), telling of the lineage of the early 
kings of Sweden down to Harald Fairhair's uncle ; Haleygia-tal, a 
later composition (fragments preserved), end of the tenth century, 
by Eyvind, on the genealogy of the great Earl Hakon and the 
Lathe-Earls ; lastly, the Lay of Hyndla, perhaps the earliest of the 
three, written for Ottar Heimski, a scion of the great house of 
Haurda-kari 1 , from whom Saint Magnus and his nephew Earl 
Rognvald are sprung (see pedigree, Tab. IV. A, Orkneyinga, Rolls' 
edition), and most likely therefore to have been preserved in the 
Western Islands. It has only reached us in a hopelessly corrupt 
state, especially where the poet leaves the gods and heroes, and 
comes to the human members of the lineage. An epigonic Lay 
of A.D. 1184-97 is found in Flatey-book, ii. 520. 

In the Dirges and Songs of Praise of the early known poets 
we have other means of information, and they can always be 
treated under the names of their different authors. 

It will be noticed that there are yet three poems in the ' Edda' 
MSS. to be taken into account, Havamal, the Great Wolsung Lay, 
and Hamdismal The first, the Lay of the High One, a complex 
piece as it stands, may be dealt with in two parts, one of which again 
is interpolated. It is a gnomic poem, like the Works and Days, 
and bears marks of high antiquity, having for its chief character- 
istics a sturdy common sense and practical sagacity, without any 
of the enthusiasm and 'boiling of the heart' of the Helgi Lays. In 
it the Editor believes we have a specimen of the Prse-Wiking 
Poetry of Norway. The Great Wolsung Lay (which the editions 
falsely break up into three Second Sigurd, Fafnis' Lay, Sigrdrifa's 
Lay) is also an antique poem of the like cast of thought, and 
likely to be anterior to the Helgi Lays, as we might gather from its 
being interpolated with fragments of that group 2 . All the similes 
in this long poem, as in Havamal, belong to continental Norway, 
and are permeated by an older mythology than the Helgi Group, 
or even the Dramatic Group (which is later than the Helgi Lays to 
our mind, and belongs to a different order of thought). A third 
and beautiful fragment, Hamdismal, belongs also, we believe, to 
the Prae-Wiking Age. It is interpolated from a later poem of the 

1 An opinion first propounded by the Editor in Timatal, 1855, long ere the present 
theory on the 'Eddie' Lays dawned upon him. The curious and rare names Klypp 
and Ketil, the former only found in the Haurda-kari family, and both alternating in 
the same way in the pedigree of this family and our Lay, are very striking. 

2 For the purposes of reference we append a list of them Sig. ii. 5, n, 13-18, 
23, 26; Fafn. 32, 33, 35,36,40-44; Sigrdrif. I, 5. The interpolation is most 
plainly marked in the songs of the birds to Sigurd, where the original three of the 
older Lays and the chorus of the Helgi poet may be clearly distinguished. 

33. THE EDDIC POEMS. cxci 

Great Wolsung-Lay type. The gloomy weird cast of thought that 
pervades Hamdismal is most alien to the Lays which we have 
attributed to the Western Islands. It is certainly by a higher poet 
than the authors of Havamal and the long Wolsung Lay. We 
may add to this group the verses on the Runic stones of the Conti- 
nent, (chiefly found in Sweden.) 

And, which we think worth remark, it is to this group, and not 
to the Western poems, that we should trace the stream of Icelandic 
poetry ; the bits in Landnama and the songs of the older Icelandic 
poets being entirely of the same cast. Icelandic verse is artificial 
or bald, marvellous in the intricacy of its metrical form, perfect 
indeed in its effect on the ear (thus supplying in some degree the 
absence of music, which has been noticed as a curious feature 
of the Island's life in early times), but overloaded and obscured 
with mythological allusions, and totally lacking in the rich poetic 
instinct which breathes through the Western Lays. The Saga, 
not the Lay, is the true Icelandic poem. 

We now turn to an Icelandic colony wide away. It would not 
on the face of it seem likely that Greenland should have con- 
tributed to our Eddie Songs, yet there is clear evidence that so 
it was. Two of the old Lays are in the only vellum in which 
they are preserved, called ' Greenlandish,' viz. the two Lays on 
Atli ; whatever may be the case with the former and older one, 
Atlakvto'a, the Atlamal was plainly composed in Greenland ; the 
dream about the white bear is conclusive, where the verses are 
of the same cast as the rest of the poem, so as to preclude any 
thought of interpolation. The whole tone and air of these poems 
is harsh and terrible. There is one more Lay which we have long 
since been bent on attributing to the Greenland Group, viz. the 
Lay of Hymi the whale-fishing of the frost-giant who dwells east 
of the Eli-vagar, ' at the world's end/ About the whole poem there 
is an air of frost and snow and high latitude. Observe also the 
Brobdignagian cauldron, only to be got there. From the geogra- 
phical description of Greenland, by Ivar Bardson (Antiq. Ameri- 
canae, p. 312), we learn, that in one of the Greenland islands, close 
to the bishop's see, there was a quarry of soft stone, out of which 
were scooped huge vessels that could stand heat, even cauldrons 
holding ten or twelve tuns. 

For the chronology of the Eddie Songs it is indeed of great 
importance that a few are to be traced to Greenland, for the age 
of this colony is well settled. Thorkel, the uncle of Ari, had spoken 
to one man of the crew that followed Eirik the Red in his first 
voyage, when he gave its name to the colony. The date of those 
songs would then be about the earliest part of the eleventh 
century ; hardly later, there is no prominent trace of Christianity in 
them. But these songs are, we think, later than the Lays of Helgi, 
and the bulk of the other songs ; so that we have thus a down- 
ward limit, below which the Eddie Poems cannot fall. 

cxcii PROLEGOMENA. 33. 

Another consideration, which may bring us even closer to the 
real date of the Western Lays, is the remembrance how little trace 
there is in Icelandic literature of any knowledge of them, which 
could hardly have happened had the Settlers brought them with 
them ; so we should be disposed to believe that they belong to the 
first generations in the Western Isles after the Icelandic emigration 
had finished; that is, they are of about the time of Alfred and 
his son Edward. A date which would exactly suit the tone of such 
poems as the Helgi Lays. 

We must add a paragraph on another point. When and where 
were these Lays collected? In the absence of all specific evi- 
dence, and the paucity of allusions, we are forced again to draw 
our conclusions from the evidence of the MSS. themselves. Here 
is a collection of Lays, huddled together in two heaps *, orderless 
and noteless (but happily untouched by any iibergearbeitung what- 
ever), often fragmentary, and with the missing verses replaced 
by pieces of prose. These bits of prose are worthy of attention, 
they are rude and rough and primitive beyond the oldest Icelandic 
Sagas, Kormak for instance, they are as lapidary as Runic inscrip- 
tions, and resemble most nearly the Ceolwulf story of the Saxon 
Chronicle. Their vocabulary too is peculiar, and contains words 
not found in Icelandic works. 

How is this ? If the poems had been taken down by Icelanders 
early, they would surely have been better known. If they were 
taken down in the twelfth or thirteenth century, it is curious that 
the prose should be of so archaic and simple a character, when we 
find Ari and Thorodd capable of treating historical and scientific 
subjects of some intricacy in a mature style. To imagine them to 
have been written by Icelanders in Snorri's day, is out of the ques- 
tion. We must therefore either suppose them to have been taken 
down from an Orkneyman's lips, in Iceland or in the Orkneys 2 ; 
or conclude that an Orkneyman took them down in his own land 
(it may be at an Icelander's instance), which latter alternative we 

There was a continual intercourse between the Orkneys and 
Iceland; and Icelanders often wintered abroad (as Orkneymen 
also did in Iceland), when they would have many opportunities 
(at Arvals, bridals, Yule feasts, and the like) of listening to such 

1 That they were originally collected in two bundles (each perhaps in a separate 
vellum) one containing songs relating to the gods roughly arranged, with the 
encyclopaedic VoluspA first ; the other, the songs about heroes appears probable 
from the arrangement of Cod. Reg. That AM. 748 was more perfect in the seven- 
teenth century than it is at present appears from the end of Sigrdrifumal given in 
some of the paper copies ; for this is not taken from the lost part of Cod. Reg. (for 
if it were so, owing to size of leaves, &c., more would have been preserved), but, as 
Professor Bugge pointed out, from a curious peculiarity in the way the scribe writes 
the verses, from AM. 748. 

2 We use Orkneys for convenience, as the best representation of the Western 

33- THE EDDIC POEMS. cxciii 

songs as those which, as we know, for the epilogues in Atli I, 
Gudrun III, Sigurd III, the prologues in Hamdismal and Gudrun's 
Egging are quite conclusive on this head, were used for purposes 
of entertainment. That such an entranced listener, recognising 
the beauty of the songs, should procure copies, is not a forced 
supposition *. 

That the Lays were taken down during Earl Rognvald and Bishop 
Biarni's time appears from there being no trace of any uncer- 
tainty as to the 'hi,' 'hr,' &c., which rapidly fall out after that 
date. Again, 'var' and 'er' point to an Orkney rather than an 
Icelandic collection, as the s was changed for r in the West first. 
If we allow the prose to be Orkney prose, all will be clear. The 
Orkneys are not a literary centre. Their ' spiritual manifestation ' 
was in verse, not in prose. They did not tell tales for amusement, 
but recited songs. 

We may therefore take the Lays to be a parallel development 
in the Western Isles to the Saga in Iceland, composed for the 
same purpose, popular entertainments, after the initiative of some 
great poet who arose among the Norse emigrants somewhere in 
the West (Ireland, Man, Northumberland or Scotland, we know 
not which), and inspired a school of poetry, just as Ari in Iceland 
inspired a school of Saga-men. The same causes, which in Iceland 
produced the Saga, were at work here ; there was an Heroic Age, 
the remembrance of which was fresh in every man's ears, to 
furnish the subject-matter; an adventurous life to give colour and 
incident; great gatherings at Yule feasts and moots, on cruises 
and at wapentakes, and the like, where a delighted audience would 
always be found. 

That this school of poetry did not last long, we should a priori 
conclude from the analogies of the Dorian poetry of early Greece, 
and of the Saga in Iceland; the passion flower of Song, to repeat 
a simile we used of the Saga, bloomed and withered in a little 

1 The first instances of the influence of the Eddie Lays on modern Icelandic 
poetry are found in the Passion Hymns of Hallgrim Peturson, a contemporary 
of Milton, and the only real poet which the island has produced since the Reforma- 
tion. We know that Hallgrim and Bishop Brynjolf were in constant communication 
(one of the first persons to whom the poet sent a copy of his work (in 1660) was 
Ragnheid, the bishop's daughter), and it was no doubt through the bishop that he 
received a copy of the Edda. It is curious that all the allusions of Hallgrim may be 
traced to one poem, Havamal, the wisdom and thoughtfulness of which were conso- 
nant to his own habit of mind. That he should have passed over the Helgi Lays 
and gone back as it were to the fountain-head seems to argue for the more com- 
pletely Northern spirit of the older poem, which he could at once assimilate. We 
can however hardly believe that Solar-ljod, had he known it, would have fallen 
unheeded on his ear or left his verses uncoloured ; and probably he never saw a 
copy of this Lav, which is not in the Codex Regius. 

The following are the passages in the Passion Hymns : 

' Huggun er manni monnum a&,' 2. io = Hm. 46. 

' Opt ma af mali pekkja manninn hver helzt hann er,' 14. i9 = Hm. 6. 

' Andvana lik til einskis neytt,' 4. 23 = Hm. 70. 

'Okendum p4r po aumr s6 . . .,' 14. i9 = Hm. 133. 
VOL. i. n 

cxciv PROLEGOMENA. < 34. 

space of time, and the weedy flowerless growth of epigonic verse 
followed it as usual. 

The differences between these Lays and the Sagas are well 
marked. For instance, the Songs draw a good deal, like the 
early Greek poetry, on mythology ; the Sagas hardly ever contain 
a mythological allusion (the change to a new country without 
the old religious associations of the old land, and the practical 
homely every-day life which the first generations of Settlers had 
to lead, would account for this). The Songs are like the best 
of our English ballads in the vigour and freshness of their colour- 
ing, in their powerful and sparing use of metaphor, in the terrible 
force of the words which cut right to the heart like steel blades. 
The Songs never aim at drawing character, they simply depict 
incident in the most impressive way. The Songs are untouched 
with the legal spirit which is at its highest in Niala, the best of 
the Icelandic Sagas. In short the Songs are essentially Lyrical 
and Dramatic, in the truest sense, while the Sagas are Epic, and 
belong to a wholly different, perhaps more distinctively Northern, 
life and spirit. 

There are two names which must not be passed over in con- 
nection with this subject, those of Bergmann and Bugge. The 
former, the Nestor of Eddie studies, whose fresh and sagacious 
' Poemes Islandais ' (an essay on Voluspa, Vafthrudnismal, Loka- 
senna), which appeared in 1838, mark a new start from the 
stagnation in which the subject had long remained. The latter, 
whose edition of ' Edda ' is far the best ever published, has done 
for the 'Eddie Poems' what Madvig, on a greater field, did for 
the classics, throwing light on many obscure places, by the happy 
and certain emendations which, by some 'gift of divination/ he 
has the secret of making. 


These fall into two groups worthy and worthless, the latter 
hardly deserving the epithet of mythical, so distorted and dis- 
figured are they. 

Taking the former group : 

Volsunga Saga is in close connection with the Eddie Lays. 
There was once a Saga of Sigurd Fafnisbani, cited in Sagas, but 
now lost, though in one MS. of the Prose-Edda there is an epitome 
of it. The composer of Volsunga Saga had this whole before him, 
and gives it in a diluted form, but into this version (having, we should 
think, lit on them in the midst of his job) he inserts paraphrases of 
many Eddie Lays referring to his subject. One cannot but wonder 
at the perversity which could use such poems as material for such 
miserable prose, and our estimate of the paraphrast falls lower when 
we see that he has known and neglected such a Lay as the Second 
Song of Helgi and Gudrun, in which to his mind there was not 
sufficient action. 


But even what he gives is useful for text-criticism, and also 
because it helps us to find out something about the size and con- 
tents of the missing portion of the Cod. Reg., a sister of which 
was used for the paraphrase. A sheet has certainly fallen out in the 
middle of that MS.; but is that all? After a calculation based 
upon the space taken by the paraphrast over Lays which exist; 
upon the number of Lays we have which were known to, but 
omitted by him ; and upon the fragments embedded in his prose, 
we find that more lost Lays must have existed than could have 
been contained in one sheet, and therefore suppose two to have 
been lost. These would have contained about 500 stanzas, or 
twelve Lays of average forty stanza length. 

We may even guess that some of these lost poems were by the 
poet of the Lays of Helgi ; such a phrase, to give one instance, 
as 'Hun svarar af ahyggju af sinu saeti sem dlft afbdru, ok hefir 
sver3 i hendi ok hjalm a hof6i ok var f brynju ' is surely unmis- 
takable. And a lost Wolsung Lay of the same poet seems to 
underlie the account of the Burning of Siggeir, ' Skal ek nu deyja 
me6 Siggeiri konungi lostig, er ek atta hann nauSig/ 

Worna- Crest's 3?attr. Only found in Flatey-book, which (see 
10, Thaettir) contains a few other small mythical tales. Sigurds 
Saga Fafnisbana is quoted in this story. 

Of the better class besides the above is one set consisting of 

Halfs Saga, in No. 2845. Songs in the earlier chapters genuine, 
those of the later spurious and low-toned. 

HeiSreks Saga ok Hervarar, in No. 2845 and in Hauks-b6k. 
Powerful and beautiful Songs noticed in 33. 

Ragnars Saga, in No. i824b, the Volsunga vellum. Songs 
noticed above. A Palimpsest of part of the end of this Saga in a 
different text has been found underneath a text of J6ns-b6k in the 
AM. collection. 

Ragnars soua Eattr, in Hauks-bok. The Lawman's own 

There is an antique broken, meagre look about the prose of 
these Sagas which does not quite give the idea of abridgment, 
but would rather seem to point towards their not having passed 
through the crucible of an Icelandic story-teller's mouth. We 
have guessed that their skeletons may have been preserved in the 
Western Islands, and thence carried off by some wandering Ice- 
lander. In accordance with this idea we should expect to find 
them diluted and stuffed out by collectors who could not tolerate 
their bare frames. 

In such state, but not so well- treated, are 

Orvar-Odds Saga, in many vellums. Verses fabricated. 

Asmundar Saga Kappabana. Best text in Stockholm vellum. 
A fragment of genuine Lay. 

Prithiofs Saga, in two vellums. Brought into notice from 
TegneYs well-known poem. 

n 2 

cxcvi PROLEGOMENA. 3 4- 

Gautreks Saga, in an old MS., contains bits of good tradition, 
and a few ditty-like verses. 

But there are two Sagas which have received very indecent treat- 
ment, as they contain matters of very high interest. 

Hrolf Kraki's Saga. Only seventeenth-century paper copies 
of one vellum. Whether corruption is due to transcribers or is 
earlier we know not. There is a part of Biarkamal paraphrased in 
it (with a little better treatment than Helgi's Lays received from the 
Volsung composer), and it contains traditions such as must have 
existed in the lost part of Skioldunga, whence indeed it may have 
been taken. False stuffings and fictitious episodes. 

Hromund Grips sons Saga. In same state as to MSS. as 
Hrolf-Kraki's. It contains the story of the lost Lays of Kara. 
There was once a better text, which may be guessed at from the 
' Griplur ' ballads. It is mentioned in Thorgils and Haflidi's Saga, 
as told at the Banquet of Reykjaholar. 

Lost Sagas of this type are those of Olaf LiSmanna-konung, 
told also at Reykjaholar ; Huldar Saga, a mythical tale of a giantess, 
told by Sturla before the King. There must also have been tales 
of King Asmund, the owner of the famous ship ' Gno5 ' (wave- 
crusher), alluded to in the end line of the Saga of Egil Einhendi^ 
whose author knew the tale. Other lost Sagas of this class were 
known to the Rimur writers. See 25. 

The better mythical Sagas are collected in Forn. i. ii ; but a few 
(Volsunga, Hervarar, Half) have lately been edited by Professor 
Bugge, Christiana. 

The worthless mythical Sagas are the lowest and most miserable 
productions of Icelandic pens. They, however, contain a few things 
worth noticing the Magic Dance in Bosi's Saga, the Polypheme 
story in Egil Einhandi's Saga (not known to W. Grimm, it is also 
found in Mariu Sogur), besides a few echoes of older traditions, 
such as of Gno6, and the bits from Skioldunga in Gongu-Hrolf 
( 17). They are found in collections AM. 152, 5.86, 343, 589, 471, 
577, and interspersed with better Sagas in AM. 510 and No. 2845. 
They formed the favourite reading of the fifteenth century, Rimur 
were made out of them ( 25), and in Sweden many were printed 
in the seventeenth century. Their names are 

An Bogsveigir. Herraud and Bosi. Ketil Haeng. 

Egil One-hand. Hjalmter and Olvi. Sturlaug Start'sami. 

Grim Lodin-kinni. Hrolf Gautreks son. Sorli. 

Gongu-hrolf (Rolf-ganger). Illugi Gri9ar fostri. Jjorstein Vikings son. 

Halfdan Bronufostri. Ingvar vi&forli (Swedish And see list of Thaettir, 

Halfdan Eysteins son. hero of Runic stones). 10. 

All but one will be found in Fornaldar Sogur, vols. ii. iii. Ingvar 
viSforli was published by Brocman, 1762, and again in Antiq. 
Russes ] . 

1 Several of these Sagas were published in Sweden at the end of the seventeenth 
century; and it is told that Charles XII, when yet a boy, took great pleasure 



Any notice of the Literature of such Maw-abiding and legal- 
minded' folks as the Icelanders would be incomplete without a 
brief mention of their legal remains. And this should be the more 
interesting to Englishmen, who may see in them so much that 
is analogous in spirit and matter to their own Constitution and 
Common Law. And it is, we think, precisely because Conti- 
nental jurists have rather chosen to draw analogies from their 
own systems, than from the state of .things which prevails even at 
present in England, that they have sometimes formed false concep- 
tions of early Norse and Icelandic Law. Thus, in their very use 
of the words Law and Laws, they seldom seem to get quite free 
from the notions of a ' Code ' and * Book Law ' with which the 
Roman law, ancient or modern, has so thoroughly leavened their 
legal conceptions. The idea of Custom Law and Common Law, 
in our English sense of the words, they seem unable to grasp ; 
yet it is under just such a Common Law and Customary Law 
that Iceland stood till 1271. That Law has a growth of its own, 
so to speak, and that it may change, silently and slowly and noise- 
lessly, but still continually, without new legislative enactment, is a 
notion that is familiar to us English from our Case Law, but 
strange on the Continent. 

Again, that acts of legislation are and must be rare in early 
times, and that as a rule they only affect a very few points of 
law (particularly procedure and penal law, in which owing to some 

in reading ' Gamla Kampa Sagor,' old stories of champions and heroes (these very 
Sagas, which were early published in Sweden), and that his tutor Lindskiold rebuked 
him for poring over such books as mere waste of time. But the spirit which had 
led the King when a child to wish that he had a brother to whom to leave his 
realm, while he might go forth with his champions and conquer like a sea-king of 
old, found in these old tales matter which fitted his fancy well, and he never lost 
his delight in them. Just before Pultawa, when he was lying wounded on his bed, 
an irksome weary while for a man of his energy, he made Hultman his servant sit 
by him and tell him stories, and one which he heard with peculiar pleasure was that 
of Hrolf Gautreksson, how he slew the Russian giant in the Isle of Retusari (the 
holm on which Cronstadt was built) and won Denmark and got great worldly 
fame and honour. The good Hultman evidently told the tale his own way, and 
gave the giant a fitting nationality and dwelling, for the Saga says nothing about 
this. Hultman was with Charles to the end of his life, and has left a diary which 
gives many interesting particulars of the King. Before he went out to the fatal 
rampart, as he finished his hasty supper, which he took standing, Charles turned to 
Hultman and promoted him to a higher post. 

There are many traits about Charles which recall the heroes of the olden time 
his stubbornness, his love of fighting for its own sake, his thirst for fame in song 
and saga, his simplicity of life and earnestness of purpose, so that it is not mere 
pedantry or fancifulness when Charles picks out a band of berserks, ' Drabanter,' to 
follow him on his wiking expeditions; and when he makes light of a wound, 
showing no signs of pain, or rushes recklessly into a hand-to-hand fight, we feel he 
is doing as befits such a man, and that he is far nearer to the old warriors whose 
deeds he emulates than was the Macedonian King to his pattern the ' glorious sou 
of Thetis.' See Fryxell's Berdtteher ur Svenska Historien, passim. 

cxcviii PROLEGOMENA. 35. 

particular case popular interest is roused), seems to be forgotten or 
not understood even by writers whose application and industry 
English students must not hope to rival. 

With so much of preface, which is necessary as a caution to 
the English reader, who must turn for fuller information, on matters 
of which in such a hasty sketch as the present very little can be 
said, to foreign sources, we may begin by giving such a resume* 
of the little that is known of Icelandic Law of an earlier date 
than the famous Law Collection of the thirteenth century which is 
known by the misnomer Gragas. 

We get our first information from Ari, who tells of the Constitu- 
tion of Ulfliot which replaced the anarchical state of things among 
the early settlers (see Oxford Icelandic Reader, p. 1 7) ; the reforms 
of Thord Gelli and of Skapti 1 (the Fifth Court so closely con- 
nected with the name of Nial) ; the altering of the time for the 
Great Moot (Althing) ; the adoption of Christianity by the whole 
community at the Great Moot ; the abolition of Wager of Battle ; 
the new rule as to the succession of the duty of seeking satisfaction 
for a kinsman's death (Eyrbyggia, but like other notions of this 
kind to be traced, as we believe, to the lost Liber of Ari). 

To Ari, too, we owe the first mention of writing being applied 
to the preservation and recording of Law. Referring to 1 1 1 6 he 
tells 2 that 'in the first summer of Bergthor's Speakership, a statute 
was passed [ny-mseli, the technical Icelandic word for statute or 
amendment of the Common Law, answering to Norse re'ttar-bcetr] 
that our laws should be written in a book at Haflidi Marson's 
house during the following winter, according to the oral testimony 
[sogo, the technical word used for the Law- Speaker's rulings] and 
counsel of Bergthor and other learned [spakra of law wisdom 
especially, as fr6Sra would be of historical learning] men who 
were chosen thereto/ This committee received powers to make 
' amendments ' when they thought they could better the old law. 
These [the amendments only, we take it] were to be proclaimed the 
next summer in the Court of Laws [Logrettu], and those of them 
were to hold which the majority approved. f And the end of the 

1 Skapti was a most distinguished man, and one of the fathers of Icelandic Law. 
He was speaker from 1003 to 1030, when he died. 'Skapti hafdi logsogo xxvii 
sumor. Hann setti Fimtardoms log, ok pat at engi vegandi skyldi ly'sa vig a hendr 
o&rum veganda an ser ; en a&r voro he"r slik log of pat sem i Norvegi. A hans 
dogum ur&o margir hof8ingjar ok rikis-menn sekir e6a Iandfl6tta of vig eoa bar- 
smidir of rikis sokom hans ok landstiorn. En hann anda3isk a eno sama ari ok 
Olafr enn Digri fell Haraldz son.' Libellus, ch. 8. 

a ' Et fyrsta sumar en Bergbor sag6i log upp vas nymaeli pat gort at log or skyldi 
skrifa a bok at Haflifta Mas sonar of vetrinn eptir at sogo ok nmraoi peirra Berg- 
pors ok annarra spakra manna peirra es til pess voro teknir. Skyldo beir gorva 
nymaeli pau oil i logom es peim litisk bau betri an en forno log. Skyldi pau segia 
upp et nsesta sumar eptir i Logrettu, ok oil pau halda es enn meiri hlutr manna 
maelti pa eigi gegu. En pat varS at fram fara at pa vas skrifaSr Vigslo&i ok mart 
annat i logom ok sagt upp i Logretto af kennimonnom of sumarit eptir ; en pat 
Iika6i ollum vel, ok mxlti pvi manngi i gegn.' Libellus. 


matter was that Vfgsl63i [the section which relates to Weregild, &c.] 
and much else in the laws [amendments in other parts] was then 
written down/ afterwards in due course to be proclaimed and 
accepted. This passage cannot, we hold, be pressed into the 
formation of an Icelandic Code in the modern sense of the words. 
It surely goes no further than a desire that part of the Common 
Law should be put into writing so that it might not be lost, and that 
what was written might be correctly recorded ; a committee is 
appointed to aid the Speaker who, like an English Judge of to-day, 
was supposed to have the whole Common Law in gremio ; and as 
the opportunity was good it was provided that if the committee 
should, in the course of their labours, find anything that they could 
better in the old Common Law, they were to propose amendments 
thereon next year to the Court of Laws. That Vigsl66i should be 
the first part of the law written down, is, of course, what analogy 
would lead us to expect ; the amendments ' elsewhere/ we take it, 
referred to kindred matters. 

Ari tells, too, of the Tithe Law 1 that was made [i log leittj 'for 
love of Bishop Gizur, through the persuasion of Saemund, and by 
the counsel of Markus the Law-speaker/ We may suppose it to 
have been substantially preserved in Gragas. 

Next comes the description of the ' setting ' of the ' Christian 
Law 2 ' [between 1122 and 1132] by 'Bishop Ketil [named first as 
proposer perhaps] and Bishop Thorlak, according to the counsel 
of Archbishop Ozur [of Lund, first Norwegian archbishop] and 
Saemund [the historian] and many clerks, as it was now gathered 
in order [tint, a technical word] and proclaimed/ This little Code, 
in the true sense, touching the duties owed by all Christian citizens 
to the church, is found in Gragas, in what we take to be substan- 
tially its primitive form and arrangement. 

Besides these secular Christian 'Dooms' we have regular Peni- 
tentiaries (such as our Theodore's) by Thorlak and others of a later 
date. And the Canon Law takes its place in mediaeval Iceland, 
as in England, side by side with the Common Law. 

We have, besides the above, notices of Customary Law and Law 
of Procedure in several Sagas (which in many cases we should also 
attribute to Ari's authority), such are the Oath of Peace (Gretla), 
the Oath of Brotherhood (Gisli, Fostb.), the Wager of Battle (Kor- 
mak), the Ordeal (Laxdsela), various cases of Outlawry, and part 
of the Jomswikings' Articles of War, which probably formed the 
basis of the ' Thingmanna lagu ' in England. 

1 Tithe law of 1096. ' Af astsaeld bans ok af tolom beira Saemundar me5 umb- 
ra5i Markuss Logsogomanns vas bat i log leitt at allir menn tolSu ok vir&o allt 
fe sitt ok soro at rett virt vaeri, hvart sem vas i londom eda i lausa-aurom ok goroo 
tiund af sidan.' Libellus. 

2 ' Sva settu beir Ketill byskop ok Thorlakr byskop at ra&i Ozorar erkibyskops 
ok Ssimundar ok margra kennimanna Kristinna laga pdtt sem nu var tint ok upp 
sagt." Libellus. 


Beyond Thorodd's important statement that Laws had begun to 
be written down in his day [see extract in Oxford Icelandic Reader], 
for further information we must turn to the Collection of the Laws 
themselves. As the Laws were (if our opinion be correct) put 
on parchment before the Sagas, it is reasonable to suppose that 
when the Collecting Era begun the Laws would be the first to be 
collected. We have only two MSS. of Law Collections, Codex 
Regius, which we should date c. 1235, and Stadarhols-book 1271 
(according to Munch's happy hypothesis, Hist. iv. i, p. 627). 
These MSS. bear every appearance of being first-hand copies 
of the separate scrolls x>ut of which we believe they were com- 
posed. An examination is sufficient to show that these Collections 
were not ' Codes ' at all, but merely ' Bractons ' or Blackstones 
compiled by private individuals for private use. The whole tone 
of them, we think, proves this they are just such books as a 
great Law-Speaker would be likely to write or have written for 
him. Their substratum and bulk is old Common Law, to this 
are added: i. Decisions of Law-Speakers Case Law, 'thus said 
Markus/ &C. 1 (three Speakers as thus noted, Markus 2 , Ulfhedinn, 
and Gudmund who went out 1135); 2. Amendments Statute 
Law \nymceli is placed in the margin of the codices over 
against eight paragraphs in Cod. Reg. and eighty-seven in 
Stadh. See list in Islandske Love t Fristatstfden, pp. 126-32, 
Copenh. 1873, an Essay by the learned W. Finsen]. Two of 
these amendments, appended in Cod. Reg. to the ' Christian 
Law,' have a name affixed, that of Magnus (bishop 12 16-3 7 s ), 
whence the MS. must be after 1216; but, on the other hand, 
he is not likely to have been thus mentioned long after his 
death, so that some time during his bishopric would be the 
likeliest date. [To the theory that the occurrence of the word 
Earl 4 must place Cod. Reg. after 1258, we would prefer to con- 
sider the passage a mere alliterative fossil of older law, the MS. 
itself forbids so late a date.] 

That the collector had access to a Scroll of Procedure, giving 
the duties and formal speeches to be used by the Law-Speaker, ap- 
pears from the way in which the section on that subject has kept 

1 'fiat sagdi Markus log.' Kb. ch. 221. 

' put sag6i Ulfhedinn log and Ulfhedinn sagdi pat log ... ,' etc. Kb. ch. 73. 
' f>at sagdi Gudmundr log.' Kb. chaps. 108 and 143. 

2 *{>a tok Markus Skeggia son logsogo. Hann hefir vitrastr verit log(sogu) 
manna a Island! annarr en Skapti.' Kristni Saga, ch. 12. 

It is a great pity that the ' JEfi allra Logsogomanna ' which Ari wrote from 
Markus' dictation, concerning all the Law-Speakers that preceded him, is lost with 
the Liber of which it formed part. See Libellus, ch. lo. 

3 f>at var ny'maeli gort pa er Magnus Gizorar son var byscop ordinn, at ... pat 
var annat nymsli at . . .' Cod. Reg. in an appendix chapter to the Christian Law 
of Ketil and Thorlac. 

4 The whole passage stands, ' Halfan rett seal hann taca er hann komr a iarls 
iord. en pa allan oc fullan er hann komr a konungs iord.' Cod. Reg. ch. 112. 


the speeches of the Speaker in the first person 1 , which would 
confirm the guess above. 

But a most important passage, with reference to the scrolls and 
to what has been said above as to the character of Icelandic Law, 
is one 2 which gives the Regula Praxis, or Rule of the Court, as 
to the relative authority of the different scrolls 3 . It mentions a 
collection at Skalaholt, and names the Haflidi Scroll as a final 
authority, 'except where there has been a change made since/ 
Then turning to Oral Law and its authority, ' But of the decisions 
of other Lawmen that alone shall have weight which does not run 
counter to it [the law-witness of the Scrolls], provided that where it 
touches matters left out [in the Scrolls] or is clearer it shall pre- 
vail.' This certainly is no more than a rule such as all courts 
have found necessary, and does not even give Haflidi the authority 
which the Emperors gave to Papinian, but simply provides for 
a case that might easily occur when two private scrolls should be 
produced as evidence as to what was law, the theory still re- 
maining that the Speaker ' spoke the Law,' of which he was the 
ultimate repository. 

Of regular and consistent Legislation we cannot find a trace in 
what remains of Icelandic Law. Of something analogous to Case 
Law we believe much of the nymseli to be witness ; and it is 
evident that such an assembly as the Althing and such a court 
as Logretta were unfitted for such a purpose, which indeed they 
were never designed to meet*. 

1 A few instances : 

' Her a pingi,' vol. i. pp. 68, 77, 83, vol. ii. p. 14. 
'Es ek talda mi,' ch. 97. 
'Es adr talda ek,' ch. 122. 
' Es mi hefi ek talid,' ch. 98. 
' Hygg ek at rett se,' ch. 77. 

And ' Menu skolu i dag ok a morgin . . . ,' vol. i. p. 39. Or 
' Domar skolo i dag vesa nefndir,' p. 38, &c. 
' V6r skolom fara til Logbergs d margin,' vol. i. p. 45. 

2 ' |at es ok, at log skolo vesa a landi her sem a skrom standa. En ef skror skilr 
a, ok skal pat hafa es stendr a skrom beim es byskopar eigo. Nii skilr enn peirra 
skror a, pa skal sii hafa sitt mal er lengra segir peim or&om es mali skipta me& 
monnom. En ef paer segia eigi iafn-langt, ok po sitt hvor, pa skal sii hafa sitt mal 
es i Skalahollti es. >at skal allt hafa es finz a skro beirri er Hafli&i gor&i, nema ^ 
pokat se sidan. En pat eitt af annara Logmanna fyrirsogn es eigi mselir pvi i gegn, 
ok hafa pat allt es hitzog leifir e5a gloggra es.' Cod. Reg. i. 213, Logrettu |>attr. 

3 Of such scrolls as those above mentioned, each containing a separate and dis- 
tinct portion of the law (separate Law-Scrolls were opposed to the collections Cod. 
Reg. and Stad.), we have two fragments, AM. 315 d, twelfth century, and AM. 
315 c, thirteenth century, printed as App. ii. 219-26 to W. Finsen's excellent and 
handy edition of Cod. Reg. Cod. Stadarhol. (Sta&arhols-bok), by the same editor, 
will appear in 1879. 

* A passage in Sir Roland K. Wilson's clever and philosophical little handbook, 
4 Modern English Law,' exactly illustrates this : 

' In the Middle Ages the direct law-making power of Parliament was, as we 
should consider, very sparingly used. The Commons " felt themselves better quali- 
fied to state a grievance than to propose a remedy ;" they sat only for a short time, 

ccii PROLEGOMENA. 35. 

The cry of the Icelandic nation was not for a Code, their own 
law was excellent in many respects, well suited to the state of 
society that prevailed ; nor for a Constitution, the one they had 
was calculated in a great measure to foster noble political qualities ; 
but for Order 1 , the due enforcement of the Laws and Constitution, 
which they by their violence had too often made of none effect. 
But, like other peoples, they asked for bread and they got a stone ; 
they needed the strong hand of the King and they got a bad Code, 
for in 1 27 1 2 the whole of the old Common Law was ruthlessly 
swept away by a real Code from Norway, ' Ironside.' 

The evil results of this change 3 , which completely cut the old life 
to the root, have been noted elsewhere (p. clxix). To conclude the 
story of Law in Iceland, we need only say, that Ironside, a mere 
compilation of Norse Law, was soon replaced by a second and 
ultimate Code, Norse mainly, J6ns-b6k still the law of the land. 

Ironside is only found at the end of the Stadarhols-bok, after 
' Gragas.' A blank of two leaves therein may be filled up from 
the Frosta Thing Law. Of Jons-bok there are some forty or fifty 
MSS. : the editio princeps is 1578. About fifteen Ordinances of 
the kings of Norway, supplementing Jons-bok, will be found in the 
appendices to the editions of that work. 

The Hisloria Ecchsiastica Islandiae of Bishop Finn J6nsson 
(born 1704, bishop 1753, died 1789), pupil of Ami Magnusson 
(see foot-note, p. cxlviii), and son of the biographer of the later 
post-classical Icelandic Bishops (see foot-note, p. cxliii), is a rich 
repository of Charters, Deeds, and Letters, which are scattered 
through its four volumes. It is from them indeed that this, the 

had not much literary skill among them, and had not, what is now the chief motive 
power in legislation, a ministry united in policy, resting on the support of a parlia- 
mentary majority, and placed in office on the express understanding that particular 
measures are to be pushed through. Moreover, there was a disposition to look 
upon the common law as something self-existent and quasi-sacred. It was con- 
sidered an almost fatal objection to any proposed reform to say, " This cannot be 
done without making a new law." ' 

1 It is on this subject old Bishop Widalin (died 1720) makes an eloquent allusion to 
the Sturlunga in his Tribute-money Sermon : ' Og hvad viljum vr langt leita? v4r 
hofum eptirdaemin hja oss, begar betta vesala land flaut i sinu eigin blo&i, a&r en 
GuS gaf oss konung, svo a6 einginn matti ohultr leggjast i rekkju sina. Hversu 
agaetlega leiS oss ba? Hversu for pa fram i landi voru? Mundu menu pa ekki 
allz hugar fegnir verSa a5 jata konungi og ganga undir hann, til a& halda lifi og 
linmm, fri&i og frelsi ? Svo er bvi hattaft, BraeSr Minir, fyrir oss syndngum monnum ; 
ver hljotum laganna praelar ao vera, upp a pad ver kunnini frelsi ad halda.' 

3 The Life of Gudmund, Bs. ii. 162, makes Arngrim say that the Ironside lasted 
*xv' years, but 1271-80 makes but nine years, and the Annals are positive on 
this head ; the Code was not heard of till then. Either Arngrim, writing seventy- 
four years after, made a slip of hand or of memory, or rather the scribe (for this part 
of the Saga has onlv come down in one MS.) wrote ' xv' for ' ix.' 

3 1271. ' Komu Norraen log i land.' Lour. S., Bisk. S. i. 792. Elsewhere called 
Laga-skipti a Island, ' the Chnnge-of-Law in Iceland,' a weighty, fatal word. 

For the name JarnsiSa: 1271. ' Sturla kom lit me& log-bok Jdrnsidu.' One 
vellum of the Annals. 

1281. ' Logtekin Jons-bdk a Islandi a Albingi.' Annals, cp. Fb. i. 28. 


most learned work that has proceeded from an Icelandic pen 
since the Reformation, now derives its chief value. 

Iceland is especially rich in deeds, Maldagi, in the vernacular 
tongue. Most of them are gifts in mortmain, such as the famous 
* Reykjaholts Maldagi' (printed as a specimen, vol. ii. p. 503). Such 
conveyances were like our ' fines ' proclaimed (Gragas, Krist. Lag. 
l>attr. Cod. Reg. p. 1 5), ' Taken to the Moot, and proclaimed at the 
Hill of Laws/ (Such a deed proclaimed before Snorri the Law- 
man is printed in vol. ii. p. 400.) They were nearly always pre- 
served in duplicate ; the original at the church or cloister, the copy 
at the cathedral. Reykjaholts Maldagi is the only one, however, 
that has been preserved in both, the vellum original and the copy. 
Nearly all such vellums are destroyed, and we have only two 
collections of paper copies, taken by Bishop Odd of Skalholt's 
orders, c. 1600. One is in Denmark, AM. 263; the second 
collection is in Iceland, Reykjavik Libr., D 12. The originals of 
these probably perished in the fire at Skalholt in 1630. 

A collective edition of Maldagar is much required. 

An Icelandic Diplomatarium, edited by the learned Jon Sigurds- 
son, is in progress, vol. i (all that has yet appeared) contains what 
is left of Charters, Deeds, &c., down to 1262, including about 
sixty Maldagar. But the mass of Icelandic Deeds are of the four- 
teenth and especially the fifteenth century, where they furnish all 
that we know of public and private history. 

The student of Icelandic Law may be referred for a fuller notice 
of the subject to the works of the greatest living authority on this 
subject, Konrad Maurer, whose Beitrage cleared away so many 
errors of the past, and is so full of suggestive and valuable matter. 

LAW IN NORWAY. For the early history of Norwegian Law, we 
must, as in the case above, trust to statements which may all, we 
believe, be more or less traced back to Ari 1 . In examining this 

1 From the Book of Kings : 

a. Odin. ' Qdinn setti log i landi sinu pau er gengit hofSu fyrr me3 Asum.' 
Ynglinga, ch. 8, Fris-bok, p. 7. 

b. Halfdan Black. ' Halfdan konungr var vizku-ma5r mikill ok sannynda ok 
iafna&ar, ok setti log ok gaetti sialfr, ok pry'sti ollom til at gaeta. ok at eigi mastti 
ofsi steypa logunum, gordi harm sialfr Saktal, ok skipaSi hann botom hverjum eptir 
sinum bur& ok metna&i/ Book of Kings, Fris-bok, p. 37. 

c. Hakon Adalsteins fostri. ' Hakon konungr var stor-vitr, ok Iag5i mikinn hug 
a laga-setning. Hann setti Gula-pings-log meS raSi J>orleifs spaka ; ok hann setti 
Frosta-pings-log me6 ra&i Sigurdar jarls ok annarra f>raenda beirra er vitraztir voru. 
En HeiSsaefis-log hafdi sett Halfdan svarti, sem fyrr var rita5.' Book of Kings, 
Fris-bok, p. 70. And 

' Hann setti Gula-pings-log ok Frosta-pings-log ok Hei&saevis-log fyrst at upphafi, 
en adr hoffiu ser hverir fylkis-menn log.' O. H. ch. 10. 

d. St. Olaf. ' Olafr setti log bau er heita Sefs-log ; bau standa si&an um Upplond 
ok Vikina austr.' O. H. ch. 31. And 

' |>a stefndi Olafr konungr ping fiolment i sta3 peim er siSan hefir verit Hei3saevis- 
ping. Setti hann pa pat i logom at til pess pings skyldo soekia Upplenclingar, ok 
Hei6s83vis-16g skyldu ganga um oil fylki a Upplondum ok viSa annar-stadar, sern 
sidan hafa pau gengit.' O. H. ch. 101. Again 

cciv PROLEGOMENA. 35. 

series of statements we see that, though treating of various times, 
they all agree in naming some king as a ' law-setter/ and are always 
disposed to consider the whole older law as the work of some 
special king in the past, the last great law-giver's fame eclips- 
ing and driving into oblivion all the great law-givers who had 
gone before him ; just as in England, the Laws of JElfred, meaning 
the whole body of the old Common and Constitutional Law of the 
Land, were looked back to in Eadgar's time ; so in Eadweard the 
Confessor's time, Kdgar had replaced JElfred, and his Laws were 
talked of, while a step farther ' Eadweard the Confessor's Laws' were 
to be noticed by the Red King and Henry the First. 

In Norway the era of legal memory shifts in precisely the same 
way. Odin is succeeded by Halfdan, whose fame is great in 
Hakon's day, Halfdan is replaced by Hakon, and Hakon by the 
two Olafs ; and, finally, such was the fame of St. Olaf, tradition is 
seen to have rested upon him and his son Magnus, to whom in 
the Norse Laws we shall find numerous references. 

This shifting can be seen because Ari has got together tradi- 
tions and facts of various age and origin, some brought by the 
Settlers, some by old travellers, some by men he had known. It 
is not of course meant that Olaf and Hakon and Halfdan did not 
make laws : we believe they did, and that this is precisely the 
reason why they are pitched on as the embodiment of all law- 
making kings that had gone before them, and the authors of the 
constitutions of their country; just as Alfred was popularly be- 
lieved to have invented trial by jury and divided England into 
hundreds and counties, because he took the trouble to collect 
dooms of Ethelbert, Ina, and Offa, and kept good justice. So in 
Norway we need not actually believe that every old Law ascribed 
to St. Olaf, or to Magnus, is no earlier or even later than their 
day, or beyond all dispute their work; though we may believe 
from the statements preserved, supported by other reasons, that 
the constitutional growth of Norway began in the East with EiQ- 
sifia or HeiSssevis Log [Law here as in Dane-lagu, the commu- 
nity living under one system of Common Law], the Halfdan 
tradition : that it went on at a later date with the organization of 

Hann (St. Olaf) le*t upp telja fyrir ser log bau er Hakon ASalsteins-fostri haf&i 
sett i J>rondheimi. Hann skipadi logunum me& ra&i enna vitrostu manna, tok af 
e&a lag&i vi<5 par er honum syndiz pat. En Kristin rett setti hann vi6 ra& Grimkels 
byskops ok annarra kennimanna.' O. H. ch. 43 (Oxford Icelandic Reader, p. 175). 

' J>at er mi pvi naest, at ver skolom kirkiom peim ollom upp halda ok Kristnom 
domi er Olafr hinn Helghi ok Grimkell byskup setti a Monstrar-pingi, ok peim 
ollom er siSan voro giorvar.' Gulap. Law, ch. 10. 

e. 'Eysteinn konungr haf&i i marga stafii baett rett landzmanna, ok he'll hann vel 
upp logunum. Hann gerSi ser kunnig 611 log i Noregi. Var hann spekingr mikill 
at viti.' See Oxford Icelandic Reader, p. 144. Hulda, Fms. vii. He is also called 
Lojg--Eysteinn, and Oystaein loghspake, N. G. L. i. 393 ; and in the Dialogue between 
the Brothers, ' Skipa&a ek logunum, bro&ir, at hverr maetti hafa rettendi vi& annan ; 
ok ef pau eru haldin pa mun betr fara landz-stjornin.' Hulda, Fms. vii. 122. 


Gula-f>ings Log, in connection with which Thorleifthe Wise is men- 
tioned, and Frosta-fcings Log, which is ascribed to Earl Sigurd % 
the Hakon tradition : that still later a fourth Log was organized 
and a Christian-Law set up by St. Olaf, where at last we seem to be 
on pretty firm ground. When we get to statements about Eystein 
we may take what is said even literally. 

Let us now see what is left of these ' Four Laws ' (we had Three 
in England). There are no remains from the two Southern 
' Things ' save a ' Christian-Law.' But we have something from 
the Western Things. 

And of Frosta Thing first it is said in two places that the 
Throndheim Laws were written down and preserved in a book 
called Gragas, Gray-goose, just as the canons and decrees of the 
church authorities were kept in Gull-fi6o"r, Gold-feather. St. Olaf s 
Saga attributes Gray-goose to his son, King Magnus the Good J . 
This is confirmed by Sverris Saga, which also tells us that Arch- 
bishop Eystein wrote Gold-feather 2 . 

This Gray-goose is still, we take it, preserved with a few alter- 
ations in the Frosta Things Law of our single MS., but with the addi- 
tion of the New Law which Sturla, in his Life of Hakon Hakonson 3 , 
says was put into the Book [Gray- goose of course], to whom also 
our single MS. gives it. Unluckily we cannot tell exactly where 
this New Law ends, as the MS. has a blank in the midst, at the 
end of which we are plunged into the older stock, the original Gray- 
goose. If we had the missing portion, there might well be some 
prologue to confirm Sturla and Karl's assertion as to King Magnus, 
St. Olaf's son, being its compiler. 

We may here explain how it was that the name of Gragas was 
transferred from Frosta Things Law to the Icelandic Law Collec- 
tion. In the sixteenth century all remembrance of the old Com- 
monwealth and the old Law had died out entirely in Iceland, so 
that the only name they knew of to which any tradition of Law 
clung was St. Olaf. In petitions to the Norwegian King they 
would ask for 'our old Laws the Laws of St. Olaf!' while the 
old Common Law and Constitution was entirely faded from 
memory. (See a telling instance of this, Isl. Dipl. i. p. 711.) 

About 1600 the Stadarhol vellum turned up; they found in it 
two Codes, one their own ' Ironside ' this they called Interim (i. e. 
between St. Olaf's Law and J6ns-book). The other, evidently older, 

1 ' Sifon let Magnus konungr rfta 16'gbok ba er enn er f Jjrondheimi er kollu5 er 
Grdgds, var hanu ryrir ba sok kallaQr Magnus Go&i.' Olafs S., ch. 261 (pp. 239, 
240, edit. 1853). 

2 ' Skaut konungr (i. e. Sverri) jafnan sinu mali til landz laga er sett hafSi hinn 
Heilagi Olafr konungr ok til Log-bokar {>raenda beirrar er kolluS var Gragas, er 
skrifa hafdi Iati6 Magnus konungr hinn G661 sun Olafs konungs. Erkibyskup baud 
fram pa bok er Gullfio&r var kolluS ok rita let Eysteinn erkibyskup. |>ar med 
baud hann Guds log Rumversk. . . .' Sverr. S., ch. 1 1 7, Fb. ii. 636. 

3 ' Hann (King Hakon) let bat setja i Bokina er nu er kolluS hin Nyiu Log.' 
Hdk. S., ch. 333, Rolls' edition. 

ccvi PROLEGOMENA. 35. 

must belong to the Golden Age, the Age of St, Olaf, and with dim 
memories or misreadings of Sverris Saga it was dubbed Gray-goose. 
Forty years after Cod. Regius was found, and when a little later 
Bishop Brynjolf sends it with two other MSS. to the King, in the 
accompanying letter, dated July 10, 1656, he talks of ' tertium itidem 
membranaceum codicem qui Gragas appellatur/ The name has 
stuck, and, as in Edda's case, it is, we fear, too late to change it now. 

Returning to King Olaf and Magnus his son, and the second 
Western ' Law,' Gula Things Law (which has come down in one or 
two vellums), there is good evidence that the tradition ascribing all 
older Law to St. Olaf and all emendations to his son is in full 
force ; such statements as ' Olaf imposed but Magnus took off/ 
' both the Olafs and Magnus did so and so/ ' Olaf alone held 
(maelti) this/ and even ' Olaf and Magnus ' affixed to sentences, 
are continually occurring in the text. Magnus thus being clearly 
later of the two. We are aware that the ' Magnus ' of the text, 
which we have so constantly in relation and alternation with Olaf 
(by whom all acknowledge St. Olaf to be meant), has been held 
to mean Magnus Erlingsson, surely the most unlikely King who 
could be pitched on as a legislator, a young man who, as far as 
we know him, cared for nothing but play, wine, and women, who 
is hardly once * mentioned in connection with law or council or any 
serious business of kingship, brought up too under the guardian- 
ship of his father Erling, a brutal, coarse kind of man, who sunk 
into drunkenness, till both fell by the sword of Sverri. Of course 
there may be pieces of later legislation put down to ' Magnus/ as 
the type of the Law-making King, in Gula Things Law. But this is 
what we should expect ; and our view, that Magnus the Good and 
none other can be meant, is supported by external evidence. 
Besides the clear mention of Magnus the Good once in Gula Things 
Law as a maker of ordinances (Re'ttar-bcetr) 2 there is a certain 
Atli mentioned in Gula Things Law 3 in connection with a famous 
protest made, in the reign of the same king, at Gula in the name 
of the whole body of Franklins belonging to the moot. In Agrip * 
we get the popular version of this story, but misplaced to the 
Thrond folks of Frosta Thing. Thus it is evident that tradition 

1 The Boy-King and the Earl, his father, are merely Archbishop Eystein's dupes 
in the passage, Old Gula Things Law, 2. 

2 'Her ero Rettar boptr baer er Magnus konongr G63i gaf i Langeyjar-sundi. 
En sumar gaf Hakon J>6ris-fostri.' Old Gula Things Law, 148, N. G. L. i. 58. 

3 ' Nu hafum ver landvorn vara a skra setta, ok vitom eigi hvart bat er rett e8a 
ragnt (i. e. rangt). En bo at ragnt s6, ba skolom ver bat logmal hava um utgerSir 
varar er fyrr hevir verit, ok Atli talSi fyrir monnum i Gula, nema konungr varr vili 
ossopSrom iatta ok ver&im ver a bat sattir allir saman.' O. G. L., 314. 

4 ' Hann atti bing i NiSarosi (sic) ok reisti me9 freko sakar-gipt vi5 {ircendr alia, 
ok stungu allir nefi i skinn-feld, ok veittu allir ppgn en engi andsvgr. Stod upp b& 
madr Atli at nafni, ok maelti eigi fleiri or6 en bessor : Sva scorpnar scor at fgti mer 
at ek ma eigi or staQ komask. En Sighvatr kva& bar begar viso bessa : 

Haett er bat er allir Alia, etc. . . ., 
ok raufsk ping bar mcS beima haetti at. . . .' Agrip, ch. 29. 


supports the claims of Magnus as a legislator. Sighvat seems to 
allude to the same incident in Bersoglis-visur. See Diet. p. 760 a, 
s. v. { 3etla.' 

Coming to later specific branches of Law, a curious legal tradi- 
tion may be mentioned in connection with Sigurd the Crusader, 
respecting the creation of the Archbishopric and the imposition 
of a Tithe Law, both of which institutions are said to be owing to 
an oath sworn to King Baldwin in return for a piece of the true 
cross, which Sigurd had received from him. Although the state- 
ment occurs so late in the history, and is not a tradition of Ari's, we 
must 'suspect that in the older Christian-Laws some arrangement 
for tithes was made, though it may have fallen into partial disuse. 
Of course tradition must have a tangible reason and person, and the 
Stricter Christian-Law of Sigurd is accounted for by this story *. 

Bjarkeyiar Log or R6ttr, our Law-Merchant or Law of the 
Towns, is a later section of Norse Law. We begin to hear of 
Towns first in Olaf Kyrre's days ; and under the peaceful reign 
of Eystein they flourish, and we might guess that part of System's 
fame as Law-maker may be owing to his having set Laws for 
these new communities that were springing up in his kingdom. 
This Biarkey-law is found in an old and a new (after 1260) form. 

Law-Bersi is the name of a Norse Lawman in eastern Norway, 
in Olaf the Quiet's reign ; a grandson of his was living in 1 138 2 . 

Hird-skra, answering to our Thingmanna-laga, is also preserved 
in a late form. 

The name of Biarni Mardarson, a Norwegian noble, c. 1200, is 
connected with the new Procedure section, Saktal 3 , in Gula Law. 

We have now come down to a period at which the Norwegian 
Common Law, like the Icelandic, gives way to what resembles our 
modern idea of a Code. King Magnus Lagabcetir, c. 1 264-80, gives 
a new ' Land's Law ' to the whole country, addressing copies to each 
Thing identical in all save the title. A step toward unity of this kind 
had been taken when King Sverri set Lawmen over the country, 
bearing the same title indeed as the time-honoured Speakers, but 
really approaching rather the Justiciarii and Vicecomites of England 
as representatives of central royal authority (see Hakon's Saga, 
chaps. 86-96, Rolls' edition). The law now being fossilized in a 
code, regular alterations became necessary, and we have a collection 
of about one hundred Royal Ordinances, stretching over a century, 

1 'f>at var ok skilt undir eiSstaf Sigur&ar konungs at harm skyldi fremja ok 
styrkja Kristinn dom i sinu riki me6 ollum maetti sinum, ok koma erkibyskups stol 
i Noreg ef hann'msetti, ok lata vera at hins Heilaga Olafs baedi ok helgan dom 
krossins. Hann skyldi ok bj63a tiundar-gjald i.sinu landi, ok gera sjalfr.' Sigurd 
Crusaders' Saga, Hulda, Fms. vii. p. 91. 

2 ' Um B&ssa logh, bau er harm gerSi,' and ' >a gerSi Baessi bar logh til, oc bau 
hafa ae verit siSan.' Borgar^ings Krist. ret. 4. He is called ' Log-Bersi,' Mork- 
insk. 210, where a grandson of his is named, s. a. 1138. 

3 ' Hr hefir upp Saktal hit Nyja pat er Biarni Mardar son skipaSi.' Old Gula 
Things Law, 316. 

ccviii PROLEGOMENA. 36. 

1280-1384. These Ordinances are called R6ttar-bcBtr, which 
originally signified a Charter of Liberties 1 , granted by the King, 
but is now used in a new sense for Ordinances of the King in 
Council. Many also of the Statuta, as the Ordinances of the 
Bishops are called, Decrees of Synods, &c. are preserved. 

The three vols. of the ' Norges Gamle Love ' (vol. i. Old Law, ii. 
New Land's Law, iii. Ordinances, Statuta, &c.), edited by Munch 
and Keyser, Christ. 1846-47, contain all that has survived of Nor- 
wegian Law. To this we may refer for account of MSS. &c. 2 

There are beside the Law over ten thousand documents, charters, 
deeds, inventories, &c., published in a huge collection, the Norse 
Diplomatarimn, edited at Christiania by Unger and Lange, which 
is still in progress, but nearly finished. 

Of Terriers containing accounts of the landed possessions of 
various churches, cloisters, &c., four collections exist, of great 
importance of course for early and mediaeval geography of Norway, 
&c. Of these, the Bergen Calfskin Book, Aslak Boldt's 
Terrier, and Munka-Lif have been published by Munch. M. 
Hvitfeldt, the present Royal Archivist, is now publishing the most 
important, Archbishop Eystein's Red Book. 

An interesting little document may find a place here. The Plea of 
King Sverri against the Pope and Clergy who took part against him ; 
published first by Werlauff, under the curious title Anecdoton 
Sverreri, and later as App. (pp. 176-90) to Christiania edition of 
Skuggsia. It is preserved in one Norse Law vellum of c. 1325. 

In the ORKNEYS, the history of Law must be similar to that of 
Iceland and Norway. The traditions point to a struggle between 
the Earls and the Franklins ; and to Earl Thorfinn, the mightiest 
of all, as the great law-making ruler 3 . Into the intricate and troubled 
history of these islands, however, we cannot enter here. 

SWEDEN. Dr. Schlyter's ' Sweriges Gamla Lagar,' 1 2 vols., Lund, 
1827-77, contains the whole corpus of old Swedish Law. It is a 
great national work, worthily accomplished by one man's life-labour. 

DENMARK. We are yet awaiting such a collection of the Danish 


With regard to the future editing and printing of the various 
works of Icelandic Literature, it is clear that for a certain number 
of them there will always be a demand. These are the golden 
nucleus of the whole, and will never lack admirers and readers. 

1 So used, e. g. ' f>essa rttar-b6t gaf Haraldr konungr ok Magnus J>roendum ok 
6'llum 16'gunautum,' N. G. L. i. 258. 

2 A fourth volume (facsimiles, indices, &c.), the publication of which was stopped 
by the lamented death of Munch, may be expected shortly. 

3 Of him it is said, ' Let hann pa af herferSum ; lag&i pa hug a stjorn Iy5s ok 
landz ok a laga-setning.' Orkn. ch. 37, Rolls' edition. These last twenty years of 
his long reign (1014-64) were the Golden Age of Orkney, and he is the Great 
Earl KO.T* 

36. EDITING. ccix 

It is with just these works, as artistic and historical monuments of 
a very high order, that we are chiefly concerned here. The rest, 
which are now secured from fate by print, may be safely left to 

What is practically wanted now is a small series of the real 
masterpieces of Icelandic literature giving standard texts in good 
normal spelling, freed from the pedantry of needless and useless 
apparatus which encumber and disfigure many of the former 
editions, and fairly and clearly printed in a handy form. 

Such a series should contain 

a. The Icelandic Sagas in five volumes : 

1. Landnama and Kristni Saga. 

2. Niala ; this might be printed in a more luxurious way than the 

rest, standing alone as it does in style and beauty. 

3. The Four Greater Icelandic Sagas. 

4. 5. The whole of the Minor Icelandic Sagas. 

b. The Prose-Edda in a volume by itself. 

c. A Book of Kings, which should contain the whole series of 
Kings' Lives, down to and including Sigurd the Crusader. A 
moderate sized quarto in double columns, or two such volumes 
as our vol. ii of Sturlunga would hold them and what is left of 
Skioldunga as well. 

d. A Corpus Poeticum, a much-needed work, which besides the 
Lays of the Edda collection should contain the other remains of 
the Classic Poetry arranged and properly classified. One volume. 

These with the present Sturlunga (two vols.) and the Biskupa 
Sogur (one vol.), which have already appeared, would form a set of 
twelve volumes, in which everything that is really important or 
beautiful in Icelandic literature might be found in a readily acces- 
sible form, which would undoubtedly become the textus receptus 
of the future 1 . No prefaces or long excursus would be needed ; 
the texts would speak for themselves; and it is hoped that the 
present Prolegomena may some day serve as a General Introduc- 
tion to such a Series, when, as must happen, it is undertaken. To 
this end indications have been furnished in many instances, during 
the course of this Sketch of the Classic Literature, as to the way in 
which the editor of such a collection should proceed 2 . 

1 The pagination of the editions used in the Dictionary should, for sake of 
reference, be placed in the margin. 

2 The state of Icelandic MSS. is such that it forbids a compound text : and the 
only plan for an editor to work on is to take the best MS., and form his edition on 
that, correcting errors from other MSS. (but taking care not to swamp his text with 
indifferent various readings). Full Indices, Maps, &c. should always be added. 
Landnama in especial should be accompanied by a Map, giving claims of First 
Settlers, &c. (indications of importance to students of Teutonic history). 

September, 1878. 

VOL. I. 



Poetry and Eddas. 

Icelandic Sagas. 


History of Norway 
and Denmark. 


Thiodulfs Yng- 

Heroic Age of Ice- 

Many Icelanders, 


land. The deeds 

poets and Hench- 

Volusp4 [Ork.], 

related in the 

men at the Dan- 


Sagas take place, 

ish, Norwegian, 

Lays of Helgi 


English, and 

[Ork.], Kormak, 
Eyvind, Lay of 

End of Saga time, 

Orkney Courts. 


Greenland Lays, of 

Atli, after 985. 





Sagas shaped in 

E.Thorfinn [Ork.] 

tradition, 1030- 

Sigvat, d. 1040. 


Arnor, d. c. 1080. 


S61arljo5 [Ork.], 

ART, d. 1148,] 


Saemund, d. ._ 

Last Eddie Lays. 

"33, H 

Lays of Ragnar. 

Kolskegg, j &H 

Ari, Konunga-bok. 

Lay of Starkad. 




Collection of Eddie 

Sagas first written, 


Eirik Oddsson, 

Lays, c. 1 1 50 [in 

the Minor Islend- 



inga Sogur, 1140- 

1 1 So- 

Earl Rognvald's 

12 2O. 

Odd Mk. Lat., c. 

Hattalykill, c. 



Karl Ab., Sverri's 

f>ulur [Ork.], c. 

Gizur Hallsson, 

Saga of Thorgils 

Saga begun 1184. 

1 200. 


and Hafli&i. 

Agrip. Gunnlaug 

Annals compiled. 

Mk. Lat. 



SNORRI.d. 1241. 

Sturlu Saga. 

Boglunga Saga, c. 

Httl. 1222, Sksk. 

Styrmi, d. 1245. 

Bp. John's Life, 



The greater Sagas 

Hrafns Saga. 

Snorri, Konunga 

composed into 

Gudmund Dyra S. 

Sogur or Kings' 

the present shape. 

Bp. Gudmunds S. 

Lives, c. 1230. 

Egla, c. 1220. 

Anon, author of 

JEttartal Noregs 

Laxdaela, c. 1230. 

Hungrvaka, and 

Konunga (Fsk.), 

Niala, c. 1240. 

the Thorlak and 

c. 1250. 





Olaf Hvitaskald. 

STURLA,d.i28 4 . 

Skioldunga edited. 

Mythical Tradi- 


Hakon's Saga, 

tions worked up 

c. 1270-1284. 


in the late Saga 

Icelandic Sagas 

Magnus Saga, c. 


touched up. 


False Sagas begin 
to be fabricated. 

Arons Saga. 
Svinfellinga S. 


Gretla, c. 1300. 

Great O. T. edited. 

Wholly fabricated 

Great Har. Hardr. 

Sagas, as Finn- 

in Hulda and 


Anon, author of 


Sturlunga edited c. 

Bp. A mi's Life, c. 




Fsereyinga edited. 

Orkneyinga edited. 



Sagas collected. 

Einar, the last Ice- 

Kings' Lives col- 

Gudmundar drapa. 

Skalda collected. 

landic biographer, 

lected as in Fb., 

Volsunga S. com- 

Vatzh. and Fb. 

d. 1393, Annals. 


piled c. 1350. 



Rimur begin. 


Last Annals, 



Foreign Histories 
and Literature. 




First Mission, 981. 

Ulfliot's constit. 

Laws, c. 930. 

Thord Gelli's re- 

form, c. 964. 

Christianity ac- 

Nial's reforms, c. 

cepted, IOOO. 


Skapti the Law- 

man, d. 1030. 

St. Olaf, Norway, 


Adam of Bremen, 

c. 1080. 

Bishops' sees 

Markus the Law- 


man, d. 1108. 

at Skalholt, 1056, 


Tithe Law, 1096. 

THORODD, born 

School there, c. 

Haflidi's Skra, 

c. 1085. 

1 1 10. 


Stjornu-Oddi, c. 

Ecclesiastical Law, 


c. 1125. Thorlak 

Norse Thiodrek 

Homilies in Ice- 

and Ketil. 

Bjarni Tolvisi, d. 

Mk. L., 1185. 

land and Norway. 

Law 'Scrolls' writ- 


Den. Svein Aaka- 



Rimbegla, c. 1 1 80. 

son Lat., 1185. 

c. 1152. 

Laws written in 

Anon. Grammari- 

Den. Saxo Mk. 

Bened. cloister at 

Norway, c. 1120. 

an, c. 1170. 

Lat., 1 2 10. 

Thingore, 1133. 

Goldfeather Nor- 

Nicholas Ab. Lei3- 

Early Lives of 

way. Eccl. Code. 

ar-visir, c. 1150. 

Saints translated. 

Gizur's Flos Pere- 


French Romances 

Barlaam and Josa- 

Law Scrolls col- 

translated at the 

phat, 1250. N. 

lected in Kon- 

Norse Court. Ro- 

ungs-bok, 1230- 

bert Ab. 1226- 



Konung's Skugg- 
sja, c. 1230. N. 

Act ofUnion, 1262. 

Thidreks S., com- 


posed c. 1250. N. 

Change of Law in 

Norwegian abridg- 

Bp. Brand, Gy5- 

Icel., Norse Law 

Olaf's Grammar, 

ment of Kings' 

inga Saga, c.l 260. 

introduced, 1271. 

c. 1250. 

Lives, in Heims- 

Jarnsi&a, 1271. 

kringla, c. 1260. 

Jons-bok, 1280. 

Eirspennill, c. 1280. 

Law Revision in 

Norway, 1 2 70- 


Hauk Erlendsson, 

Stjorn compiled in 

died 1334. 

Norway, c. 1310. 


Second series of 


French Ro- 

Paraphrases of 

mances at the 

Saints, 1330- 

Norse Court, 

I ^5- 

Statutes (R&tar- 

Blanda collected. 


Arngrim Ab., d. 

bcetr), 1280- 




c. 1350. 



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t/3 2 


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"S * 

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* 2 

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a. Written in Norway by Norwegians. 

Homilies, AM. 619 c. 1170 Edited by Unger, 1864. 

Leg.LifeofSt.01af(O.H.L.), ) Q 

Upsala 8 { c ' I2 3 " Un g er > l8 49- 

|>idrek's Saga, Stockh. 4 c. 1250 .... Unger, 1853. 

Strengl., Upsala 47 c. 1 250 .... Unger, 1850. 

Bartaamandjosapha..^^ , ,,50 .. .. j 

*Fagrskinna, Cod. B c. 1250 .... Munch and Unger, 1847. 

Laws, AM. 137 c. 1250 .. .. j ^^ KeyS6r ' l8 4 6 ~47 O 

*Laws, Cod. Resenianus c. 1260 

Speculum Regale, AM. 243 .. c. 7 o . . . Va '" normalised orth - 

FK-*-.. Cod. A ..*>... 

Thomas Saga, Stockh. 17 .... c. 1300 .... Unger, 1869. 

Anecdoton Sverreri, AM. 114 c. 1325 .... Unger, 1848 (with the Skuggsia). 

*Cod. Bergensis c. 1340 .... N. G. L. and Norse Dipl. passim. 

Bergen's Kalvskinn, AM. 329 c. 1360-1370 Munch, 1845. 

The Red Book, AM. 328 . . c. 1388-1401 Being edited by Hvitfeldt. 

Aslak Boldt c. 1428 Munch. 

b. MSS. written in Norway by Icelanders in the latter half of the I3th century 
for Norwegian nobles. 

*Kringla c. 1 266 .... Unger, 1868. 

*Jofraskinna c. 1 2 70 

Fris-bok, AM. 45 c. 1270 .... Unger, 1871. 

*Gullinskinna c. 1300 

Eirspennil, AM. 47 c. 1280 .... Unger, 1873. 

Sverris Saga, AM. 327 c. 1290 

The * denotes the loss of the MS. in the fire of 1728. 


Supplement to 21, p. cxx. 


' TEIT my fosterer,' as Ari calls him, is noted in Islendinga-bok as the authority 
for several statements, especially those relating to the establishment of Christianity 
in Iceland, which were derived no doubt from his great-grandfather Gizur the White, 
one of the two missionaries who brought about the Change of Faith at the Althing. 
Son of one Bishop, Isleif, and brother of another, he would be in the best position to 
know what could be known of Icelandic history, and to tell it to his young foster- 
brother Ari. Teit was adopted by Hall of Hawkdale, and succeeded to his estate 
like a real son (an extraordinary circumstance, as of course adoption was unknown 
to Icelandic Law), taking up a new position, so that the Hawkdale men, as his 
descendants are called, almost seem to belong more to Hall than to Isleif. By a 
marriage with a great-granddaughter of Hall o' Side (from whom so many distin- 
guished men sprung), he had a son Hall, named after Hall of Hawkdale. He was 
also a man of note in his day, a great traveller, and so good a linguist that it is said 
of him by the author of Hungrvaka (who got it no doubt from Gizur, Hall's son), 
that in every land he came to he spoke the tongue as if he had been born there. 
He was elected Bishop of Skalholt, and died at Utrecht 1150, on his way back from 
Rome, whither he had gone to get confirmed. 

His son was GIZUR HALLSSON, born c. 1125 in Hawkdale. He was brought up at 
Skalholt by Bishop Thorlak I (Ari's friend) ; when of full age he lived at Hawkdale, 
but he was much abroad travelling in the ' Southern Lands ' (Italy, &c.) before 1152. 
In Norway the King made him ' Marshal,' and in Iceland he filled the more honour- 
able post of Law-Speaker for twenty-two years. In his latter days he was much at 
Skalholt. The last notice we have of him is in Reykholts Maldagi (ii. 502), which 
he signs along with Snorri in the spring of 1205. He died July 27, 1206. 

There are two or three interesting allusions to him. Odd the Benedictine sends 
him a copy of his Life of King Olaf I for revision (as Ari sent Liber to Saemund). 
In the Life of Edward the Confessor, where the saint sees a king's death by second 
sight, Gizur's theory, that the drowned king meant was Swayn, Alfgifu's son, is 
given (see Rolls' edition, vol. i. p. 390). So much we know of his repute as a literary 
man, beside the fact that he wrote 'Flos Peregrinationis? a record of his travels 
(probably in Latin), as Sturla tells in ch. 15 of Islendinga. But it is as a Sagaman, 
telling the author of Hungrvaka the lives of the bishops, that he is of special 
importance to Icelandic letters. 'Wherefore I have made this little book, that 
what I heard that wise (fro&a) man Gizur Hallsson tell on this head might not 
altogether fall out of my mind,' says the bishops' biographer. Of Gizur's personal 
character and position in the Church and State, there are several notices scattered 
through the Bishops' Lives. Saemund, Bishop Paul's brother, said of him, that 
he was the ' very king (lit. 'castle,' met, taken from chess) of good company and 
pleasure wherever he was.' He was an eloquent man, and fond of speaking ; and 
two of his funeral orations are noticed, one over an aged nun, Ketilbiorg ; one over 
the holy Bishop Thorlak, bits of which are preserved to us. In it he says that, as 
was the custom abroad, he wished to speak over the grave (Dec. 1193), and tells of 
the Bishop's good life, and of the assurance they had that he was now reaping his 
reward : noticing also that he himself had already seen four bishops (Thorlak, Feb. 
1133; Magnus, Oct. 1149; Ketil of Holar, July, 1145; Klaeng, March, 1176) 
buried. His words on this occasion were in after days taken as a foreboding of the 
canonization of Thorlak. 

Gizur left many children, some of whom were men of note in their generation. 
Magnus the Bishop (died 1237); Hall, Law-Speaker and Abbot of the Austin 
minster at Holyfell (died 1230); and Thorwald, well known to us from Islendinga, 
the father of the evil Earl, our Gizur's namesake, with whom, sadly enough, ends 
the right line of a race which ever kept in the forefront of Icelandic life, whether as 
Settlers, Missionaries, Prelates, Speakers, or Chiefs, and to whom we are indebted 
for much that is of high worth. 

Hawkdale, Gizur's home, now fallen from its high estate, is well known to all 
travellers that visit the Geysirs. 


COD. A. 

First hand, vol. i, p. 8, 11. 4-10. 


Second hand, vol. ii, Islend. ch. 261. 

Third hand, Bisk. S., vol. i, p. 713, 11. 14-23, and p. 714, 11. 18-24. 


VOL. 1. 


COD. B. 

First hand, vol. i, p. 80, 11. 21-29. 

ero v fihf ttwlr oc \Ji& 


C5btG2 fid 
ttl^ cc ftqS&t ta>odt 'oc-m-fea o 

**^^ ^ ^i 4^r ^ 

^ ete Ja btc bin Utfetati e 

^ ^* if I -S* . 


fe j? mite tar- fiop \>f) ^-1 

Second hand, vol. i, p. 329, 11. 18-26. 

Third hand, vol. i, p. 356, II. 12-18. 

- fettov \Mftg c 
r tti 
? maw(ki 

a m 

^ t 




A. D. CIRCA 850-900. 

1. GEIRMUNDR HELJAR-SKINN var sonr Hjors konungs Halfs- 
sonar, er Halfs-rekkar eru vi5 kenndir, Hjorleifssonar konungs; 
annarr son Hjors konungs var Hamundr, er enn var kalla6r 
Heljar-skinn. fceir v6ru tviburar. En J>essi er frasogn til J)ess 
er J)eir v6ru Heljar-skinn kalladir At J)at var f J>ann tima er Hjorr 
konungr skyldi saekja konunga-stefnu, at drottning var eigi heil; 
ok verSr hon le'ttari meSan konungr var 6r landi, ok faeddi h6n tva 
sveina ; f)eir v6ru ba6ir akaflega miklir voxtum, ok baQir furSulega 
Ijotir as^nis, en J)6 r6 staerstum 6frf6leikr 1 J)eirra a at sja, at 
einginn ma6r J)6ttisk s^t hafa dokkra skinn en a >eim sveinum 
var. Drottning felldi litinn hug til sveinanna, ok s^ndisk henni 
J>eir 6astu3legir. LoShottr ruSt {)r3ell sa er var fyrir stjorn annarra 
J)raela. ^essi J)r3ell var kvangaQr; ok 61 kona bans son jafn-framt 
J)vi sem drottning varQ l^ttari; ok JDessi sveinn var sva undarlega 
fagr, er jprsels-konan atti, at drdttning {)6ttisk ekki l^ti sja a svein- 
inum, ok s^nisk henni nu J)essi sveinn astu6legri enn sfnir sveinar. 
Si6an rgeSir dr6ttning til kaups um sveinana vi5 ambattina; en 
ambattinni s^ndisk sva sem dr6ttningu, at henni J)6tti sinn sonr 
tfgulegri, en J)or3i J)6 eigi at synja at kaupa vi5 dr6ttningu um 
sveinana. Ok tekr nu dr6ttning vi5 ambattar-syni, ok Isetr gefa 
nafn, ok kalla sveininn Leif ; ok segir dr6ttning J)enna svein shin 
son ; en ambattin tekr vi3 J)eim drottningar-sonum, ok faeo"ask J)eir 
upp f halmi sem onnur J)r3ela-born, {>ar til at ]peir voru J)rd-vetrir. 
En Leifr leikr a 16fum, ok hefir vir6ing, sem van var at konungs- 
barn mundi hafa. En sva sem aldr fserisk a sveinana alia jafnt, J)a 

1 en J)6 ofriftleikr] emend. ; en ]p6 r<55 staerstu um ofrifileik J)eirra, Cd. (see Diet, 
storr IV). Better, en J>6 bar staerstum .... 
VOL. I. B 


[I. 2, 3 : i- 2.] 

gugnar Leifr ; en J>eir Hamundr ok Geirmundr gangask jyvi meirr 
vi6 sem JDeir eru ellri, ok bregzk J)vi meirr hverr til sins setternis. 

2. i>ess er vi6 getid eitt sinn, at Bragi skald s6tti heimbod til 
Hjors konungs, ok var hann med konungi nokkura hn'6. Ok ein- 
hvern dag er J)at sagt, at konungr f6r d dyra-vei6i meS hirS sina ; 
ok verdr mann-fatt heima i hollinni. Bragi skald var heima ok 
sat i ondugi ok hafdi reyr-sprota einn f hendi seV, ok leikr at, ok 
J)ul6i f feld smn. Dr6ttning la i ^verpalli * innar 2 i hollinni, ok 
var hulin klae6um, sva at eigi matti vita hvart hon var J)ar, nema 
peir er a6r vissu nanari. Leifr sat i hdsaeti ok le*k seV at gulli ; en 
{>eir Hamundr ok Geirmundr, braeSrnir, satu i hdlmi, ok hugdu 
at er Leifr lek se*r at gullinu. teir sa ok ekki manna i hollinni. 
M maelti Geirmundr til br66ur sfns ' Viltu at vit farim til Leifs, 
ok takim af honum gulli6; ok leikum okkr at nokkura hn'8?' 
1 Biiinn em ek {DCSS/ segir Hamundr. Sf6an hljopu sveinarnir 
innar at hasaetinu ok toku gullit af Leifi ; en hann gliipnadi eptir. 
teir mseltu ' Heyr a 3 / sogdu J)eir, 'hvat konungs-son tekr til, ok 
sepir eptir einum gullbaugi ; ok er |>at satt at segja, at {>at er ilia 
komit er J)u ferr me6.' Irffa nu sveinarnir til Leifs, ok raku hann 
or hasaetinu, ok hlaaja at. M stendr Bragi skald upp, ok gengr at 
J)ar dr6ttning la i pallinum, ok sty6r a hana reyrsprotanum, ok 
kva6 vfsu J>essa 

Tveir 'ro wni, trui'k bdSum vel, 
Hamundr oR* Geirmundr Hjorvi bornir, 
en Leifr bridi Lo6hattar sonr; 
f4tt fridir * bann ; far mun in s verri. 

Dr6ttning stendr nu upp, ok gengr i brott med sveinana, ok skiptir 
nu aptr vid ambattina i annat sinn. S^nisk dr6ttningu nu sem er, 
at J>eir gorSusk mannvsenlegir sem glikindi eru a, ok J)eir dttu til- 
brigSi. En um kveldit, er konungr kom heim ok hafQi sezk i 
hasaeti sitt, {>a gengr drottning fyrir konunginn, ok Iei3ir sveinana 
med s^r, ok segir konungi allt sem vid nemr, ok hverju h6n hafi 
keypt vid ambattina, ok bidr konung af sdr rei6i. Konungr leit d 
sveinana ok maelti, * At vfsu setla ek at J^essir sveinar s minnar 
settar, en J)6 hefi ek eigi se*t slik heljar-skinn fyrr, sem J)essir sveinar 
eru/ Ok af J)vi v6ru J>eir sfSan Heljar-skinn kalladir. Ok f>egar 

1 bverpalli] emend.; bilpalli ( = bupalli), Cd. 2 innar] emend.; utar (vtar), 

<}d. 3 heyr a] should be, heyri? or heyr a endemi? * friSir] Dr.; prydir, H. 
5 in] enn, Cd. (see Diet, en temp. 2. /3). 

8 5 c- 9 oo.]" f>ATTR AF GEIRMUNDI, 2-4. 3 

p. 3. 4: La.] 

er peir v6ru frumvaxta, foru peir or landi at herja, ok ofluSu bratt 
bse6i {jar ok fraegSar, ok st^r6u lengi mildum skipa-stoli, at pvi sem 
segir i sumum frasogum, ok nokku6 visar til i 1 enum efra hlut 
sogu Hroks 2 ins svarta, er peir brae8r voru par kalla6ir inir mestu 
hermenn af saekonungum i pann tima. 

3. Ok pat var eitt sumar, er peir he'klu i vestr-viking, at peir 
fengu sva miklu meira herfang en onnur sumur, at pvi er fra hefir 
sagt verit. Enn fyrr enn peir kaemi heim, skiptu peir herfangi 
sinu um sumarit, pa hlaut annarr peirra tuttugu pund silfrs en tvau 
pund gullz. Ok a pessu sama sumri rufu jpeir hernaSinn, ok leystu 
hvern sinna manna me9 godum skot-penningum a brott. f"eir 
brseSr h^ldu samfloti tveim skipum i Noregs-konungs-riki. H 166 
fyrir Noregi Haraldr konungr Harfagri ; ok aetluSu ]?eir brseSr at 
hafa J)ar fri6-land, ok skildu J)a samflot sitt ok f^lag. Ok er kon- 
ungr fre'tti J)at, J)a likar honum eigi parvist peirra ; ok pykkir eigi 
orvaent, at peir muni par eflask setla til m6tz vi5 sik. Ok pat vilja 
sumir menn segja, at Geirmundr fseri fyrir ofriki Haraldz konungs 
til Islandz. En ek hefi pat heyrt, at f pann tima, er peir brae6r 
komu or vestr-viking, vaeri sem mest or6 a, at engin paetti vera 
fraegQar-for meiri en fara til Islandz; ok af pvi inu sama vildi 
Geirmundr sigla lit pegar um sumarit er peir k6mu vi9 Noreg, 
pvi at pa vaeri halla6 sumri; en Hamundr vildi pat eigi; ok f6r 
Hamundr til motz vi6 Helga inn magra, ok f6ru peir ba3ir samt 
ut til fslandz. 

4. En Geirmundr f6r pa pegar lit, ok kom skipi sinu i Brei5a- 
fjorS, ok var i BiiSardal inn fyrsta vetr er hann var a fslandi. En 
um varit nam hann land fra BuSardals-a ok til Fabeins-ar, ok setti 
par bustad sinn er mi heitir a GeirmundarstoSum. Geirmundr 
bondi var st6rmenni mikit, ok h^lt aldri fserri menn en atta tigi 
vigra karla med s^r a Geirmundarsto6um. Hann atti ok fjogur 
bu onnur; var eitt bii bans i ASalvik i fsafirSi, annat i Kjarans- 
vik ; par var Kjaran prsell Geirmundar, ok haf6i Kjaran t61f praela 
undir s^r. It pridja bu atti Geirmundr i almenningum enum 
vestrum ; pat vard-veitti Bjorn, praell bans. Bjorn var6 si6an sekr 
um sauQa-toku, ok ur6u almenningar sek6ar-f6 bans. It fj6r6a bu 
Geirmundar var5-veitti Atli, praell bans, ok haf3i hann ok tolf prsela 
undir s^r sem Kjaran, ok pj6nu&u pessi oil buin undir pat er 
hann sjalfr h^lt kostnaQ af a GeirmundarstoSum. 

1 i] emend. ; a, Cd. a Hr6ks] Hrolfs, H. 

B 2 



5. Geirr he*t ma3r rikr ok dgaetr f Sogni; hann var blotmaSr 
mikill ; var hann af J)vi kalladr Ve'-geirr. Hann atti sjau born e6r 
fleiri. Ve'bjorn he"t son hans ok Ve'gestr, Ve'mundr ok Ve'steinn, 
V&eifr ok Ve*6rn, en Vddis d6ttir. En er Vdgeirr andadisk, J)d 
t6k Ve'bjorn forra3 bsefii fjar ok metorQa. Hann he'll 6vini Ha- 
konar [jarls] Grj6tgar6zsonar, ok f6ru pau systkyn af {)vi oil til 
fslandz. I>au velkti lengi uti um sumarit f hafinu, ok t6ku at 
lyktum Hlo6uvik of haustiS fyrir vestan Horn. M gdkk Vebjorn 
at bloti 1 ; en brse6r hans eggjuSu brottfarar, sva at hann ga6i eigi 
b!6tzins; ok le'tu J)au lit ok brutu inn sama dag undir hafum 
homrum i miklu illvidri ; ok k6musk J)ar upp, er nu heitir si6an 
Sygnakleif. M tok vi6 J)eim ollum skipverjum um vetrinn Atli, 
J)rsell Geirmundar Heljar-skinnz. Atli var 6daell ok hamramr mjok. 
En er Geirmundr vissi J>essa 6rlausn J>rselsins, {>a fre'tti hann 
J)raelinn, ' Hvat kom JxSr til J)ess, er J)ii t6kzk sva mikit a hendr 
vi6 Vebjorn ok forunauta hans?' i'raellinn svarar: 'fat kom me'r 
til J)ess, at ek vilda J>ann veg 2 syna hversu mikit gofugmenni ok 
stormenni sa ma6r var er J)ann J)rael atti er slik storrse6i J)or3i a 
hendr at takask/ Geirmundr baS ]prselinn hafa J)5kk fyrir sitt 
6rrse6i, ok gaf honum fyrir {)essa sok frelsi ok buland. Morgum 
monnum gaf Geirmundr st6rar eignir, bseSi i londum ok lausum 
eyri. Hann gaf Hrolfi Kjarlakssyni bustaS at Ballara. Hann 
var vinr Geirmundar, ok var mikill aettbogi af honum ; hans son var 
fllugi inn raudi, ok Solfi, fa6ir fordar, fo3ur Magnuss, fo6ur Solva, 
foSur Pals prestz. 

6. Geirmundr bjo a Geirmundarsto6um til elli aefi sinnar. En 
sa var einn hvammr i landi Geirmundar, at hann kvazk vildu kjosa 
a brott or landinu, ef hann maetti ra6a ; ok mest fyrir J)vi, ' At sa er 
einn stadr i hvamminum, at avalt er ek lit ]pangat, J>a skraemir 3 
J>at Ijos fyrir augu me'r er me'r ver6r eigi at skapi ; ok J)at Ijos er 
dvalt yfir reyni-lundi >eim er f>ar er vaxinn einn samt undir brek- 
kunni/ Ok JDat fylg6i, ef nokkuru sinni var6 bufd hans sta6t i 
hvamminum, J>a l^t hann 6n^ta nyt undan d J)eim degi. Ok eitt 
sinn er fra J>vi sagt, at biismali hans hafQi J)ar komit ni6r um nott 
eina. Ok er smalamadr reis upp ok sa f&t i hvamminum, vard 
hann akaflega hraeddr, ok hleypr sem hann ma ok eltir fdit or hvam- 
minum ; ok r^fr 6r reyni-runninum vond einn ok keyrir f&t med, 

1 bloti] emend. ; at biota, Cd. 2 syna] here begins the first vellum leaf. 

3 Thus the vellum, not skramir, as the paper transcripts and the edition. 

880-900.] tATTR AF GEIRMUNDI, 5-7. 5 

[1-5,6: i. 3,4-1 

ok rekr -f&t helm til Geirmundarsta3a. En Geirmundr var lit 
genginn or hvflu sfnni um morguninn, ok ser hvar smalamaSrinn 
eltir f&t ofan 6r hvamminum ; ok ver3r honum ekki vel at skapi 
er feit hefir Jmr verit, ok sn^r i m6ti smalamanninum, ok ]pekkir 
bratt, at hann hefir reyni-vondinn i hendi ok keyrir feit me9. Ok 
hdr ver3r honum sva illz-kallt 1 vi5 hvart-tveggja samt, at hann 
hleypr at smalamanninum ok berr hann akaflega mjok; ok bad 
hann aldregi gora >at optarr, at berja f^ hans med ]peim vi5i er i 
J)eim hvammi er vaxinn, en J)6 einna sizt or reyni-runninum. En 
Geirmundr matti Ipvi auSvellega kenna vi6inn 2 at J)ar at eins var 
J)a reyni-vi6r vaxinn i hans landeign i J)eim sama sta9 er nu stendr 
kirkja at Skar6i, at J)vi er ver hofum heyrt sannfr69a menn fra 
segja. Geirmundr \6t taka vondinn ok brenna hann i eldi, en biife 
sitt Idt hann reka i haga ok on^ta nyt undan a J)eim degi. 


7. Dottir Geirmundar var Yr, m66ir toroddz, foSur Brodda 3 , 
fo3ur Hallberu er atti Borkr son f ) orm66ar t'jostarssonar. Steinolfr 
inn lagi, son Hrolfs hersis af OgSum, nam land milli Bu6ardals-ar 
ok Tjaldaness, ok bjo i Fagradal; hans dottir var Helga, mooHr 
Hyrnings Olaf/3. 4 , er atti Arndisi, dottur Geirmundar Heljar-skinnz ; 
J)eirra d6ttir var Fri9ger6r, m66ir Sneris 5 ^roddzsonar, fo3ur 
Odda, fo3ur I'orgils Oddasonar. Onnur dottir Steinolfs ins laga 
or Fagradal var Arndis, m63ir forSar, fo3ur ^orgerQar, m63ur 
Hrafns, fodur Snartar, foSur V^disar 6 , mo8ur Hollu, moQur Yng- 
vildar, er atti Snorri logsogu-maQr, fa3ir Narfa, foSur Skar9- 

Ingolfr [Arnar]son hann stadfestisk fyrstr a tslandi land- 
nams-manna, sva at menn kunni settir sfnar til at telja. Ingolfr 
var fa3ir f'orsteins, foQur forkels mana logsogu-mannz ; ^drhildr 
var dottir frorsteins Ing61fssonar, m63ir fcorkels, fo9ur Ketils, 
fo3ur Hauks, fo6ur Yngvildar, m69ur Snorra, foSur Narfa, foSur 

Hrollaugr h^t sonr Rognvaldz jarls a Mseri. Fra honum eru 

1 illz-kallt] thus the vellum ; illt ok kallt, the paper transcripts. a viSinn] 
vondinn, H. 3 Brodda] Odda, H. 4 Thus Br. ; read 6lafssonar? in the vel- 
lum the name is cut off. 5 Sneris] thus the vellum as it seems, not Sueris. 
6 Snartar Vedisar] thus the vellum, not Svartar Eydisar as the paper transcripts. 


[1.6: i. 4 .] 

Si6u-menn komnir. Hans sonr var Ozurr, fadir f6rdisar, m63ur 
Hallz a Sf9u. Egill, sonr Hallz, var fa6ir i'orgerSar, m66ur J6ans 
biskups. Yngvildr Hallzd6ttir var m63ir 6reyjar moSur Saem- 
undar ins Fr68a. f>orvar6r Hallzson var fa6ir t'ordisar, m65ur 
J6rei8ar, m66ur Hallz prestz f Haukadal, Teitzsonar. f'orsteinn 
Hallzson var fa3ir Magniiss, foQur Einars, fo5ur Magniiss biskups. 
Lj6tr Hallzson var faSir GuSriinar, m66ur Einars Arasonar, ok 
Steinunnar, m68ur Gu9mundar ok Hallberu, m66ur fcorgils, fo6ur 
Hiinboga, fo3ur Snorra, fo3ur Narfa, fo6ur Skar8-Snorra. M66ir 
SkarQ-Snorra var Gu5run f'orSar dottir, Oddleifssonar, f>6r3arsonar 
kraku-nefs. f*essi v6ru systkin Skard-Snorra : ^rSr, er atti J6rei6i 
Hallzdottur ; ])eirra dottir var Helga, er Sturla atti f ) 6r6arson Log- 
ma5r. ^orbjorn var laun-getinn ok Halldis. Yngvildi, systur 
Snorra, atti Gunnsteinn Hallzson ; hon var m66ir Vjgfiiss ok ]3eirra 
systkina. Gu5rf5r, systir Snorra, var m63ir Gu3mundar preslz 
Olafssonar ok J)eirra systkina. HallgerSi, systur Snorra, hana atti 
f^rdr undir Felli ; h6n var m63ir Snorra ok GuSmundar ok Yng- 
vildar, m69ur Pdtrs i Sk6garnesi, Snorra sonar. 

Bjorn sonr Ketils Flatnefs var fa9ir Kjallaks, foSur l ^orgrims, 
fo8ur Vermundar, foSur Yngvildar, m66ur tordar, foSur Yngvildar, 
m63ur Snorra Hunbogasonar. 

Dalkr var br69ir i'orgils HafliSasonar ; hann var fa5ir Bersa, 
foSur Dalks, foSur Halldors prestz i Saurbae 2 , foSur torsteins, er 
atti Ingiger3i Philippusdottur, Saemundarsonar 3 . 

1 foSur] emend.; s., i.e. son, vellum (badly). a prestz i Saurbae] om. the 

vellum leaf; add. the paper transcripts (from vellum B when whole). 

3 Here all the paper transcripts add ' |>eirra dottir var Gu&nin en Benedikt atti 
fyrr, en siSarr Herra Kolbeinn (Au&kylingr). Hallbera abbadis var 6'nnur dottir 
{jorsteins bonda ok IngigerSar. This pedigree is not in the vellum leaf; but only 
in the paper transcripts, where it was probably inserted from the vellum B when 



A. D. III7-II2I. 

1. HAFLIDI het madr; hann var Masson, Hunrodarsonar, Ve- 
frodarsonar l , ^Evarssonar. f>6rfdr h^t kona hans, d6ttir f ) 6r8ar, 
sonar Sturlu fcjodrekssonar ; ok attu ]pau mart barna. Sidan atti 
hann Rannveigu, systur Hallz Teitzsonar ; f'eirra d6ttir var Sigridr, 
er atti f>6rdr i Vatzfirdi. Snorri hdt son J)eirra. Hafli8i bjo at 
Breidabolstad i Vestrh6pi, ok var baedi forvitri ok g6dgjarn ok 
inn mesti hofdingi. BergJ)6rr h6t br68ir Hafli9a Massonar ; hann 
atti KolJ)ernu, d6ttur Eyj61fs halta; j^eirra son var Gu3mundr, 
fa8ir Mas prestz. Son BergJ)6rs var Mar ; hann var 6vins3ell ok 
ilia skapi farinn, ok olikr godum fraendum sinum; haf3i nakkvat 
f6 ok helt flla a. Hann var opt me9 HafliSa frsenda sfnum a 
vetrinn, ok var honum 6skapu3r 2 . ^at var sagt eitt var, at hann 
keypti seV skip ok ferr a Strandir nor6r. Hann var ma3r mikill 
ok beinst6rr, skarpvaxinn, svartr, ok 6selegr. Hann kemr ni6r 
a Strondum nor3r J)ar sem heitir i Avik til j^ess bonda er Hneitir 
h^t; hann var skilg63r bondi ok vinssell. Kona hans hdt Bjorg; 
J)au attu tva sonu, Stein 6r ok Finnboga ; Rannveig ok HergerSr 
voru daetr ^eirra. Hneitir var JringmaSr Hafli6a, ok anna6~isk reka 
hans 3 . I'orsteinn hdt ma9r, vinsaell ok rolyndr ; hann var kalla3r 
allra manna veiSnastr; hann annadisk m63ur sina ok born sin; 
for jafnan med skipi Hneitis, ok skapadi hann honum g63an hlut 
fyrir starf sitt. 

2. I jpenna tima bj6 ^orgils Oddason a Sta3arh61i f Saurbae ; 
hann hafoH mann-mart med s^r, ok rausn mikil var jpar i morgum 
hlutum. Hann var storfengr ok audigr. forgils var sonr Odda 

1 VeTroftars.] om. vellum (inserted from B?). 2 oskapuSr] thus Br., and perh. 
corrupted from ' 6-skapglikr ' or the like. 8 ok annadisk reka hans] om. vellum ; 
in the paper transcripts this sentence was prob. taken from the lost part of vellum B. 


[I. 9 : i.6.] 

Snerissonar *, f>6roddzsonar : M63ir Sneris 1 var Fri3ger3r Hyrn- 
ingsd6ttir. Hyrningr atti Arndisi d6ttur Geirmundar Heljar-skinnz. 
M66ir Odda Snerissonar var Alof d6ttir Bitru-Odda, f>orbjarnar- 
sonar. M65ir Bitru-Odda var Yngvildr d6ttir Alfs i Dolum. Yng- 
vildi haf6i att fcorvaldr eyrgo&i, Steingrims son er nam Steingrfms- 
fjor6, ok bj6 i Trollatungu. Sja kyns-^attr orgils Oddasonar er 
sumum 6kunnari enn Reyknesinga. Hallbera he't m66ir bans, 
d6ttir Ara af Reykjanesi 2 . Kolfinna [he't] kona f>orgils, dottir 
Hallz Styrmis sonar, i>orgeirs sonar fra Asgeirsa. fcaer sveitir v6ru 
fjolbygQar, ok goSir baendr i J>enna tima. t6r6r Gilsson bjo undir 
Felli inu i6ra 3 . Hiinbogi f>orgilsson bj6 at Skar3i, faSir Snorra 
logsogumannz. Mar prestr f > orm65sson bjo i Sselingsdals-tungu ; 
hann var fraendi nainn Hafli6a Massonar. Halldora h^t m66ir 
bans, dottir Vedfsar Masdottur, en Ve'di's var systir HafliQa Mas- 
sonar. ^orsteinn Kvistzson atti V^disi, d6ttur ^orger3ar, d6ttur 
V^disar Masdottur. GuSmundr prestr Brandzson bj6 i HjarSar- 
holti ; hann var nafraendi f'orgils Oddasonar ok alda-vinr. Ornolfr 
I'orgilsson bj6 at Kvennabrekku. Arn6rr Kollzson bjo at Kleifum 
i GilsfirSi. tdralfr Bjarnarson bj6 at SkriSins-enni ; hann var fe- 
litill, ok var J)6 vinr ok J)ingma6r HafliSa Massonar. 

3. Ingimundr prestr Einarsson Arasonar, hann bjo a settleifd 
sinni a Reykjaholum. Hann var vinsaell ma6r ok J)6 nokkut f6vani ; 
en var J)6 baedi orr af penn[in]gum, ok 16 mesta stormenni i skapi 4 , 
sem setterni bans var til. Hann var skald gott, ok at morgu inn 
mesti maetis-maSr. Hann var enn fraendi forgils Oddasonar ; ok 
hann hafSi gefit honum 5 Reyknesinga-go6or6, ok var J)eirra 
fraendsemi allg66. Ingimundr var fraa5ima6r mikill, ok for mjok 
me6 sogur, ok skemti vel kvae6um ; ok orti g63 kvaedi 6 ; ok J)a laun 
fyrir litanlandz. Hann var ok go3r vickakna er vinir bans sendu 
honum vandraeSamenn, ok seldi 7 jafnan vel sdr af hendi. Hr61fr 
hdt ma6r er bj6 a Skalmarnesi undir Mula ; hann var vinr g66r 
forgils, ok var J)ingma5r bans, logmaSr mikill, ok f6r mjok med 
sakir. Hann var ok sagna-ma6r ok orti skipuliga; vel fjar-eigandi, 
ok atti gott bii. ^rQr he't ma8r, hann bjo i Hvammsdal 8 , ok atti 
J)at land forgils Oddason. ^orSr var fglftill, ok var kallaSr Rufeyja- 

1 Sneris and Sngris, vellum. 2 Reykjanesi] thus Cd. 3 i5ra] thus vellum. 
4 Here ends the first vellum leaf. 5 honum] til, add. H. 6 After 'god kvse&i/ 
add. Br. ok go'rdi hann sjalfr. 7 seldi] emend. ; sendi, Cd. 8 Hvammsdal] 
thus Br. ; Gardsdal, i. e. Garpsdal, H. 

in;.] fORGILS SAGA OK HAFLIDA, 3,4. 9 

[1.10,11: 1.7.] 

skald, af J)vi at hann haf3i J>ar lengi verit a5r. Skip J)at st65 uppi 
i D6gur9arnesi, er atti BergJ)6rr Masson; hann seldi Ma son 
sinn til fostrs P6r6i, ok ox Mar J)ar upp, ok {)a flla g66an vi6r- 
gorning ; ok at nestlokum vinnr Mar a fcorSi fostra sinum mjok, 
ok hleypr sfdan til Hafli5a Massonar fraenda sfns, ok tok hann 
vi8 honum. En forgils ferr me6 eptirmalit. Ok er J>ar long fra- 
sogn um malaferli J)essi ok tilganga. Ok er J)etta sagt upphaf 
mala JDeirra forgils ok HafliSa Massonar. 

4. Ma3r sa fseddisk upp i Brei8afir6i er Olafr het ok var Hildis- 
son. Fa6ir hans var5 sekr skogarma6r ; en sveinninn var fserdr til 
feransd6ms ok gordisk 1 at fjorSungs-omaga ok he'raSs-fara um 
Brei3afj6r5 ; ok ferr sva fram unz hann var tolf vetra. Hann var 
heldr ovaenn ma6r ok nokkut kjotvaxinn, haer6r vel, ok fell mjok 
harit i lokka. M var hann talinn af jpessi vist, ok var J)a longum 
me5 ^orgilsi a Sta6arh61i. Hann atti fatt i femunum, ok hross 
nokkur atti hann, ok var ohraklegr at klseSum ; eina fata-kistu ok 
oxi mjok g65a. Hann leitar J>a vi6 forgils hvert ra6 hann ssai 
helzt fyrir honum liggja. Hann svarar ; kva5 J^at vsenst, at hann 
faeri nor9r a Strandir ok aflaSi J)ar fjar ; sag6i J)at margra manna 
si3venju. Si5an for hann norQr a Strandir me5 gagn sitt, ok kemr 
ni6r i Avik til Hneitis. fcess er vi6 getiQ, at Mar BergJ)6rsson 
vekr til vi6 t'orstein, ef hann mundi vera a skipi me6 honum : ' M 
ert ' [segir hann] ' ma6r haegr vidreignar, en J>yrfta ek J3ess mannz 
mest.' Hann sag3i : ' Ek hefi lengi verit me9 Hneiti, ok hefir me'r 
gott til hags or6it, ok er me'r nau6breytt 2 um J)at.' Mar segir, 
kvazk ok aetla, at hann mundi vel vi3 hann luka ; ok saekir mjok 
eptir. Ok J)ar kemr, at forsteinn neitar eigi skipvist me9 Mavi. 
M skorar hann 3 til mjok, ef Hneitir Ieg9i leyfi til, at t'orsteinn 
re'disk fra skipi hans ok f sveit me6 honum. Hneitir sag9i : 
' tykkir h6num einsaett at skilja vid mik?' Mar segir : 'fat laetr 
hann 4 nu at h6num J)ykki J)at ekki si3r 5 hent.' Hneitir segir hann 
ra6a mundu. Ok skilja at J)vi. Olafr Hildisson vekr til vi9 Hneiti, 
ef hann maetti veita h6num skipun. Hann sag6i, at hann hef6i 
ra9it menn til skips sins, en sag5i [at] Mar hef6i enn eigi radit 
fulla skipun. Olafr svarar : ' fat sem okkr hefir at or6um orQit, J)a 
verfir me'r sa ma9r torsottr ; vilda ek mi at J)u vek9ir til fyrir mina 
hond.' Hann het >vi ; ok vekr si3an til vi9 Ma ef hann vildi taka 

1 gor&isk] read gorr ? 2 naudbreytt] H. ; vandbreytt, Br. (better?). 3 'hann,' 
i. e. Mar. * hann] Br. ; ftm, H. 5 si6r] Br. ; sizt nu, H. 


[I. II, 12 : i. 7, 8.] 

vi8 Olafi. Mar Idzk vilja tala vi9 manninn a3r hann he'd h6num 
skipun. SiSan kemr Hneitir mali peirra saman, ok rseSr Oldf til 
skipunar viS Ma. Mar frdtti : ' Hvar eru veiSarfaeri >fn e3r vistir ? 
er >at sf6r manna at fa seV slika hluti l a6r seV taka skipun.' Hann 
sagQisk ekki hafa ^eirra hluta. Mar sagSisk eigi mundu vi3 })eim 
monnum taka er sva folslega hafa biiit sina fer6 ; kvazk ok J>ann 
veg a hann h'task sem hann mundi glaepamaQr nokkurr vera. 
Hneitir atti nii hlut f, at hann varni h6num eigi skipunar, en hann 
ra6i mjok sjalfr fyrir kostum. Mar segir, at hann mundi eigi vid 
h6num taka, nema hann ynni honum allt, ok hann re'di kaupi hans. 
Ok J)ann kost tekr Olafr upp ; ok rzk hann i skip me8 Mavi. 
i'at er eitt sinn um sumarit, at Olafr er 6slyngr vi8 J)at er hann 
skyldi gora ; enda Jriggr Mar ilia. Ver6r opt J)eirra i millum at 
standa um sumarit ; kemr J3ar sva, at Olafr svarar flla ; en J)6 fa 
J>eir mikit fang ; ok koma i Avik at hausti til Hneitis. M vekr (5lafr 
til hvat hann skuli kaups hafa. Mar sagSi hann ekki hafa munu, 
ok kvad hann einskis verdan. Olafr svarar, kvazk opt hafa goQa 
menn heim s6tt, ok kva9 ollum vel hafa til sfn or8it oQrum enn 
h6num; ok kva3 hann i mesta lagi 6r sfnni sett; sag6i ongan 
mundu viQ sik jafn-flla lokit hafa. ' Heyr a endemi ! ' segir Mar, 
' ok eru f>at mikil firn ef ek skal taka af \>6r ill or6\ Si3an tekr 
Mar allt upp fyrir Olafi er hann atti i fdmunum, baeSi kistu hans 
ok klae3i, ok sva vapn hans sem annat. Olafr sagSi Hneiti til sva 
buins. Hann segir [at] Mar mundi J)at eigi gora vilja ; ok rae8ir 
Hneitir til vid Ma, at hann lati rakna fdmuni hans ok kistu ; segir 
J)6 hlut hans yfrit har9an, {>6 [at] hann missti kaupsins. Mar kva3 
eigi tja hans umraeSu um J>enna hlut. Hneiti J)6tti verr ; ok skilja 
vi9 pat. Litlu siSarr sag3i Hneitir Mavi, at vistir hans mundu ]par 
eigi ver8a lengr at hans leyfi. En J>at var raunar 2 , at Hneiti f>6tti 
Mar gora of marg-talat vi9 d6ttur sina. Mar kvezk eigi hirSa 
hvat J)eir bukarlar raeddu J)ar d Strondum um vistir hans, ok tezk 
t>ar mundu ongan gaum at gefa. 

5. Olafr Hildisson ferr a brott 6r Avik ok hefir misst alls fjar 
sins. Hann kemr i Saurbae a Sta6arh61; ok var J)at kveldit, er 
hann kom a Sta9arh61, 6svast ve3r ; ok sitr ^orgils b6ndi vid eld 
ok huskarlar hans. Kemr hann inn (5lafr; ok s^r hann fcorgils 

1 slika hluti] Br. ; slikar vistir til hluta, H. 2 en bat var raunar] en bat varfi 
raunar, H ; en b. var s. (sok ?) raunar, Br. 

i ii7.] f>ORGILS SAGA OK HAFLIDA, 5. 11 

[1.12,13: i. 8.] 

manninn ok kennir, ok b^3r h6num Jmr at vera. Laetr ' fiarun ' vita, 
er hann selt hefir vapn sin ok kbeSi 1 . ' Munu vr eigi annars- 
staSar/ segir f>orgils, ' J)urfa vei3iskap at kaupa, en at {>&/ ' Verr 
er en Ipvi saeti,' segir Olafr. Hann er J3ar um ndttina, ok segir 
fcorgilsi vandrseSi sfn, ok bi5r hann asja. torgils laetr hann J)ar 
vera ; ok bi5r hann hiisfreyju at fa h6num klae6i nokkur. Ok J)a 
leitar Olafr eptir, hvert ra6 f>orgils Ieg9i helzt til me3 h6num. 
Hann sag5i, [at] h6num haef6i at leita eptir vi5 Ma at hann naeSi fe 
sinu. Olafr sag3isk J>ess 6fuss; 'ok vsenti ek J>ar illra orSa.' 
1 fetta er J>6 mftt rad, at {)u leitir eptir S3em6 J)fnni ; en J>at s6 ek, 
at J)i-k skortir vapn,' ok fdkk f'orgils mikla oxi f hond h6num, ok 
sagSi : ' Eigi vserir ]pu 6flugumannlegr,' sagSi hann. Ok skilja at 
J)vi. Ok ferr Olafr norSr, unz hann kemr i Avik. {'at var ekki 
siQ dags. Hneitir var eigi heima, en husfreyja sat a palli ; ok 
gengr Olafr a pallinn til husfreyju. Hon fretti tf6enda. Mar la litar 
i bekk, ok haf6i lagt hofu6 sitt i kn^ Rannveigar d6ttur Hneitis 
b6nda. Hann settisk J)a upp er hann heyrdi til Olafs, ok haf6i 
annan f6tinn ni6r fyrir bekkinn; hann var i loSkapu; en 6lafr 
sn^r at pallinum utar fyrir hann Ma, ok spyrr: 'Hversu mattu, 
Mar, e6r hve Ifkar {)er?' Hann sag9i: 'Hvat mun J)ik 2 undir 
vera ? fyrir J)at mun 1p6r ganga sem ek mega ilia ok mdr liki ok 
flla/ Si6an mselti Olafr linlega til, ef hann mundi vilja baeta h6num 
fyrir fjar-upptokuna ; ok maelti til vel. Mar svarar ilia, ok sag3i 
eigi mundu tja um or9 3 e9r tillogur forgils Oddasonar. Si6an 
hoggr Olafr til Mas, ok ver5r J)at svo6u-sar ok eigi beinhogg. 
Si6an gengr Olafr ut ; en Mar vill hlaupa eptir h6num ; t'orsteinn 
hleypr upp ok heldr Mavi, ok J)aegir honum i bekkinn. Mar ver6r 
akaflega 69r vi9, ok Idzk forstein mundu vilja slikan kost af honum 4 , 
ef hann banna6i honum at hefna sin. En f'orsteinn gaf ongan gaum 
at orQum hans. fa eggja6i Mar sonu Hneitis utgongu 5 , ok hefna 
sin ; en sveinarnir hlj6pu lit ; en mo6ir J>eirra eptir peim, ok ba6, 
[at] J>eir hlypi eigi i JDetta vandrae6i. (5lafr ferr mi Iei6ar sinnar. 
En konur bundu sar Mas. Hann J)iggr jpat ilia. Ok litlu si9arr 
sprettr upp Mar, ok at h6num ^orsteini, ok vegr hann ; ok hneig 

1 Thus H, laetr fiarun ' or ' fiar nu ' etc. The whole passage is corrupt. 2 pik] 
thus (p c ), H, rather than par or per, cp. hvat er mik at pvi, Skv. I. 28. 3 um 

or&] read umrxour ? * ok lezk af honum] thus H, ok liest forsteinn munde 
vilja s. k. a. h. ; should perhaps be ok lezt forsteini mundu velja slikan kost, etc. 
5 sonu litgongu] emend. ; son Hn. at lit ganga, H. 


[1. 14: i-9-] 

frorsteinn f fa6m m66ur sfnnar. Ok [litlu sidarr] kom Hneitir 
heim ok rak J)egar Ma a brott, ok kvad mart flit af h6num standa. 
' f>at mun nu ok vera at sinni,' sag6i Mar, ' en litinn gaum vaentir 
mik at ek gora at orSum Jn'num um >at.' Si3an f6r Mar a fund 
HafliSa fraenda sins, ok sagdi h6num vig fcorsteins, ok J)ar at allan 
atburQ eptir J>vi sem mala-voxtr sto9 til. HafliSi \6t ilia yfir verkinu, 
ok kva6 Ma lengi hafa verit mikinn 6nytjung, ok kalladi slika menn 
helzt mega heita fraenda-skb'mm. 

6. Nii er J>ar til mals at taka, at Hneitir b6ndi or Avik ferr til 
fundar vi3 HafliQa Masson. HafliSi t6k vel vi3 Hneiti, ok sag6i 
at hann vildi baeta ohapp br65ur-sonar sins, ok \6zk gjalda mundu 
fyrir vig torsteins tiu hundrud >riggja alna aura ; ' E6r ella fylgi 
me'r til handa Ii5i bans, ok mun ek annask ; e9r at o3rum kosti 
taktii vi3 f6 ok 6meg3.' Hneiti likar vel ummaeli HafliSa; ok 
dvelzk ]par nokkurar naatr. I annan sta6 er at segja fra J)vi, at sa 
ma9r kom til fundar vi9 Ma, er Hrafn h^t, ok var kenndr vid 
m66ur sina, ok kalla6r FinngerQarson, mikill ok sterkr, 6daell, ok 
mesti landz-ofringi. I'eir bera ra6 sin saman, ok maelti hann Mar : 
' Hvar vildir J)u helzt fyrir {)imi ra6i sja ?' Hrafn mselti : ' t'at vaeri 
me'r skapfellzt, at vera med J)eim monnum er ddaelir menn vseri ok 
kynstorir, ok veita J>eim eptirgongu.' Mar maalti : ' Slikir menn 
vaeri mer vel hentir sem JDU ert.' Hrafn sag6i : ' ^at verdr y9r 
stundum, at J)^r latid mikillega ; en J>a er rikra manna or5 koma 
til y9ar, J)a eru \>6r J^egar limhlaupa/ Mar sag5i : ' Vel er slikt 
maelt, en eigi aetla ek J>at enn heldr fyrir me'r.' f*eir fara mi til 
Avikr ba6ir saman, ok bjoggu J)ar bui Hneitis me8an hann var 
heiman; ok gora {>at ra3, at Mar leggsk me3 dottur b6nda, en 
Hrafn med hiisfreyju. Hneitir fre'tti mi hvat J)eir hafa til tekit. 
Hann breg6r vi6 skj6tt, ok ferr heimleiSis, smiSigt ok J)6 leynilega, 
ok vill strseta J)d ardegis. Voru J)ar saman l nokkurir menn. En 
J)a er Mar veit, at Hneitir mundi heim koma, a hefir hann vor6u 
a s^r ; ok bi8r |3ann sama morgun, er Hneitis var heim van, at J)eir 
skyldu standa upp, ok bi6a hans eigi heima. Ganga siSan til 
arinnar; h6n var opin ofan eptir miSju en hofu3-isar at utan. 
Hann Mar hleypr yfir ana, J)viat hann var bae3i knar ok f6tmjiikr ; 
ok jafnt i J>vi er hann Hrafn vill eptir h6num hlaupa, koma J)eir 
Hneitir at, ok hoggr hann Hrafn framan a J)j6knappana, ok fellr 

1 kalla&ir add. Br. above the line. 

in;.] &ORGILS SAGA OK HAFLIDA, 6, 7. 13 

[1.15: i. 10.] 

hann vi3 sarit afram. Si6an taka \>eir hann ok flytja til laekningar. 
Mar ferr nu leiSar sinnar til J)ess er hann kemr til Jorundar i Odd- 
bjarnar-eyjar, ok laetr g68vettlega; bi8r Jorund J)ar vi3rtoku, ok 
hann tekr vid honum. Ok jpa bei6ir Mar at >eir skyldu saekja 
eptir gagni hans i Avik. Jorundr kvazk 6'nga 6f>ektar-f6r vilja 
fara til Hneitis. Mar sag3i, at ]peir vaeri sattir. SiSan ferr Jorundr 
me6 Mavi, ok koma til Avikr snemma um morguninn. Mar mselti 
til Jorundar : ' Nu mun ek ganga inn, en J>u bi6 mm uti/ Gengr 
J)a Mar inn. Hneitir hvil6i, ok spyrr hverr Jmr gengi. Ok eptir 
malinu hoggr hann Mar. Hneitir sprettr upp ok tok i hond seV 
trd-kefli, ok hleypr a golfit ; en Mar hoggr i tr^it ; ok kippask J)eir 
um lengi. M kalla6i hann Mar : ' Skomm er Ip6r J)at, Jorundr, at 
fara sva me6 manni, at standa hja, en menn vinna a m^r.' Si6an 
hleypr Jorundr inn, ok hoggr Hneiti J)egar bana-hogg. Eptir J)at 
ganga f>eir ut. Ok J)a maelti Mar : ' M ert glaepamaSr mikill, ok 
ohappa-fullr, drepit l saklausan mann, godan bonda ; gori ek betr 
enn vert [er] ; er ek drep J)ik eigi ; ok vertu a brott sem skjotast ; 
en ek mun saekja a fund Hafli6a fraenda mins.' Jorundr for til 
skips sins. Ok er J)at fra honum sagt, at ve5r kemr at honum, ok 
t^nisk hann. Mar ferr a fund Hafli6a, ok segir honum hvat i hafo"i 
gorzt. Hann laetr mart illt af honum standa, ok kallar hann mjok 
segjask or sinni astt. En fyrir fraendsemis sakir J)ykkisk hann eigi 
mega vi6 hans mal 2 skiljask. 

7. fcorgils Oddason atti for nor6r a Strandir, sem opt var van6i 
hans til. Bjorg ok synir hennar fara a fund frorgils ok bi6ja hann 
lita a sin mal. Nenna mi eigi at saekja a fund Haflida, mest fyrir 
J)vi, at Mar var J)ar fyrir, ok J)6tti s^r vera skapraun i >vi. f'orgils 
kva6 s^r eigi vera skylt at sja a ]?at mal, er hint attu i J)ingmenn 
HafliSa. Hon saekir eptir mjok. Ok er fcorgils se'r J>at, J>a segir 
hann, at henni muni harQir eins kostir 3 a gorvir, ' ^viat eigi mun 
auQsott {)ykkja, at saekja HafliQa malum. Ek mun gjalda t61f 
hundru8 va6mala fyrir vig Hneitis, en ek mun J)at hafa er af faesk 
af malinu vi8 Jm Haflida.' Ok a J>at saettask J>au. En J>a er 
Hafli8i fre'ttir J)etta, J>a J)ykkir h6num malit verr snuisk hafa enn 
hann vaenti ; sagdi J)etta ongva saemd fyrir vig Hneitis, ok kallar 
t>au gort hafa vanda-laust til sin; ok kvazk aetla, at meiri saemd 
mundi hann hafa fyrir hugat. frorgils b^r mal J>etta til AlJ)ingis. 

1 drepit] emend. ; drepr, H, Br. 2 vi6 hans mal] emend. ; mal vid hann, H, 

Br. s eins kostir] thus H. 


[I.i6: i.n.] 

HafliSi byr ok mal a hendr Olafi Hildissyni ; hann var J>a me6 
t'orgilsi a Stactarholi. Ok n'6a JDeir Haflidi ok l>orgils til lyings 
badir med f>enna mala-tilbuna6. En a6r ^orgils ri6r heiman, sendir 
hann Olaf su8r a Eyrar til handa {)eim manni er Ami h&, ok var 
kallaSr fjoruskeifr ; hann haf3i verit heima-ma5r fcorgils um vetrinn; 
hann atti t>ar skip uppi standanda, ok sa ma6r annarr er Hermundr 
h& orvalldzson, brodir I'ordar i Vatzfir6i. f>eir hof6u ba6ir verit 
f utforum me6 Jorsala-SigurSi, ok v6ru J>eir si6an fe'lagar. Ok 
sendir f'orgils Arna or6, at hann flytti 6laf utan. 'Ek J)ykkist 
gloggt sja/ sag6i torgils, 'hversu mal J)etta mun fara; J)u munt 
verQa sekr, en ek mun leita um ssettir, ok bj66a f^ til farningar 

8. Snorri h^t ma6r, er kalla3r var Mag-Snorri; hann bj6 f 
Saurbae fyrir Mula'num nedra; hann atti Hallberu d6ttur Snorra 
HrSarsonar, Sturlusonar, brodur-dottur torfSar er atti Hafli6i 
Masson. Grimr h^t son J)eirra, ungr ok seinlegr. Snorri atti 
vel f<6, ok hafdi selfor i Svinadal J>ar sem mi heita SnorrastaQir. 
Hann drukna6i i Saelingsdals-a J)ar sem [mi] heitir Snorra-va6. M 
for Sighvatr Ulfsson, magr hans, at leita liksins ok jseir fimm saman ; 
ok tok J>a snae-skri3a, ok forusk J>eir J)ar allir. En er Olafr f6r af 
Sta6arholi ok su6r til Eyra, \>a tok hann hest fyrir Snorra fra Miila, 
J)viat hann nennti ilia at ganga ; ok riQr unz hann kemr til fundar 
vi5 Arna ; ok tekr hann vi6 honum, ok laetr hann vera J)ar a laun. 
Nii eru menu torgils komnir [til J)ings] ok er Ieita6 um saettir 
millum J^eirra hofdingjanna, ok segir f'orgils, at hann vill 1 J)essu 
mali eigi me5 kappi fylgja, ok kvazk meira hafa gort fyrir orlausna 
sakir ok baena-staQ frsendanna. Haflidi tekr ok sva a um malit, 
sem eigi mundi varnad b6tanna ; ok dregr J)6 hvarr-tveggi mjok 
sitt mal fram, frorgils um vigit Hneitis, g66s b6nda ok fraenda 
sins, en HafliQi um averkana vi8 Ma. En J)6 verSa J)essi mala-lok, 
at i saett var slegit ; ok skulu J>ar gjaldask \>nr tigir hundraSa fyrir 
vig Hneitis, en ix hundrud fyrir dverka vi5 Ma ; ok sek5 6lafs slik, 
at hann skal leita vi6 utanfor J^rju sumur, ok varQa eigi bjargir 
hans. Hann skyldi vera sykn i forum med f'orgilsi, ok i landeign 
hans, en sekr fullri sek5 annarsta6ar. Hafli6i greiddi frorgilsi fd 
sem dkvedit var, vigs-gjold eptir Hneiti. ta 2 v6ru kvednar visur 
pessar : 

1 vill] vili, H, Br. 2 J>4] 1>6, H ; J)ar um, Br. 

ni8.] &ORGILS SAGA OK HAFLIDA, 8, 9. 15 

[1.17, 18: i. 12.] 

Var5 HafliSi hundruQ happvisum |>orgisli 
(sa var-a * vegs n6 vsegdar valdr) prja tigi gjalda : 
Satt var sogd a sumri slik medal gofgra yta ; 
hlaut Odda-sonr aura itr at Stranda-Hneiti. 

Vard Haflidi af hondum hring-baldr togu gjalda 
(djarfr sask Odda-arfi enn Hafli5i 2 ) prenna : 
Jatti slikum sattum sveit eptir Stranda-Hneiti ; 
afreks kunni at unna allvisum f>orgisli. 

Let Hafli5i af hondum Hneitis gjold a Strondum ; 
drott var5 Odda-arfi a6r at miklu hvarfi : 
Reyndisk seggrinn svinni (slikt hefir old i minni- 
65 gori'g opt me& sanni) at agsetis-manni. 

9. Nu er at segja fra J>vi, at >eir kaupmenninir bjoggusk a 
Eyrum, ok Olafr Hildisson var J>ar a laun me3 Arna fjoruskeif. 
eir baru nii ut um daginn voru sina. Olafr gengr ut a skip, ok 
hafdi hott siSan a hofQi. Hermundr st^rimaSr gorir at lita mann- 
inn, ok sn^r at honum ok spyrr : ' Hverr ertii ?' sag5i hann. Honum 
verdr sta6r at svara. [Hermundr segir] : ' Hvart ertii eigi Olafr 
Hildisson?' ok hleypr at honum, ok hrindr honum af bryggjunni 
a kaf, ok verQa a5rir menn at bjarga honum, ok fyrir-kvedr honum 
farningina ; ok ver5r J)eim st^ri-monnum J)etta at sundr-J)ykki ; en 
]3eygi rjiifa J)eir skipun sina; ok sigla a haf; en Olafr sitr eptir, ok 
f6r vestr til ^orgils ; ok tekr hann vi6 honum: i>etta spyrsk mi 
um hdru5in at Olafr er me3 ^orgilsi ok sitr at Sta5arholi. Mar 
BergJ)6rsson sitr mi at Haflida. Hann ferr heiman vestr til Saur- 
baejar, ok slaesk i ferQ me3 J)eim monnum er foru til solva-kaupa, 
ok hefir Mar fre'tt af um athafnir Olafs, ok sitr um ef fund j^eirra baeri 
saman. i>orgils frdttir til fer6a Mas, ok skipar fyrir seV orendum 
hans, ok mselti si5an til Olafs : ' Hvert ra6 muntii taka mi, 6lafr ? 
ek hefi spurt at Mar for nordan me6 J)essum monnum, en hann er 
hvergi til bseja kominn, ok mun hann sitja til hefnda vi3 J)ik.' 
(5lafr maelti: ' Ek mun J)inum ra6um fram fara/ sag6i hann. 
forgils maelti : ' Hdr eru blautar m^rar hja gar6i, sem J)u veizt ; 
pangat sendi ek J>ik med Ija at rfsta torf ; ok er J>eir sja Ipik, munu 
peir {)ykkjask hafa ra6 J^ftt i hendi ; en verSa ma at Iei3in ver5i eigi 
sva greid sem J)eir aetla.' Olafr gorir sva. En ^orgils sendir alia 
karla af baa, e9r naer sva; ok laetr J)at spyrjask, ok sva athom 
(5lafs ; ok egndi J3ann veg veiSina fyrir J>eim Mavi. Nii fr^tta J>eir 

1 var-a] emend. ; var, H, Br. 2 djarfr HafliSi] thus Cd. ; read, djarfr HafliQi 
sask Odda-arfa ? 


[1. 19, 20: i. 13.] 

Mar J^etta, at ekki var karla heima a Sta6arholi; en (5lafr vaeri a 
leid jDeirra. M maelti Mar : ' Vera ma, at oss gefi mi vei6ina ; ' 
ok ri6a J>eir nu a marina at (5lafi; ok liggja hestarnir drjugt i 
my-rinni; ok fersk >eim seint ok 6greitt. Olafr vfkr heim til 
baejarins ; en f>eir vildu eptir renna. f J>vi kemr heiman af StaQar- 
h61i fjol8i kvenna gyrQar i braekr, ok hof6u sver6 i hendi. f>eir 
Mar foru J>a af baki, ok aetluSu at henda <5laf a hlaupi, er hestunum 
matti eigi vi3 koma. Ok Jm er komu heiman konurnar, snua J)eir 
undan ok vildu til hesta sinna, ok na5u eigi; komusk a hlaupi 
undan, ok attu f6tum fjor at launa. f>orgils laetr gefa at J>eim 
ongan gaum J)a5an fra; ok fara J>eir unz J)eir komu nor6r til 
Hafli6a, ok litt orendi fegnir. HafliSi Idt flla yfir for t)eirra; ok 
kvaQ J)ess van, at Mar mundi eigi hafa gsefu vi6 fcorgils : ' Ok gor 
pina for aldri heiman slika sfdan.' Li6a mi af misserin ok kemr 
annat sumar ; ok er eigi getid at Olafr leiti til litanferdar. 

10. Yngvildr ftfrdardottir bjo i f>enna tima vestr i f safirdi ; h6n 
var auQig at f ok vir6inga-kona ; var andaQr bondi hennar; ok 
attu J)au tvaer daetr; h^t onnur Helga en onnur Hallfri6r. tetta 
var it sama re*zk hon vestan a Reykjahola til Ingimundar prestz, 
ok gora J)au fdlag sitt. Ingimundr var sonr Einars Arasonar, 
systrungr torgils Oddasonar. Ingimundr var it mesta gofugmenni, 
skald gott; oflati mikill, baeSi i skapferSi ok annari kurteisi ; 
hinn mesti gle6i-ma6r, ok fekk mart til skemtunar. Hann var inn 
vitrasti maSr, ok he'll sr mjok til vinsael6a vi6 alj)^6u. Hann var 
ok mikils vir3r af morgum monnum gofgum. Ok J)a er Einarr 
fadir Ingimundar anda6isk, {)a gaf Ingimundr ^orgilsi fraenda sinum 
Reyknesinga-go5or6, sem fyrr var ritad ; ok var J)eirra fraendsemi 
allar stundir g63 me6an J)eir Iif6u badir. Um sumarit bi6r sa 
madr Helgu d6ttur Yngvildar, er 6lafr ht; ok skyldu au ra6 
takask ; skyldi veizlan vera a Holum um 6lafsmessu-skei3 um 
sumarit. Ingimundr ok Yngvildr vildu bj65a fyrstum til J>essarar 
veizlu ^orgilsi Oddasyni. SiSan baud Yngvildr ^rSi fcorvalldzsyni 
6r VatzfirSi. Hr61fr af Skalmarnesi var ok svd at >essari veizlu, 
ok mart annat g6tt mannval 1 ; en J)6 v6ru [t>eir] torgils ok t6r3r 
mestir virSinga-menn komnir. Nu er monnum f saeti skipat, ok 
sitr fcorgils a annan bekk me6 sveit sfna, ok Ingimundr prestr ; en 
f ) 6r6r a annan bekk gagnvart torgilsi. i ) 6r6r maelti vi6 foru-nauta 

1 mannval] Br. ; manna, H. 

iii 9 .] K)RGILS SAGA OK HAFLIDA, 10. 17 

[I. 20: i.i 3 .] 

sina : ' fann veg segir me'r hugr, at nokkut verSi ^ess at J^essi 
veizlu, at ek mynda mik nu heldr annars-stadar kjosa, at J)essari 
manna-skipun sem hr er fyrir; ok gjarna vilda ek heldr sitja 
heima i Vatzfir6i, ef ek hefda tvau ra9it or einu 1 ; ok kann ek eigi 
at vita, nema hdr s6 nokkurir fyrir 6vinir varir ; ok J>setti me'r allt 
betra undir me'r at eiga en J>eim/ Forunautar bans sogSu : ' Miklu 
eru heV fleiri g69ir menn saman komnir, en heV muni n ein flserQ 
edr svaela 2 til nokkurs mannz gor ; mun ok eigi annarr maSr meiri 
vir5ingar-for hingat eiga en Ipu, annarr enn forgils Oddason 3 ; 
eru ok 4 fyrir-menn J>essarar veizlu eigi annars mannz vinir meiri 
en J)inir.' I ) 6r8r kva3 f>at sva vera ; ok gorir sik gla3an. Eptir 
J>at fara bor8 fram ; ok er seti3 J)rongt a bekkjum ok forssetum. 
far v6ru bse6i tilfong g65 ok [gjnoglig, ok gengu osparlega ; skorti 
ok eigi drykk g66an. fa rseddi Ingimundr prestr, at forgils 
skyldi maela fyrir minnum. En hann veik til for8ar, ok bad bann 
ra6a hvert minni fyrst vaeri drukkit. f6r6r var ]?a katr vel ; ok 
maelti vid Ingimund prest, at nokkurr vilSis-manna setti at hefja 
gildit ; en kvazk undir mundu standa me5 J)eim um hverja gle6i er 
J>eir vildu fram hafa. Drekka J)eir mi glaSir ; ok rekkir J)a bratt 
drykkrinn. fordr var eigi mikill drykkju-madr, nokkut vangaeft 
um faezluna, sem at opt kann verSa J)eim er vanheilsu kenna ; J)viat 
madrinn var J)a a ofra aldri, ok var J)6 enn hraustr, en kenndi 
nokkut innan-meins, ok var J)vf eigi mjok sva matheill, ok nokkut 
vandblsettr 5 at ^ta slatr, J>viat hann bids sva af sem hann hefSi 
v^lendis-gang, ok var6 {)a nokkut andramr. forSr var mikil-u31igr 
ma6r ; eyg3r vel, ok lagu vel augun, fram-sno&nn, ok str^haer3r, 
sa upp mjok, ok ridaSi littat. feir drekka nu akaft, ok faer a J)a 
alia nokkut ; gorask nu malgir ; ok ma kalla, at hverr styngi annan 
nokkurum hnaefil-yrSum ; ok er J)6 fatt hermt af 6 J>eirra keski-yr8um 
i J)essari frasogn. fess er getiQ, at Ingimundr prestr laut at sessu- 
naut sinum, ok mselti viQ hann sva sem hinn spyrSi : 

4 Hva8an kennir J>ef |>enna?' ' |>6r9r andar mi handan.' 

Ok verQr at hlatr mikill ; ok er naesta gorr a[t] J)essu gyss mikill. 
Ok er J)vf l&tir, J)a kve6r f ) 6r6r i m6t : 

'Andi er Ingimundar, ekki g66r a bekkinn.' 

1 tvau einu] thus Br. ; so radid ur einu, H (doubtful). 2 svaela] thus H, Br. 

3 annarr Oddason] om. H. * eru ok] eigi, add. H, Br. 5 vandblaettr] thus 
emend. ; vandblaest, H, Br. (cp. Bs. i. 394 ; Diet. 666), 6 af] i, H. 
VOL. I. C 


[I. 21 : i.i 3 .] 

Ok af J)essum akostum tekr heldr at grana l gamanit, ok koma kvid- 
lingar viQ sva. Pa var JDetta kveSit til I^rdar : 

Ryrir 2 i barka rikis-manni ; 
glitar skallinn vi8 a go5a ydrum. 

He*r hlaer f^rSr mjok at J>essum kviSlingi, ok kveSr f>egar i m6t : 

Vaxa blastrar a bann bekk ba8ra 3 ; 
raun-illr gorisk befr af ropum* y5rum. 

forgils brosti nu at, en Iag3i aldri til um dkostin. Ingimundr 
maelti, at nokkurr f>eirra bekkju-nauta skyldi sjd visu 5 i m6t vid 
l>6rd. Pa. var J)etta kve&it: 

f>at er va-Hti8 bott vr reptim 
bu5u-nautar 6 af bola-kjotvi, 
reptir |>ur5r |orvaldz son 
Kjartans-sonar of kana 7 sinum. 

{ ) 6r3r litr 8 eptir kviSlingi J)essum, ok J)6tti h6num mjok bera 
hlj66it J)ar yfir sem ma6r sat d forsaetum mjok J>reklegr ok allvel 
hserSr. P6rdr heimtir >a hiisfreyju d tal vid sik, ok spyrr hverr sd 
s lokka-maSrinn, sem sitr d forsaeti a bekk f'orgils ; ok vfsar henni 
til. H6n segir: 'to er 6ldfr Hildisson.' P6r6r maslti: 'Eigi 
munu vit heV bd6ir sitja at veizlu pessi lengi ; ok sentu hann i brott 
d annan bse, e6r ellegar munu ve*r rf6a a brott.' H6n svaraQi seint, 
ok maelti svd : ' SaemS J)ykkir oss at h^rvist J)inni ; ok 9 eigi kann ek 
J)at at mfnu radi at sja, at kve6ja a brott forunauta P orgils ; ok 
mun (5ldfr onga skapraun ySr gora i or6um sinum.' Nu ver5a 
a3rir menn nokkut aheyrsla hjals J)eirra; ok spyrr I'orgils eptir 
hvat J)au eigi at hjala ; en h6n segir honum ; ok bi5r Argils med 
vaeg6, at hann lati Claf a brott fara, sva eigi yrSi beina-spjoll. td 
svaraSi forgils : ' Sva Tar 6lafi sykn maelt, at hann skal sykn me3r 
mdr, en sekr ef vaeri annars-stadar ; J)vi mun ek ongan senda mmna 
manna til bana ; en f6r6r gori um brottrei9 sina sem hann vill ; en 
Clafr mun hvergi fara ; ok munu ve*r lata vel vaert vi6 t>6r6.' M 

1 grdna] gra8na, H, Br. 2 ry'rir] ryrar, H, Br. ; better raerir, i. e. it roars, 

rattles. 3 ba8ra] emend. ; ba5an, Cd. * raun-illr ropum] thus H ; hrunill 
hr6pum, Br., V. badly. 6 visu] add. by conjecture ; cp. sja ei5a at e-m (Diet, 
sja A. II). e buSu-nautar] buftu annad, H. 7 of kana] thus by a slight 

emendation ; af kana sinum, H, Br. ; kani or kanni means a cup, can, tankard, and 
occurs, besides here, in Band. MS., where it is however misspelt tani (t = c). 8 litr] 
emend.; sitr, H, Br. 9 ok] thus; en? 

iu 9 .] K)RGILS SAGA OK HAFLIDA, 10. 19 

[I. 22: 1.13.] 

stigr f'orSr undan bor5i, ok He's vid maeSilega, en maelti ekki. M 
var petta kve&t : 

JEsii 1 upp or brjosti atfang urn dag langan 
be6ju 2 Bossa 3 m"8ja billings hvidu ilia. 
Allr* tok set, pa er saerir sott-linna 5 bles innan, 
(pj65 6x pefr i bu&um) pingheimr of nef fingrum. 

Ekki er pess geti3, at forSr andaefti pessari visu. Ok gengr hann 
ok allir bans menn a brott ; ok er peim greidd vapn sin ok klaeQi ; 
ok n'3a peir a brott, ok a annan bae um nottina. En pa er f>6r3r 
gkk ut, pa var petta kvedit : 

Go&inn repti sva, at ver gengumsk hja 
st69 a hnakka hy hverr ma3r kvad, fy ! 

Er sva sagt, at frorSr vaari me3 >essum kviSlingi lit leystr. En 
ekki er getiS, at neitt yrSi at gjofum vi3 hann. En forgils sitr nii 
eptir ok forunautar bans, ok svd briiSgumi ok bo6smenn ; ok 
J)ykkir J)eim forunautum forgils naesta ibrozlegt 6 um brott-reiSina 
J)eirra fordar. far var nii glaumr ok gle6i mikil ok skemtan g66, 
ok margs-konar leikar, baeSi danzleikar 7 , glfmur ok sagna-skemtan. 
i>ar var sjau naetr fastar ok fullar seti5 at bodinu ; af bvi at J>ar 
skyldi vera hvert sumar (5lafs-gildi, ef korn gaeti at kaupa, tvau 
mjol-sald, a ^rness-^ingi, ok voru {)ar margir gildis-brseSr 8 . 
A Reykjaholum v6ru sva g68ir landz-kostir i J)ann tfma, at ]par 
v6ru aldri 6fraevir akrarnir. En J>at var jafnan vani, at par var 
n^tt mjol haft til beina-b6tar ok agaetis at peirri veizlu, ok var 
gildit at Olafs-messu hvert sumar. Era bvi er nokkut sagt, er J>6 
er litil tilkvama 9 , hverir par skemtu e6r hverju skemt var. at er i 
frasogn haft, er nii maela margir i m6t, ok latask eigi vitaQ hafa, 
pviat margir ganga dulSir ins sanna, ok hyggja pat satt er skrokvad 
er, en pat logit sem satt er : Hr61fr af Skalmarnesi sag8i sogu fra 
Hrongvi^i vikingi ok fra <5lafi LiSsmanna-konungi, ok haugbroti 
trains berserks, ok Hr6mundi Gripssyni, ok margar visur me5r. 
En pessari sogu var skemt Sverri konungi ; ok kallaSi hann slikar 
lygi-sogur skemtilegastar. Ok p6 kunnu menn at telja aettir sinar 
til Hr6mundar Gripssonar. f'essa sogu haf3i Hr61fr sjalfr saman- 

1 aesti] zstu, Br. 2 beSju] emend. ; bridiu, Br. 8 Bossa] i. e. Bors ; Bersa, 
Cd. * allr] emend. ; allt, Cd. 6 Thus Br., doubtful. 6 ibrozlegt] i. e. 

ibrotsligt, thus H ; ibrotligt, Br. ; i. e. abrupt. This word is an &ir. \ry. 7 bae&i 
danzleikar] om. H. 8 brxSr] bbr., i. e. brae5r, Br. ; gildir baendr, H. 9 er p6 er 
litil tilkvama] thus by conj. although it be a small incident (see Diet., s. v. tilkvama 
2, Fbr. 140) ; er bo er Iiti9 til koma, H ; er pott liti& til koma, Br. 

C 2 


[I. 23, 24 : i. 14.] 

setta. Ingimundr prestr sag5i sogu Orms Barreyjar-skaldz, ok 
visur margar; ok flokk g68an vi5 enda sogunnar, er Ingimundr 
hafdi ortan. Ok hafa pvi 1 margir fr68ir menn pessa sogu fyrir 

11. A pvi hausti [inu] sama keypti fcorgils Oddason Miila-land at 
Grfmi Snorrasyni ok m6Sur bans. Ok meS pvi f<6 kaupa pau 
Tungu-land i Svfnadal, ok biia p6 i sama sta3 pessi misseri. Nu 
takask leikar upp i Saurbae 2 , ok saekir Grimr leik a Sta3arh61 ; ok 
eigask peir leika vi6 opt, Clafr Hildisson ok Grimr Snorrason. 
Olafr er g66r Ieikma8r ok harSleikinn ok kappsamr ; en Grimr var 
[eigi] aflmikill ok linr, ok p6 akaflega saekinn; ok verSr hann 
pvi opt vanbluti ok hraklegr fyrir Olafi ; ok leggja peir a ofan gar 
ok gys. Grimr raedir, at peim vaeri pat litil-menska, at gora hann at 
athafnar-manni, ok gora leika til bans, feim J)6tti t>ess at brosligra, 
ok re'Susk ongar baetr a at heldr. M ferr Grimr heiman ok sudr 
yfir hei3i i Saelingsdals-tungu. far bj6 Mar prestr t > orm63arson 
frgendi HafliSa Massonar; ok sag5i Grimr honum hvat titt var. 
Mar baud Grimi me3 s^r at vera um J61in, ok mselti : ' Ek mun 
fara nor8r d bak Jolum til Haflida fraenda mins, ok far J)ii \>& med 
m^r norSr J)angat, ok seg t>u h6num J)a til vandrae6a J)inna.' fetta 
J)ekkisk Grimr, ok er hann J)ar fram um J61. Ok fara si3an norSr 
a bak J61um. Ok koma nu til Haflida, ok eru {)ar g68ar vi9- 
tokur. Var >ar mannfjolSi mikill ok gle9i g66. feir dttu opt 
hjal sin i milli, HafliQi ok Mar prestr. Ok {>a er J>eir bjoggusk 
i brott, {>a leiddi HafliSi J)a d gotu, ok mselti vel vid >d at skilnaSi. 
Ok J)a spurSi Mar Grim, hversu h6num hef5i par hugnat. Hann 
\6t vel yfir ' Ok beV hefi ek sva verit/ segir Grimr, ' at m^r hefir 
bezt J)6tt ; ok vel vasri sa ma5r kominn er he*r skyldi lengi vera ; en 
fleira aetlaSa ek at maela vi5 Haflida en or3it hefir.' ' Hverf J>u 
aptr J)a/ segir Mar, ' ok maal vid HafliSa slikt er pe'r s^nisk ; af >vi 
at hann t6k avallt vel pinu mali.' Grimr hvarf J>a aptr ; ok kallar 
hann f>a d HafliSa; ok veik hann aptr i m6ti h6num ok fagnar 
h6num ; ok segir Grimr at hann vill rseSa vid hann. Ok setjask 
nidr ; ok sag3i Grimr hvat Jpeir aetti um at vera vestr par i sveit- 
unum, ok pat med at h6num hugnaSisk eigi; kvazk pvi hafa 
pangat s6tt erviQliga um langan veg, at hann vaenti fyrir fraend- 
semis sakir par nokkurrar dsja ; sag6i ongan veita s^r slikan dgang 

1 J)vi] Bm. ; J>6, H, Br. 2 Saurbx] Bm.; baenum, H, Br. 

1 1 ao.] f>ORGILS SAGA OK HAFLIDA, 11. 21 

[1. 25: i. 14.] 

sem (5laf Hildisson. ' Skil ek hvat f>u segir,' sag3i HafliSi, ' en 
eigi vil ek eggja J)ik fram til 6n^tra hluta ; en halda mun ek ]pik 
sem son minn, hvat sem J>& bersk a hendr.' Sidan stfgr Grimr a 
best sinn, ok bi6r HafliQa vel lifa. Kemr nii Grimr heim vestr 
i Saurbae. Ok mi taka J>eir at gabba hann ; ok segja mi, at hann 
hafi hlaupit undan leikum ok j^orat eigi vi5 at ver8a. Hann gefr 
at J)vi ongan gaum ; ok Ii3r sva afram a Langa-fostu. forgils atti 
heiman-for; ok raeSir vi5 (3laf; segir sva, at hann vill at (Slafr s^ 
jafnan heima, 'f>vi at ^at 1 mun J>a nokkut vandara [en] J)a (er) 
ek em heima. M skalt ok einnig geyma hrossa mfnna.' Hann 
sag3i ok sina heim-van i efstu viku Fostu. Li3r mi stundin, ok 
kemr l>orgils eigi heim. 6ldfr vinnr heima a baenum t)at sem 
honum var boSit. ^at er sagt, J>a er kemr at Dimbil-dogum, J)a 
saekja menn f>angat fjolmennt ti9ir. Skirdags-morgin J)a var Grfmr 
kominn, ok g^kk at h6num Olafi eptir natt-song ok maelti, ' Skaltii 
nokkut geyma hrossa forgils? mi eru J)au i voru landi, ok er 
enginn gaumr at gefinn.' (5lafr svaraQi : ' Vi6 mik mun J>at meti6, 
ok ek skal ok eptir fara.' Ganga si'San ba3ir saman, ok hefir Olafr 
oxi f hendi en Grimr staf. M maalti Olafr : ' Ovarlega ferr ek mi, 
er ek geng einn saman liti a n6ttum meQ Ip6r ; en me3 okkr er 
heldr 6titt; ok veit eigi hvar manni maetir, e5r hverju heilli lit 
gengr.' Grimr svaraSi : ' Ekki er mi haattilegt um, ek hefi sprota i 
hendi, en J)ii hefir oxi ; ok J>at hefi ek a fundit, J)6tt vit vaerim jafn- 
biinir, at J^r mundi vit eigi likt viglegir J)ykkja.' Olafr segir : * Vit 
skulum jpat mi ni6r leggja, er menn eigu saman i leikum, ok eru 
mi ]?aer tidir, at eigi {)arf a slikt at minnask/ Fara mi ba5ir saman 
til Laxar ; ok hefir J)ar fjol6i hrossa gengit um vetrinn m^runum. 
Vill 6lafr henda hross torgils, ok vill sla beisli viQ hestinn ; en 
Grimr samnar at hrossunum odrum, ok a gotuna. Hestrinn gorisk 
6ror er hann ser onnur hrossin, ok faer Clafr varla haldit hestinum. 
Ok i svei6um 2 hestzins fellr ni6r oxin 6r hendi h6num. M gengr 
Grimr ]pangat at, ok J)rifr upp oxina, ok veitir 6lafi bana-sar ; 
ok ridr heim siSan ; ok >ykkisk J)6 J)at fyrir sja, at eigi muni {>ar 
vist hans vera mega tolu-verdar stundir; ok ferr hann J)egar af 
skyndingu nor3r yfir hei8i til Bitru, ok sva inn til Hnitafjar6ar, ok 
kemr tvattdaginn fyrir Paska til fundar vi5 Hafli6a, ok tekr hann 
vid honum vel. Ok eptir Paska-viku sendir Haflidi Grim austr 

1 at] read J)^r ? 2 svei6um] thus H, Br. The word is an ait. \cy. ; svei&um 
perh. being = sveifum or svifum = swingings. 


[1.26: 1.15,16.] 

i Fjordu, f Hofsteig til Finnz Hallzsonar logsogu-mannz. Hann 
hafdi att Halldfsi d6ttur BergJ)6rs Massonar br66ur Haflida. Ok 
kemr Finnr h6num litan. Ok J)d er Grimr kemr lit, staSfestisk 
hann austr J>ar f FjorSunum, ok J)6tti vera mannhafnar-ma6r ; ok 
vard veginn af hiiskarli sinum. 

12. Nu er J)at sagt, at lik Olafs var heim flutt, ok tjaldat yfir 
i kirkju-gardi. Ok um daginn rf9r forgils sunnan um hei6i, ok 
tekr ai-fanga at 6r5ar Rufeyja-skaldz i Hvammsdal. l>6rdr haf6i 
ort kvaedi um torgils, ok var eigi launat. forgilsi haf3i gefin 
verit ox g68, ok tekr hann fcordr til oxarinnar ok litr a, ok spyrr 
hvers t>eim >aetti ver3 oxin ; en J>eir urpu a tvaer merkr. torSr 
kvaS visu: 

Metin marka tveggja mer paetti Svart-leggja 
g66 ef grunlaus vaeri ; getr vi!6ri a m6r faeri : 
Ok fagr-slegin fala fastlegs vir6ir tdla 
saemOi a sj4 fyrir kvaefti ; sleppr morgum fullrxSi. 

^orgils maelti, at ^rSr skyldi taka landz-leigu undir sjalfum s^r, en 
hann sagSisk eigi eiga 16g til oxarinnar 3 . Ok um daginn kemr 
fcorgils heim ; ok eru h6num sog6 J)essi tidendi ; ok laetr hann grafa 
lik <5lafs at kirkju. 

13. at er sagt : at um varit kom sa ma6r til forgils er Ketill h^t ; 
ok skorar a hann til vidtoku ok asja. Hann var Vestfirzkr ok 
sekr. {>orgils maelti : * M munt verQa fatt undir hofu8 at leggjask 
ef ek skal vi8 jDe'r taka,' segir forgils. Ketill maelti : ' Ef ek kved 
nei vi5 J)vf er J)u villt fyrir mik leggja, J)a seg JDU mik J)^r af hendan ; 
en engi em ek 4 giptu-ma8r, ok mun opt ver8a J)fnnar gaefu vid at 
nj6ta, ef vel skal takask/ Nu er hann med forgilsi um varit. Ok 
einn dag um varit maelti f>orgils til Ketils : ' Ek vil senda J)ik norSr f 
Vestrhop, ok far eigi orindleysu ; ' ok setti forgils ra6 fyrir hann, 
at hann skyldi drepa einhvern mann fyrir Haflida Massyni. Ketill 
maelti : ( Fara mun ek, en eigi em ek sigr-strangligr,' sag8i hann. 
Ok J)a var buin for hans. Ok er eigi getiQ natt-stada hans, fyrr en 
hann kemr f Vestrhop til Haflifta Massonar, ok berr upp orendi 
sfn ok vankvae5i oil ; ok segisk hann vera sekr, ok hefdi frorgils 
eptir-mal, ok beiddi Haflifia dsja ok vi8toku ; ok var hann J>ar ; 
ok hugnar monnum vel til hans. 

1 vilSri] emend. ; vildir, H, Br. 2 saetnSi] semdi, H, Br. 8 eigi eiga log 

t. 6.] thus emend.; eiga log, H, Br. ; i.e. hann vildi ekki loga 6xinni = A would 
not part with the axe; cp. log, Diet. 398, bottom. 4 Here begins the second 

vellum leaf. 

uao.] K)RGILS SAGA OK HAFLIDA, 12-15. 23 

[1.27,28: i. 16.] 

14. Ma9r er nefndr Stein61fr ; hann var Austfirzkr at kyni, ok 
hafdi verit g6rr sekr fyrir nokkurs-konar Illvirki austr J)ar i Fjor5- 
unum. Sidan strauk hann i brott ok f6r a fund HafliSa, ok tekr 
hann vid h6num Steinolfi ok gorir hann sfnn heima-mann. Ok 
einn dag um varit er J)eim Stein61fi ok Katli skipat til verks 
baSum saman, ok skyldu gora upp stekka. Ok fara snemma 
dags heiman, ok hjala mart, ok varask hvarrgi annan ; en verdr 
J)6 skilnadr JDeirra, at Ketill vegr Stein61f, ok fellir a hann stekks- 
gardinn. Ok ferr a brott sfdan, ok tysir vigi a hendr seV, >ar 
(er) h6num var 6hsett. Ok ferr sidan unz hann kemr a Stadar- 
hol, ok segir orendi sin; ok laetr torgils vel yfir hans orendi, 
ok kvad hann hafa vel farit. 

15. Nu ferr tveim sogunum fram : M J)ykkir J)eim f Vestrh6pi 
frestask heimkvama J)eirra Ketils ok Steinolfs um kveldit. Ok er 
J>eirra farit at leita. M mselti Hafli6i : ' Ef sva ilia bersk at, at \>6r 
finnit annan-hvarn J)eirra anda6an af manna-voldum, J)a gori J)er 
ekki at h6num fyrr en ek kem til; ok kann mart i morgu at 
ver6a/ Ok er nii fyrst farit at leita til stekkanna; ok finnsk 
Steiniilfr J)ar, en eigi Ketill, sem liklegt var. Nu er sagt HafliSa ; ok 
ferr hann skjott til stekkanna, ok lltr hann a, ok menn me3 h6num ; 
ok sja, at kemr hondin ber fram undan torfunni fram fra lilflid. Ok 
{>ar Iei6ir Hafli6i at vatta, at eigi s6 hraeit huli6 ; ok b^r J>etta mal 
til AlJ)ingis, ef nokkut skortir a6r a fulla sekd Ketils. torgils bjr 
ok malit um vigit (Slafs Hildissonar, sva sem hann vaeri sykn madr ; 
ok faerir J>at til, at h6num vaeri sii sykna maelt, at hann skyldi sykn 
i forum me8 torgilsi ok f hans landeign. Ok eptir J>at fjolmenna 
mi mjok hvarir-tveggju til J)ingsins, ok var Ieita9 um saettir; en 
Haflidi kallar Olaf sekjan hafa fallit, ok drepinn i annari landeign 
en honum var sykna mselt. M innti t'orgils til >ess, hvart eigi vaeri 
su sykna (3lafi maelt, at hann skyldi ' sykn f forum me6r m^r, ok f 
landeign minni.' Ok sva er J>a borit. &a maelti forgils: ' Hvat 
megu J)^r at J)vi kalla 6laf sekjan ? ek, kalla mfna landeign allt J)ar 
sem ek a lond.' Hafli6i maelti : ' Ek mun gefa orgilsi dtta kugildi 
fyrir metnod hans ok virding, ok kalla ek gjof en allz ekki gjald.' 
Ok skilr J>at me5 {)eim, at o5rum J)6tti fyrir ekki at gjalda, en 
o3rum J)6tti betra Iiti6 gjald fyrir sokina en eiga gjof at launa; ok 
J)6tti J)ar hvarum sin virding vid Hggja, hvart heldr vaeri f>at kallat ; 
ok st66 J>at i milli at eigi ur6u saettirnar. Ok skildusk med t>vi, at 

hvarum verr enn aSr. 


[1.29: 1.17.] 

16. tat er sagt: at Pe'trs-messu-dags-morgin urn f>ingit g^ngu 
flokkarnir allir til kirkju urn messu um GuSspjall, ok st68u me8r 
vapnum fyrir framan kirkjuna; ok st65u sinum-megin kirkju- 
duranna hvarir. Haflida flokkr stoS fyrir nor6an kirkju-dyrr, ok 
J>ar var hja Hallr Faluson; en fyrir sunnan kirkju-dyrr t6r3r or 
Vatzfirdi ok bans sveitungar ; ok J)ar su6r fra Hallr Teitzson ok 
margir menn me6 honum. En fyrir vestan kirkju, gegnt kirkju- 
durum, st69u J>eir torgils Oddason ok Bo3varr Asbjarnarson, ok 
J)ar v6ru margir flokkar hja ]peim. ta maelti torgils Oddason til 
BoSvars Asbjarnarsonar : * Taka mun mi ox min til Haflida Mas- 
sonar,' sagSi hann, 'ok mun })a um meira at msela en um atta 
kiigildi.' Bodvarr maelti : ' Mrr ertii,' sag3i hann ; ok fe"kk nokkut 
sva til bans ; ok maelti hardlega til bans, torgils maelti : ' Ekki em 
ek aerr,' sagQi hann. '^etta er satt/ segir BoQvarr. * Fyrir hvat?' 
sag6i I'orgils. BoSvarr maelti 1 : ' Eigi litr J)ii rett a ; Hygg at J)ii 
hvar vaer erum komnir, at ^etta skal vera sattar-fundr vi6 Gu9, er 
ve*r hofum a kirkju-helgi s6tt, ok bi6jum oss miskunnar. Nu er i 
J)essu ok kirkju-fri3 raskat ; ok er JDetta fyrir ]pa sok 6daema-verk. 
Hitt er ok annat, at yfir stendr dags-helgrin, er vaer hofum alia 
hjalp af hloti6, ok sjalfr Gu6 almattigr l^t sina mildi ok miskunn 
sva mikla skina ok birta a J)essum deginum. tat er ok til at telja, 
at grid ok friQr er settr um J)ingit, ok Jping-helgrin stendr yfir, ok 
er JDetta fyrir })vi it mesta laga-brot/ Ok er J)eir hof5u J)etta vid 
maelzk, {)d heptisk hann at J>vf, forgils ; ok rd9 hann eigi til HafliSa. 
Ok er J)eir gengu heim til biiSa, t>a mselti f>orgils til Bodvars : ' tat 
maela menn, at t>u sdr triilauss, magr, ok me3al-lagi g66gjarn ; en 
eigi tystir J)ii mi J)vi.' BoQvarr maelti : ' tat er ok satt, er ]pu segir, 
ok ekki gkk m^r trua til ]pess er ek latta J)ik tilrae6is vi6 Haflida, 
heldr hugda ek a6 fleiru en at hjali okkru ; ok sa ek, at flokkarnir 
st66u d tvaer hendr okkr, en vaer v6rum f kvfnni ; ok s ek J)at, ef 
l>etta faeri fram, at {>egar mundi sla f bardaga, ok myndi hverr varr 
fdlaga drepinn vera a faetr oSrum. En J)vi sag6a ek $6r J)at eigi til, 
at ek kunna skap J)ftt at J)vi, at Jm myndir ongan gaum at gefa, ef 
ek fynda >at til. En ef eigi vaeri J>at, J)a hirta ek aldregi J)6tt J)u 
draepir hann f kirkju-fri6i e5r t)inghelginni/ Nu bi6ja eir hvarir- 
tveggju lids til doma, ok fjolmenna mjok hvarir-tveggju eftir 
fongum. td tekr Hafli6i oxi f bond s^r, a6r hann gengr fra bu6 

1 B63varr maelti] om. Cd. 

mo.] i>ORGILS SAGA OK HAFLIDA, 16-18. 25 

[1.30: i.i8.] 

sfnni til doma ; en J>at haf3i ekki verit vancH bans fyrr, at gora f>at ; 
{)viat hann re'Q nalega einn jafnan fyrir ollum malum vi6 hverja 
sem at skipta var; Jwiat Hafli6i var baeoH fjolmennr ok fraend- 
gofugr. M maelti kona bans Rannveig : ' Hvat er i ]pessu, HafliSi/ 
sag9i h6n, ' at bera mi vapn, heldr en fyrr ertii vanr at gora ; ok 
hallt J>ii hattum J)fnum.' Hon var vitr kona, ok vel at seV urn mart. 
Hann svaraSi nokkut stygglega, ok kvad J>at ekki til hennar koma, 
ok kastaSi at henni nokkurum or5um. forgils gkk at d6mum 
meSr miklu fjolmenni, ok haf6i fram sokina um vig (5lafs Hildis- 
sonar. f>orgils var sva biiinn, at hann var f selskinnz-kofli yfir 
brynjunni utan, ok var gyrdr i brsekr, ok haf6i oxi sina i hendi 

17. I'ess er vi6 getiQ, at f 3 6r6 Magniisson i Reykjaholti dreymSi 
draum um J)ingit; var hann J)a heima i Reykjaholti. Hontim J)6tti 
sem ma3r kaemi at h6num, ok J)6ttisk spyrja hvaQan hann vaeri 
kominn. Hann sagSisk vera kominn af t>ingi. t'orSr J)6ttisk 
spyrja ti9enda. Hann sag5i J)ing-kvitt ] . f^rQr {)6ttisk spyrja ef 
nokkur deilu-mal 2 vaeri framm hof5 a J)inginu. * ^at er helzt n^- 
tf6enda/ sag3i draum-maSrinn, ' at einn ma5r hefir tekizk a hendr 
at vinna i ollum biiSum ; sa er heitir fordr dritloki.' t ) 6r6r r^6 sva 
drauminn, at eigi myndi J>ar 611 mal vel lukask a3r sliti J)inginu. 

18. at er mi sagt J>essu nsest : at HafliSi gekk mi at dominum 
meQ fjolmenni miklu, ok vildi hleypa upp d6minum; en eir 
torgils v6ru komnir {)ar i t>rong mikla 3 ; rei6ir ymist aptr e6a fram 
J)rongina. Ok J)a er sva hefir gengit mjok langa stund dags, J)a 
rae5a margir vitrir menn um, at enn skyldi leita um ssettir ; ok b^3r 
Haflidi in somu bo9 sem fyrr haf5i hann bo6it. Ok vildu menn mi 
til hty5a hvat maelt var ; ok r^mir mi heldr nokkut um J>rongina. 
f>orgils l^zk eigi nema or6 Haflida ; ok laetr hann reiSask J)angat at, 
er fair menn v6ru f millum t>eirra Haflida. Ok s^r hann ^orgils, 
hvar upp kemr oxin Hafli9a ; ok ]?a hoggr I'orgils yfir 6x1 manni, 
ok kemr hoggit a hond HafliSa Massonar vi6 oxar-skaptinu, ok af 
inn lengsta fingrinn me3 ollu, en f sundr koggulinn f inum minnzta 
fingri ok t>eim er J>ar er i millum. Ok ]pa hlaupa menn i millum 
J>eirra; ok var8 forgilsi laus oxin J>a er menn J)rong8usk at 
Haflida. ^orgils J)rifr f>egar oxi mikla 6r hendi manni einum f 

1 Thus vellum. |>ing-kvittr perh. means Thing-news; it is an an. \fy. 2 deilu- 
mal] deiluvsenlig mal, H. 3 ok er hon bae&i long ok {> n g> add - vellum as it 


[I. 31, 32 : i. 18.] 

flokki Haflida; sa h^t J>orm6dr, ok var kalla6r laeknir. Sa inn 
sami f>orm66r batt bond HafliQa Massonar, ok graeddi hann sva, at 
fingrnir tveir lagu upp i 16fann ; en hann graeddi fyrir stiif ens J>ri6ja 
fingrarins l . En J)a er HafliQi haf6i fengit averkana, j?a sleit J)rong- 
inni 2 , ok ge"kk allr flokkr Hafli6a heim til biidar. Ok J)a er hann 
gkk inn i buSina 3 ok ]3ar at sem sat Rannveig kona hans, ok 
mselti sva : ' Opt hefi ek >at reynt at ek em vel kvangadr, ok enn 
hefir J)a raun a gefit, at J)ii ert all-vitr kona, ok hefir J3ii naer forspa 
verit ; af J>vi, at eigi munda ek fyrir jpessum vansa or8it hafa, ef ek 
hefSa J)in rad haft/ Si6an var bundin hondin, ok gengit si6an til 
Logbergis. Eptir ]?at var tyst averkunum ; ok beiddu J>eir Hafli&i, 
at sidan skyldi fasra doma lit i annat sinn. Ok na3u eigi fleirum 
d6mundum en i J)eirra flokki hoffiu verit ; ok settu f>eir JDrysvar 
ni6r d6mendr sina i dom-staSnum 4 , ok matti aldri domrinn setjask. 
Ok J)a nefndi Hafli6i vatta at J>vi, at hann matti eigi dominum fram 
koma fyrir ofriki forgils. Ok J)a faer6u peir d6minn austr i hraunit 
hja Byrgis-biiS. i*ar gaeta gjar t)rim-megin, en virkis-gar6r einum- 
megin. Ok i ]peim domi ver5r ^orgils Oddason gorr sekr skogar- 
ma6r ; ok {)etta eitt mal n^ttisk J)ar {)at er i d6m var lagt. Ok f>a 
eptir J)at var gengit til Logbergis ok sagt til sek8ar hans. Ok er 
menn komu heim til bu6a, JDO, var fr^tt hverja HafliSi haf6i hlotiQ 
averkana ; af J>vf at al^6an vissi enn J)a eigi vist hvat at hafSi or6it, 
e6r hversu mikit at hef6i or5it. fa var sendr til Bo6varr Asbjarnar- 
son ok Ingimundr prestr Einarsson at skynja um averkana; ok 
menn foru ok a6rir me6 J)eim til fundar vi6 forgeir Hallason, er 
atti Hallberu Einarsd6ttur systur Ingimundar prestz ; en Bo8varr 
haf6i bu3ar-vist me9 t > 6r61fi Sigmundarsyni, ok hafdi meiri rad 
yfir J)ingm6nnum ok bii6ar-li6i en fordlfr. Sva skipudu menn til 
i ordtaki sinu, sem Bodvarr ri6i at baki f > 6r61fi, ok h^ldi Jx5 i 
taumana, ok st^rSi hvert fara skyldi. Ok J)a er J>eir k6mu heim 
til bu6ar forgeirs, J)a v6ru J>eir spur3ir tiSenda, ok eptir orendum 
sinum. M kva6 Ingimundr prestr vfsu : 

Fingr eru J>rir af J)eiri (J>6 skyldu mun fleiri) 

sundr a szlings 5 heudi (siikt er Boggvir 6 ) mjok hoggnir. 

1 fingrsins, the vellum. 3 J)ronginni] {)inginu, vellum as it seems, but erro- 

neously. 3 Here ends the second vellum leaf. * dom-sta6iium] thus Br. ; ' d6m- 
steinum ' of the edition is a bad reading. 6 saelings] emend. ; svalings, H ; 
svalnings, B ; sjalings, edition. 6 slikt er Boggvir] thus Br. (uncertain if slikr or 
slikf) ; slikt er boggr mykill, H. 


ii3r.] K)RGILS SAGA OK HAFLIDA, 19. 27 

[1.33: i.i8.] 

Sidan var kvatt fe'rans-dtfms. Ok ri6a menn heim til heVaSa ; ok 
sitr f>orgils eigi at sicJr f biii sinu. Ok nu {)egar at dregr feVans- 
domum, samnar frorgils at seV monnum, ok ver3a saman naer fjogur 
hundruQ manna. HafliSi hafSi nordan naer tvau hundruQ manna, 
ok einvala 113, bse3i at buningi ok mann-vir8ingu. En i ]pri3ja 
sta3 samnask saman he'raSs-menn til me3al-fer9a me3r go3girn3. 
Var ]par fyrirma3r 6r3r Gilsson, ok Hunbogi torgilsson fra SkarSi, 
ok me3r jDeim a9rir g68gjarnir menn, GuSmundr Brandzson, 
Ornolfr fcorgilsson fra Kvenna-brekku, ok hofdu tvau hundru6 
manna til me3al-gongu; en f'orgils aetladi at verja vigi allt he'radit, 
ok skyldi J>eir HafliSi eigi na baejar-reiSinni ; ok aetla6i ^orgils at 
verja Hei3ar-brekkurnar, ef ]peir ri3i Saelingsdal, en Mjosyndi ef 
Svinadal vaeri ridit. ar megu fair einir menn n'6a jafn-framt, f)viat 
J)ar eru fjoll brott a baSar hendr. 

19. Nu er at segja : at Hafli3i ok bans flokkr ri3a um kveldit 
til fe'rans-domanna til gistingar til Mas prestz i Saelingsdals-tungu ; 
ok haf3i hann fyrir fjora tigi manna til Ii6s me3r HafliSa. ^a ri6r 
GuSmundr Brandzson, systrungr ^orgils, son Steinunnar Aradottur ; 
ok var hann inn mesti msetis-maSr, ok var hann opt mikils metinn 
i stormaelum ; ok hann var mest haf3r i or6stefi, J)a er um biskupa 
skyldi kosningar vera i VestfirQinga-fjorSungi, annarr manna en 
Klsengr. Gu3mundr var vinr Hafli3a g63r. Ok J)a ri3r hann a 
milli ok menn me9 honum, ok vildi mi6la mal me3 J)eim; ok 
spur3i HafliSa, hverja tilaetlan hann hef6i um for sina; 'Ok gor 
sva vel, at J)ii far varlega, ok gaet virdingar f>innar ; af J)vi at sva er 
mikit fjolmenni fyrir, at J)ii hefir ekki Ii8s vid; ok eigu menn 
mikit i haettu, ef eigi gengr allvel til ; ok er J)dr engin svivirding i, 
at bua ]par mal til er J)d kemr framast at logum ok y3r er 6hsett. 
Mun ek ok me6 [J)eim] ykkrum at smia, at min or3 virdir meira, 
me3 J>a menn alia sem ek fse til. Haf f>ii nu vi8 ra6 vina JDmna, at 
J)u fylgir sva at eins malum J)essum, at J>u gaetir vel s6ma J)ins/ 
Hafli3i maelti : ' Sannlega er slikt maelt ok vingjarnlega, ok mun ek 
mjok J)at hafa er slfkir maela, er bgeSi eru heilradir ok vitrir ok eigu 
mikils kosti/ Ok J>a ri3r Gu8mundr a fund fcorgils, ok spur3i hverja 
tilaetlan hann hef3i a sfnni ra3a-gor3, sva mikit fjolmenni sem J>ar 
vaeri saman komit, ok buit sem til bardaga bsedi at vapnum ok 
odrum vidrbuningi. ^orgils kvezk J>at setla vasnst, at hann myndi 
vid leita at verja J)eim Hafli3a ok monnum hans baejar-rei8ina, 
annat-tveggja HeiSar-brekkurnar vid Saelingsdal, e5r Mjosyndi ef 


[1.34: i. 19.] 

t>eir ridi Svinadal. H sag3i GuSmundr : ' Eigi er slikt at maela ; 
en at Jwi er at hyggja vi6 hversu gofgan mann J)ii att malaferlum 
at skipta ; ok mun J)6 sa or3r6mr a falla, at JDU hafir J)6 all-mikil- 
mannlega farit, ]?6at ]DU takisk eigi meira a hendr, en jpii verir bae 
J)fnn, ok J)ar sem feYans-d6mrinn setti at vera, e3r landeign J)ina it 
mesta. En ef J)ii ferr me6r f>ann ofsa, sem f einskis mannz daemi 
er, J)a uggi ek, at {)u maetir ofsanum ok ofrkappinu a9r tykr malum 
ykkrum Haflida; t>vfat ek hefi hvergi heyrt daemi til, at nokkurr 
ma8r hafi me3 sliku ofrkappi farit e3r fram komizt. Ok fylg eigi 
sliku sva J)ratt ; J)igg heldr ra3 af vinum J^inum, er J)u \>6 matt eigi 
sja satt mal fyrir ofrkappi J)inu ; ok vill Hafli6i fara me6 vaeg3 ok 
stilling ; ok er varkunn at hann vili halda mali sinu til J)rautar ; ok 
muntu vilja vir5a or3 var vina J)inna, ok styra eigi morgum 
monnum f mikil vandrae3i/ Ok h^r faer hann heitor6 af t'orgilsi 
um ]:>etta. Ok i J)vi bili koma J)eir menn rfdandi er frorgils haf3i 
til sett at nj6sna um ferSir J)eirra Hafli3a ; ok kunnu f>eir J)at at 
segja, at hann mundi rfda Saelingsdal. Ok J>a eptir J)at bidr forgils 
flokkinn rf6a a m6ti J>eim HafliSa. Ok ri3u siSan allt J)ar til er J>eir 
k6mu upp um Steins-hyl at I'verdals-a. M bfda J>eir J)eirra Hafli8a; 
ok koma l J)ar hdra8s-menn J^eir er i millum gengu. Par eru hamrar 
hafir fyrir austan ana, en melar brattir fyrir vestan ; ok ma J)ar eigi 
hja ri3a, ef fjolmenni er mikit ; ok verfir J>etta naer at einstigi. Ok 
ri'Qa J)eir HafliSi at fram, ok stiga af baki ; en nefnir hann vatta, 
at J)eir megi eigi komask 6haett lengra; ok heyja J)ar f6rans- 
d6minn; ok er f>at eigi f Sta8arh61s-landi ; ok rada hvarigir a 
a8ra. Rei3 Haflidi heim norQr; en fcorgils sitr f biii sinu med 
atta tigi vigra karla; ok hof6u hvarir-tveggju vor3u d s^r um 

20. Skip haf3i sta8it uppi i Hrutafirdi um vetrinn, ok haf3i 
forgils keypt marga viSu til skala-gorSar, ok heim flutta, nema eitt 
hundraQ vi3ar haf3i eptir or3it. Ok J)at eitt fdkk HafliQi af sekSar- 
fjam vid fcorgils. f'au misseri var skdlinn gorr er torgils var i 
sekQinni.* Ok sa skali var J)a 6hrorligr er Magmiss biskup andaSisk 
Gizurarson. Ok Jaau misseri var Einarr forgilsson faeddr er hann 
var f sekfiinni. Eptir J)at sendir Haflidi or8 i allar sveitir, at 
bidja sdr H3s ok fulltingis, bae3i staerri menn ok smaerri. En 
um haustid stefndu J^eir samfund sm i miSli, Haflidi ok Hallr 

1 koma] add. Bm. 

ii2i.] &ORGILS SAGA OK HAFLIDA, 20, 21. 29 

[I- 35 : i. I9-] 

Teitzson ok f>6r6r forvaldzson Vatzfir6ingr. Ok var jpetta ]par 
um kveSit : 

Amb-h6T5i kom norSan, en 6rkn-hof5i sunnan, 
Hjart-hofdi kom vestan ; hofftu ra6 und skauti : 
T6ku mart at maela er menn spakir fundusk ; 
bo var ulbiiS serin i Amb-hof5a brjosti. 

Ok nu lidu af misserin ; ok er flest seinna en segir. 

21. Ok um varit eptir for Hafli6i Massori su3r yfir hei6i i 
Haukadal til kirkju-dags, Tveggja-Postula-messu Philippi ok 
Jacobi, til Hallz mags sms ; ok dvaldisk J3ar f g63u yfirlaeti. Ok 
tala6i ]:ar langt orendi um malin J)eirra f'orgils Oddasonar eptir 
allar tfflir um daginn ; ok sagSi, at honum J)6tti seV ervitt veita at 
skipta malum vid hann fyrir sakir ofrkapps ok fjolmennis. Ok 
talaSi J)ar um langt orendi ok snjallt, ok bad lidsinnis til J)ing- 
rei6ar, ok fjolmennis or he'raQinu ; ok ba3 Hall mag sfnn Ii5s ok 
styrkQar ; ok hann ba6 lids Iaer6a menn, at bi6ja skyldi fyrir J)eim 
til Gu6s, ok JDess, at mal JDCSSI lykisk me6 g66u; ok sva yr8i 
nokkurs-hattar, sem bezt gegndi ollu landz-buinu, en hann h^ldi J^6 
saem6 sfnni. ta svarar sa ma9r er ^orsteinn h^t af Drumb-Oddz- 
sto5um : * NauSsyn synisk mer mikil, at stySja or3 J)in ; J^viat \>u. 
hefir lengi borit skarQan hlut fyrir orgilsi, ok seti5 honum mikinn 
vansa.' M svarar Hallr Teitzson: 'fcorsteinn fdlagi, verum vit 
hljoSir ; ok ertii vesall mals ; eigi kunnu vit betr en hl/6a til ; 
J)ii vill vel en matt ilia; HafliSi hefir honum aldri vansa setid; 
en J)6 er honum ]petta nau6synja-mal ; ok sa einn er minn vinr, 
er J>essum malum fylgir siSr 1 .' Ok nu um sumarit fjolmenntu 
hvarir-tveggju til AlJMngis eptir fongum. Ok ri6u menn a J)ing inn 
nassta dag fyrir Jons messu [Baptistae], ok J)eir HafliSi magar ok 
Hallr Teitzson ok nokkurir flokkar med J)eim. Ri'6a snemma dags 
d'J)ingitj ok sn^r Hafli6i at bii6 f'orgils; ok brjota ni6r alia til 
jar3ar; ok siSan eggjar Hallr, at {>eir Hafli6i skuli riSa a moti 
f>orgilsi med J)vi H6i er J)eir fd til ; ok kallar J)at 6soma mikinn ok 
logleysu, at sekr ma6r ridr a helgat J)ing;' Ok minnumsk nu {)ess, 
at hann \6t eigi na at heyja f^rans-d6minn, J^ar sem vera atti at 
logum, nema menn berdisk 2 .' Ok ]3a ri6a J>eir upp a Vollu, ok 
gora J)ar fyrir-sat; ok var allt um seinna en segir af; {mat J)ar 
logdu margir menn orQ til ok lottu fyrir-satarinnar ; kv66usk f>a 
setla at hvarir-tveggju mundu JDa heldr lata leiSask til satta, er 

1 si6r] thus. 2 berSisk] edition ; beiddist, H, Br. 


[1.36,37: i. 20.] 

margir g66gjarnir menn altu hlut at; en sva margra mundi vid 
kostr ef menn saettask l eigi. Ok mart var5 til dvala ; ok er af ]pvf 
eigi ri6it lengra ; ok stiga menn af baki. M gengr at Ketill prestr 
forsteinsson, ok spurdi: 'RaeSr J)u Hafli3i fyrir-sdtinni?' 'Svd 
er vist,' sag3i HafliSi. Ketill maelti : * I>essi fyrir-aetlan er 6rd3leg ; 
maetti vera, at fcorgils taeki J)at rad, at rl6a i n6tt, e6r eigi alj^Su- 
veg, ef J)6 vill hann me6 kappi fara.' Ok ]Da gengr at t'orlakr 
biskup, er J)eir raeddu J)etta ; ok ba3 HafliSa, at hann fseri heim til 
bu3a ; ok vaeri Ieita5 um saettir. Hann svarar : ' f>etta mal er me'r 
miklu nauQsynlegra ok naer-kvaemara en J)etta megi i nokkura 
umraaSu leggja, at 2 sekir menn ri3i a helgat J)ing, ok brj6ti 3 sva 
landz-log. Ok {)d raun mun enn a bera af stundu, at eptir J>essu 
munu margir glikja, ef J)essum hty5ir.' i^a mselti biskup : ' I'at er satt 
sem ]DU maelir ; en hvart er J>at satt sem komit er fyrir oss, at J)essi 
misseri hafir J>u \>6r H6s be6it i allar sveitir, hofdingja ok minni menn, 
ok sva fataekja menn, ok hverja karar-kerling?' ' I'at er vfst satt,' 
sag5i HafliSi. Biskup sag6i : ' ^at var litilatligt, slfks mannz sem 
{)u ert, er ]DU vildir at allir menn [vaeri] f huga sfnum ok baenum 
J)^r f sinni. En J)6 mun J)at um maelt, at vitrum manni miss^nisk 
slfkt f meira lagi, ef J)u vill alia ina herfilegustu menn me5 J)^r i 
sinni; en J>enna inn d^rliga mann i m6ti J)dr, er messu-daginn d 
a morgin, ok gofgastr er naar einn af ollum Gu6s helgum monnum, 
at vitni sjalfs Gu8s ; ok mun bans rei5i a Hggja, ok muntu hana 
hafa ef JDU vill sva margs mannz b!65i ut hella um J)essa sok. En 
likast, ef J)u laatr fyrir-farask J)etta a J>essari hatf6 um frifiinn, at 
Gu3 muni J)^r, ok sa kappi Jon Baptista, s6ma-hlutarins unna i 
malunum. En hitt annat, er J)etta er einskis-vert hja, at Ip&r mun f 
oSrum heimi goldit J)at er nii gorir Jjii fyrir Gu5s sakir ok J6ns 
Baptista.' M svarar Haflidi : ' Sannlega er slfkt maelt ; en J)6 nennu 
ve*r eigi at heyja J)ingit f svd mikilli logleysu, at sekir menn rf3i 
d J)ingit.' Ok svd lauk, at Haflidi fyrir-kvad 4 J)at sem biskup 
beiddi. M v6ru ]?ar i fyrir-satinni t61f hundruS manna. 

22. En J)d fyrir-b^3r biskup ollum laerSum monnum at ganga i 
flokk me3 h6num ; en biSr alia alj)^3u til medal-gb'ngu me9 s^r. 
fess le*tusk margir bunir mundu. En J)d er f'orgilsi var fyrir- 
kve3in J)ingrei9in af HafliSa, J)d hleypSu menn at m6ti flokkinum 
^orgils, ok sogdu hvar komit var, ok hittu flokkinn fyrir nordan 

1 szttask] thus V. ; hittask, H, Br. 2 at] Br. ; ok, H. 8 brjota, H. * kva6] 
kvaddi, H. 

ii2.] tORGILS SAGA OK HAFLIDA, 22, 23. 31 

[I. 3 8: i. 21.] 

Sandvatn. f>ar var J)a sjau hundruS manna, f>ar var be6it Styrmis 
Hreinssonar af Gilsbakka, mags forgils. f>ar v6ru ]pa allir godorQz- 
menn me5 ^orgilsi fyrir vestan Blaskoga-heioM, nema f>6r8r 6r 
VatzfirSi. Ok sf3an t6ku menn hjal me6 se*r ok umraeSur, ok 
lottu flestir {)ingrei8arinnar vi6 sva mikinn liSs-mun. Ok J>a mselti 
fcorgils : ' f>at veit ek gloggt, ef {>ar er sva mikit fjolmenni sem 
sagt er, at J>ar munu f>eir margir, er i mmum flokki mundu sik 
kj6sa heldr ef >eir J>yr8i ; ok munu J)eir Iftt berjask me5 Haflida. 
En JDeir munu ok J)ar margir er fagna mundu J)vf ef annarr-tveggi 
okkarr l&isk; en hirda mundi J)eir aldri hvarr a brott kaemisk. 
En ek veit, at ek hefi sva trausta menn f minu foruneyti ok mjok 
6'rugga, at hverr mun heldr vilja falla um JDveran annan, en m^r 
verQi n6 eitt. Ok munu vr af lp\i fram halda fer6inni/ ta var 
Styrmir kominn me9 hundraS manna. Ok J)a maelti Styrmir : c fat 
vitu ve*r, hversu J)at er naer ollum gefit, at ongum {)ykkir s^r lid 
veitt me8 fullu nema vfgs-gengi s^ veitt 1 ; mi megu vr ok J>at sja, 
at f'orgilsi J)ykkir sdr eigi Ii3 veitt me9 fullu nema honum s^ vfgs- 
gengi veitt. Nu J>eir sem hdr eru saman-komnir, bindisk f J>vf, at 
skiljask eigi vi5 malin fyrr enn J)au liikask a nokkura Iei3, J>eir er 
nii vilja sjalfir sik leggja f sva mikla haettu.' [Styrmir svarar 2 ] : 
'En vita vil ek til hvers J>u villt d J)ingit fara annars en s^na 
ofrkapp J)ftt, ok st^ra svd morgum monnum f sva mikinn vanda/ 
t'orgils segir : ' f*at er orendi mitt til {)ings, at bj66a Hafli3a all- 
g63ar saettir til saemSar honum; en ef J)vi er neitaQ, njota J)a 
margra ok gofgra vina 3 , ok mikils brautar-gengis/ ' At {)essn er 
ollum veitanda voskum vinum J)inum,' sag9i Styrmir. 

23. M var fenginn til BarSr inn svarti, ok Aron sonr hans, 
ok nokkurir menn me9 {)eim, at riSa fyrir 4 , ok bera nj6sn, a5r en 
saman lysti flokkunum. En megin-li9it rei3 f fylkingu or Vfdi- 
kjorrum, ok ofan yfir hals at Sandvatni, ok toluSu mart um raSa- 
gor6ir ; ok var farit heldr t6mliga. Rei3 f'orgils f framan-verSri 
fylkingu sinni. I'd kvaS Ingimundr vfsu : 

Hallr vill-at 5 fri8 fullan; ferr Hafli&i at verja 
brei&an voll, ok bu&ir banna sk6gar-manni : 
f>ar rifir maetr 6 at moti (malm-ryri tel ek skyran) 
orSinn allrar ferdar Odda-sonr i broddi. 

1 veitt veitt] thus Br. ; ongum bykkir ser Ii9 vera veitt me8 fullu vi'gsgengi, H. 
2 Styrmir svarar] add. Bm. 3 vina] manna, H. * fy] beim, add. Br. 

5 vill-at] emend. ; vill a&r, H, Br. 6 mztr] ma8r, Br. 


[I. 39 ' ' 2I 

I'd kom {)ar at fcor6r prestr rfSandi, er kalladr var Lundar-skalli, ok 
nokkurir menn me3 h6num. Hann var auSk^fingr mikill, ok vinr 
fcorgils, tilkvaem3a-ma6r ' ok skilg63r. Hann spyrr, J>6 hann 
vissi a3r, um hvat J>eir aetti at rae8a, e5r hvar J)a vaeri hverju komit, 
e8r hvat menn vissu sfQast til flokksins HafliSa. H6num var sagt 
innilega, at flokkr HafliSa vaeri kominn a Vollu'na efri, ok aetludu at 
ri5a, ok verja vfgi alia J>inghelgina ; en biskup ok margir aSrir 
go3gjarnir menn lottu fyrir-satar ok m6trei8ar. En vissu eigi 
lengra ; ok menn v6ru sendir fyrir, at vita hvat tiSenda vaeri. 6r8r 
maelti : ' Eigi kann ek JDe'r, f'orgils, rad at kenna ; en d J>vf er me'r 
baena-staSr, at J)u fciggir at mr heimbod. En fyrir Iftilaeti J)itt ok 
fyrir ofusu mina skal J>at vera um mselt, at \>u hafir eigi til matar 
eins aptr horfit. En J)at er liklegast, at Haflioi haldi eigi fyrir-satina 
lengr en i dag e5r i n6tt 2 , ok muntu J)a mega rfda hlutlaust ; ok 
sva vel ma ver3a, at goSir menn komi sattum a me9 ykkr e8r 
griQum ; ok er J>a gott at rf6a, en hafa marga menn fir6a vand- 
rseQum, sva sem nu horfisk til.' En J>a er ^rSr lauk sfnu mali, J)d 
J)6kku9u honum margir vel ummseli sin, sva ok ff stu at sjd 3 vasri 
upp tekinn. 

24. Nii er at segja nokkut fra ferdum J>eirra fe5ga BarSar ok 
Arons : at J)eir koma ofan um Klyptir, ok sja nidr undir Armannz- 
felli fj6l8a mikinn hrossa ok manna. Ok hugsa nokkut fyrir seV 
raQit, ok f>ykkir eigi 61fklegt at jreir Hafli5i myndi t>ar fyrir sitja, 
ok gaeta sva hvarrar-tveggju leidarinnar, er onnur liggr fram undir 
Armannz-fell ok hja Sle8a-asi ; en onnur liggr Iei3in austr yfir hraun 
undir Hrafna-bjorg, ok undir Rey9ar-mula til Gja-bakka, ok svd 
austan um hraun til bu8a. feir Aron gora J)at ra5 me3 s^r at 
rf8a, ok hitta J)essa menn, ' Ok veit ek oss i ongum sokum vid 
menn. En nokkurir forunautar varir skulu ri8a si8arr, ok hug- 
Iei3a um, hvat i hverju 4 ver8r, ok segja f'orgilsi hvat sem i gorisk, 
ef nokkut er talmat um for vara ; ok felmtid eigi all-mjok, ok vitid 
me8 sannleik a8r hvat ^r skulut segja.' Ok mi n'8a {>eir BarQr 
inn svarti, ok Aron sonr hans ok nokkurir forunautar t>eirra, J)ar at 
fram er flokkrinn var fyrir. Ok hinir standa d faetr, er fyrir v6ru, 
med vapnum; ok sfns vegar hvarr J>eirra leiddr; ok J)ar J)rong 
mikil at gor, svd at hinir mattu eigi sja fyrir J)ronginni hvat um sik 
var ; ok hofdu {>at fyrir salt, at eir va-ri allir gorvir handteknir ; 

1 tilkvE&a-ma8r, H. 3 eSr i nott] Bm. ; e6r rida i nott, Br. 8 sjd] 

sii, H ; svo, Br. * hvat i hverju] Bm.; hvat hvoriu, H. 

ii2i.] WRGILS SAGA OK HAFLIDA, 24, 25. 33 

[I. 4 0: i. 22.] 

ok bundu eigi lengi si3an byrQarnar 1 , ok ri9u si3an aptr skyndilega 
til fundar vi6 l>orgils, ok sogQu . . . 2 mikla at eigi mun tidenda-laust 
vera. fcorgils mselti: 'Fra hverjum er tidendum at segja?' 'Ve*r 
kunnum fra ongum ti3endum at segja vislega,' en sogdu J)6 fra ]pvf 
hvar J)eir Bardr skil6usk: 'Ok J)ar var mikill fjoldi manna fyrir 
ofan SleSa-as, ok J)angat ri6u J>eir BarSr ; ok J)at J)6ttumsk veV sja, 
at menn spruttu upp i flokkinum me3r vapnum ok gor3u J>a hand- 
tekna alia at minnzta kosti.' f>orgils maelti : * f>6ttusk jpdr nokkut 
vita hvat 3 flokki J>at mundi vera, e5r kenndu jpeV nokkut menn e3r 
burning J^eirra e6r farar-skjota?' Sendimenn maeltu 4 : 'Eigi vilju 
v^r J^at vist segja ; en ]pat hugsu6um v^r, at flokkr HafliQa mundi 
vera, ok kenna ]x>ttumk ve> 5 Kinn-skjona fostra J)inn er J)ii gaft 
Bo5vari magi J)inum i fyrra sumar a Al]pingi ; ok eigi kunnu vr 5 
at kenna, ef eigi var J)ar spj6ti6 J)at it gullrekna er J>u gaft honum/ 
Margir toku undir at J>etta mundi vist tidendum gegna ; ok einsaett 
vaeri at >iggja heldr vir9ingar-heimbo6 at ^orSi, heldr en at leggja 
sjalfan sik i slika mann-haettu ok menn sina, at ganga til bardaga 
i m6ti sva miklu ofrefli; ok s^na sva mikinn ofsa, at gaeta eigi 
somans ; fyrir ]?vi at haettu-laust mundi at ri3a um morguninn, e6r 
a tveggja natta fresti. Ok toku upp allt hjal 6r5ar. 

25. torgils hl^ddi til me6an aSrir maeltu slikt, ok lagSi ekki til, 
ok hugsaSi fyrir s^r malit. Ok f>a er a6rir spur6u hvert ra3 taka 
skyldi, maellti I'orgils: 'Ef jpetta er sva sem sagt er, at menn 
varir inir voskustu ok skilbeztu s^ gorvir handteknir, ok klanda6ir 
e6r meiddir e6a drepnir, J)a mun oss amaelis-samt ver6a ef v^r 
ridum sva a brott at v6r vitim ongan hlut gorr enn v6r getum til. 
Hitt er i o3ru lagi 6 , at J)eir J)6ttusk kenna J)a tva gripi, best ok 
spjot, er ek gaf Bo6vari magi mmum, er hann myndi hvarngan 
lausan lata at vilja sinum. Ok ef honum er or6it nokkut til meins, 
J)a vil ek n'6a, ok vita ef ek mega nokkurum hefna. En ef sva er, 

1 bundu byr8arnar] conject. ; ok bundu eigi lengi siSan ' byr vi6,' H ; ' byr md,' 
Br. ; bi8u beir mi eigi lengi byrjarins, Bm. a . . .] we are unable to restore 

the preceding words ; ok sog6u ' snara sogu ok ' mykla, H ; ok sog&u ' snora sog ' 
mykla, Br. ; ok sogSu honum ok snara sogu mikla, Bm. In which ' sog ' or ' sogu ' 
may be hidden either sogti, i. e. ' soguru,' or ' svagi.' 3 hvat] emend. ; hverra 

flokkr, H, Br. * sendimenn maeltu] add. H. 5 JxSttumk v^r kunnu v^r] 

emend. ; pottist ek . . . kann ek, Br., H. None of the messengers is named in the 
preceding, except Bard and Aron. The returning messengers are here represented 
speaking as a body. 6 lagi] here begins the vellum B (Arna-Magn. I 22 a. in 


VOL. I. D 


[1.41,42: i. 23.] 

sem ek vaenti at vera muni, at hann s heill madr ok fylgi sjalfr 
gripum sfnum til fulltings vi3 oss me3 flokki miklum, en vser ri3im 
d brott, en latim hann eptir f haska, J>a man enn eigi latiQ orQa- 
laust vid oss. Ok er J>at sem ek sag8a ; at ek vil n'6a til f>ingsins, 
hvat sem annars er, me3 J)d menn sem me'r vilja fylgja ; en J>eir 
hverfi aptr er at s^nisk drengilegra.' Ok sn^r alei3is. Ok rida 
menn ofan um Sand-klyptir. En enginn vildi aptr hverfa, J>egar 
J>eir sja at hann tja3i eigi at letja ; ok v6ru allir skeleggir f f>vi at 
skilja eigi vid hann hvat sem a" a3ra hond baeri. 

26. Nu er at segja nokkut fra t>eim Bardi ok Aroni : at eir 
rf3a fram at flokkinum, ok menn standa upp i moti, ok fagna 
J>ar hvarir odrum vel, af J)vi at t>ar var vina-fundr. ar var fyrir 
BoSvarr Asbjarnarson, ok Gu6mundr ^orgeirsson magr fcorgils ; 
ok hof3u J)eir me3 s^r vel hundraQ manna; ok var >ar hvarum- 
tveggjum mikill hugr a, at spyrja aSra tiSenda 1 . Bodvarr fr^ttir 
Bar6 at fyrir-aetlan ^orgils; en BarSr fre'ttir Bofivar ti5enda af 
J)inginu. Ok var {)ar J>rongzt at ollu-megin, er margir vildu heyra 
hvat sagt var. Ok er J)eir hafa vi6 talask um hrf3, t>a ri5a J)eir 
Bar5r enn lengra, ok allt f>ar til er J>eir koma ofan a Vollu at 
flokkinum Hafli3a ; ok var J>eim vel fagnat, af J)vi at margir vissu 
a J)eim fefigum mikil deili, J>viat l>eir v6m skilg66ir menn ok 
margra gofgra manna vinir. Ok eru J)eir fr^ttir hvat eir kunnu at 
segja af ferdum Argils e6r fjolmenni. f>eir segja at f>orgils vaeri 
kominn su6r a heiQina frd Reykjadal me6 mikit fjolmenni. * Ok 
t>a k6mu menn d moti flokkinum ok sog6u torgilsi, at honum 
vaeri bonna6 {)ingrei6in ; ok J>at me3, ef hann aetlaQi at ri5a eigi 
at sidr, at Haflidi getla6i at verja h6num alia J)inghelgina. En 
fcorgils kva5 Hafli3a mundu hafa kastad J>vi fram vi6 ongan aloga ; 
en hinir sogSu at oruggu, at satt vaeri, ok at HafliSi vseri kominn 
a ferd me5 t61f hundru3 manna, J>a er J)eir vissu sfdast. Ok vi& 
J)etta nam flokkr f'orgils sta6ar, ok t6ku ra3a-gor6 me3 s^r hvern 
upp skyldi taka. Ok i {)vi stoS J)a er vser vissum sf3ast.' 

27. Eptir J>etta rf3a J)eir heim til biiQa, ok fara til fundar vi6 
t'orlak biskup. Biskup fagnar peim fe6gum vel. Ok J>ar segja hvarir 
68rum allan triinad, ok hvar komit var ollu jafnt-saman. Si'3an senda 
t>eir feSgar ^orgilsi nj6sn af skyndingu, ok lata segja h6num sva 
skapat 2 sem var, ok J>eir hofSu visir or3it. Nj6snar-menn k6mu 
til fundar vi3 {>orgils undir Armannz-felli fyrir ofan Sleda-as, J)ar 

1 ok var tidenda] om. B. 2 skapat] B ; skipat, Cd. 

ii2i.] K3RGILS SAGA OK HAFLIDA, 20-28. 35 

[I- 43'. i- M.] 

sem J)eir Bodvarr 1 hflfdu be5it, ok segja f>orgilsi allt sem vaxit 
var. f>eir segja J)at ok, at bu5in i>orgils var oil brotin at jor3u. 
i>a maelti Bo3varr : ' fat er s^nt i sliku, at Ham'64 sparir Iftt hendr 
varar at hefna; enda vaeri J)at ok eigi fjarri at hann reyndi, hvart 
veV kunnim nokkut fleira at vinna en gora upp bii6ina i'orgils; 
J)vfat nu klaeja oss lofarnir mjok.' Ok t6k at berja vapnum d 
hlifarnar. M t6ku margir undir, at ]pat vaeri liklegast, at f>orgils 
miindi rada at sinni athofnum ]?eirra. M kvad f>orgils visu : 

Mun-at oss-*vita Asum arm-sprengjandi 2 lengi 
(bat segi'k gulls ins gjalla Ger3r) J)inglogi ver&a. 

'Ok munu vaer rj3a/ sag6i t'orgils, *eigi at si^r ; ok verdr for 
sem md/ 

28. Nu ferr tveimr sognum fram ; M er biskup hefir til sin 
kallat Iaer6a menn, J)a gengr hann i annat sinn a fund >eirra 
Haflida ok mselti : ' Ertii nu, Hafli6i, ra6inn til, at vir6a heV einskis 
mannz or6 n^ vilja til heim-gongunnar?' 'Sva verSr nu fyrst at 
sinni */ sagSi Haflidi. Biskup mselti : ' Pa. munu v^r ganga heim 
til kirkju. Ok af |>vi valdi er Gu9 gaf P^tri Postula at binda ok 
leysa allt a jor6u ok himni ; en hann gaf Clementi pafa, ok hvarir 
af 4 oSrum t6ku J)at veldi, en Otzurr erkibiskup gaf m^r; ok fyrir 
f>at atkvaeSi mun ek banna y6r h^r at sitja, ok neita ssettunum en 
slita fridinn, Eru J>au m^r or6 komin af Argils hendi, at hann vill 
saemileg bo6 bj65a fyrir sik/ Ok endir biskup sva malit : ' At af 
J)essi roksemd allri jafnt-saman, ef mitt mal ma nokkut standask 
vid Gu6 ok varar bzenir, at hann s^ J)dr sva baena a doms-degi, 
sem J)ii ert m^r nu baena.' M maelti Hafli5i : ' Ver8r {>at at lyktum 
mala-ferlis okkars I>orgils sem audit ver^r, ok slika virding hverr 
a leggja sem s^nisk. En vid jpessa umraeSu J)ma mun ek eigi 
berjask daglangt 5 , ef a6rir ra6a eigi fyrri a oss 6 , ef essir menn 
heita at skiljask eigi vi6 mal mfn fyrr en J)au lukask nokkurn veg til 
s6ma. ' Ok ndir 7 J>u einn at gSra,' sag6i Hallr Teitzson. Ok J>vf 
jatudu menn, H maelti Einarr Gilsson: 'frgg J>u Haflidi f>etta 
heilraedi, er biskup kennir J)dr ; en slfkt veitu veV \>6r eptir helgina 
sem ve*r hofum fong d. f Ok sidan ganga J)eir Haflidi heim til 

1 Bofivarr] B ; brsedr, Cd. 2 -andi] B ; -anda, H, Br. 3 fyrst at sinni] 

sem J>at quedi, B. * af ] at, B. 6 daglangt] B ; i dag, H, Br. ef aSrir 
oss] thus emend. ; in Cd. this sentence has been displaced and put after Hallr Teitzson ; 
B om. 7 nair] B ; vaer, Cd. In B the whole passage runs thus, ... til soma, ok 
nair pii einn at gora. f>a svarar Hallr Teitzson. Ok bvi jattu menn (!). 

D 2 



biida. En i annan stad rfda {>eir l>orgils til budar bans d vollinn, 
ok sjd {>ar vegs um merki, at biiQir bans v6ru m'8r brotnar. Ok 
bj6da h6num margir sfnar bii&ir at tjalda ; en hann neitti t>vf, ok 
vildi ekki annat en lata upp gora sma bti6. Ok J>d ge*kk til 
Saemundr inn Fr66i vid nokkura menn. Ok var tekit til at gora upp 
budina um aptaninn, ok var5 lokit fyrir 6ttu-song um n6ttina ollu 
starfinu. Ok mi er leitad um saettir med t>eim f>orgilsi ok HafliSa ; 
ok vill Hafli<5i ongar ssettir nema sjalfdaemi. Ok JDCSS varnaSi l>or- 
gils eigi, at Haflidi gordi f6 slfkt l til saem3ar seV sem hann vildi, en 
undan vaeri skilSar mann-sek3ir allar ok goSord ok stadfesta. Ok 
stod f J)vi um helgina, at Haflidi vill einn rd$a 6skorat. Ok jDykkir 
J>d beggja vinum vant a milli at ganga. Ok eptir messu-daginn 
inn nsesta dag sfd um aptaninn J)i er flestir menn hof3u lagzt til 
svefns, J>a g^kk Ketill forsteinsson til budar HafliSa me6 nokkura 
menn ; ok var h6num t>ar vel fagnad, ok mselti hann til Haflida : 
* Stor mein J>ykkja vinum ydrum a t>vf, ef eigi skulu saettir takask 
ok lukask mal J)essi me6 g69u, ok J)ykkir morgum fyrir van komit, 
e6r naer J)vi. Nu kann ek J)^r eigi ra8 at kenna. En dsemi-sogu 
vil ek segja J)^r : 

29. ' V^r 6xum J>ar upp i Eyjafir6i ; ok var J>at maelt at ]?at U6 
vaeri efnilegt. Ek gat ok J>ann kost er beztr 6tti vera, Gr6 d6ttur 
Gitzorar biskups. En J>at var maelt, at hon l^ti 2 mik eigi einhlitan. 
^at J)6tti m^r ilia er J)at var maelt, ok tilraunir v6ru gorvar, ok 
gengu J)aer vel. En eigi at sidr J>a J)6tti mdr fllr or8romr sd er 
Iag6isk. Ok fyrir J)at lagQa ek fjandskap d manninn. Ok eitt- 
hvert sinn, er vit hittumk a fornum vegi, J)a veitta ek h6num athlaup, 
ok vilda ek vinna a h6num ; en hann rann undir hoggit, ok var8 
ek undir. Sidan bra hann knifi, ok stakk i auga m^r, ok mista ek 
sjonar at auganu. t>d l^t [hann] Gu3mundr Grimsson mik upp 
standa ; ok var J)at nokkut med 61ikindum, at J>vi sem ek virda ; 
ek hafda tvau megin bans, enda J)6tti me'r vera mundu okkarr slikr 
munr i odru. Ok J>essa vilda ek greypilega 3 hefna meQ fraenda afla, 
ok gora manninn sekjan; ok bjoggu v^r mal til. En J>6 ur8u til 
nokkurir afla-miklir menn me6 h6num at veita at malum, ok 
6nyttusk svd mln mal.' Ok mi md ok vera, at til verdi nokkurir 
at veita f>orgilsi J)6 at jrin malefni s^ r^ttilegri. ' Ok J)d er svd var 
komit, J)d budu J)eir f fyrir mdlit. Ok J)d hug6a ek at, hvat 

1 te slikt] sekt, B. a leti] gerdi, B. 3 greypilega] B ; greiftliga, H, Br. 

ii2i.] K)RGILS SAGA OK HAFLIDA, 29, 30. 37 


hef6i at borizk, e8r hversu allt hef3i tekizk J>unglega ; ok neitta ek 
fe'botunum. Ok sa ek >a, at {>at var eitt hjalp-raSit, at skjota 
malinu a Guds miskunn, J)viat a6r t6ksk allt J>a oSru J^unglegar til 
mannvirSingar um mftt ra5; ok ek legSa ofrkapp vi6 ofmetna9 
Modruvellinga, hve J>ung-keypt me'r mundi vera l . Fann ek J)a jpat, 
allz 2 ek hugda at mannvirdingu, at ekki mundi J)ser baetr fyrir 
koma at me'r mundi ]?at at mann-soma ver8a. GorSa ek J)a fyrir 
Gu3s sakir, at gefa h6num upp allt malit. Vissa ek J)at, at J)a 
munda ek t>at fyrir taka, at me'r vseri halld-kvaemst. Ok J)a bau3 ek 
h6num til min ; ok var hann me8 me'r lengi si5an. Ok J)a snerisk 
J)egar orSromrinn, ok J>ar me8 vir8ing manna; ok lagQisk me'r 
hverr hlutr si3an meirr til gaefu ok vir8ingar en a8r. Ok vsenti 
ek af Gu8i r at sva muni J)^r fara. Ok haf J>u nd af hjali minu J)at 
er J)e*r J)ykkir n^tanda/ sag8i Ketill. 

30. Pi J>akka5i Hafli5i h6num vel ok mselti : ' at mal hefir h^r 
verit at rae8a a {)ingi, er mikils er vert 3 ; hvern vr Nor8lendingar 
skyldim til biskups kjosa f stad Jons biskups; en til mfn skjors 
hafa flestir vikit. En fyrir malum J)essum hefir eigi sva skj6tr d6mr 
a fallit. En mi JDarf eigi lengr at lita a {>a kosning, at ek verd eigi 
a annat sattr sumar-langt, en ^)u s^r til biskups kosinn ; ok ]pat er mitt 
vit, at J)a s6 fyrir landz-monnum bezt 4 hugat,. at J)vf mann-vali sem 
mi er, ef J)ii ver9r biskup/ Ok f(6kk honum Haflida mikils vi6- 
hjal 5 J^eirra. Ok J>a9an f fra var hann meirr smiinn til satta en 
adr, ok miklu au8mjukari. Ok J)a maelti Ketill : ' Ek em osaemilegr 
sliks orendis. ^at megu allir sja 6 hver st6r-l^ti a m^r eru fyrir 
manna augum; en miklu eru J)6 meiri l^ti a minum hag f Gu8s 
augliti, at ek em 6fallinn til biskups-tignar.' Ok J)ar kom at nest- 
lokum malsins,. at Ketill maelti : ' Ef J>a vaeri naer um ssettir y8rar 
en a3r, J>a kvi8jumsk 7 ek eigi J)enna vanda, ef til J)ess er annarra 
vili slfkr sem })inn.' Eptir {>enna atburQ var leitad um saettir enn a 
n/ja-leik af goSgjornum monnum, ok var heldr torsott; ok var 
Hallr tregari i ollu malinu en Haflidi. En {>6 var5 sii saett J)eirra, 
at Hafli8i skyidi gora f6 sva mikit sem hann vildi fyrir averkana, en 
fra v6ru skil8ar sekSir allar ok go8or8 ok sta8festa, sem bo8it var 

1 ok ek legda vera] thus we have tried to restore this passage ; ok ek sag3a 
ofrkapp vaeri ok metnaft Moftruvellinga, hve bung heipt mer mundi vera, Cd.; 
B omits the whole passage. 2 allz] bd, add. H, Br. 3 vert] ok, add. Cd. 

4 bezt] B ; mest, Cd. 5 viohjal] vidhjali, Cd. ; vidrtal, B. 6 sja] B ; lita, Cd. 
7 kvidjumsk] B ; kvedjumst, H, Br. 


[1.46,47= . 270 

f fyrstunni. Ok J)at fylgSi, at hverr J)eirra manna j^riggja, er til 
handsala gengu, unnu Fimtard6ms-ei5 l Hafli6a, at gjalda slfkt fd 
sem gort vaeri. En J?essir menn gengu til handsala: fcorsteinn 
Gellisson fra Fr6Sa, au6ma5r mikill en rndgr f>orgils; hann atti 
Steinvoru d6ttur fcorsteins Arasonar. Annarr Styrmir Hreinsson af 
Gilsbakka, ma"gr fcorgils; {>6rf9r d6ttir f>orgeirs Galltasonar var 
m66ir Styrmis; en Styrmir frorgeirsson var faSir Hallz, fo6ur 
Kolfinnu. friSi maSr gkk til handsala frorsteinn ranglatr, at 
\>vi sem mik minnir 2 . Ok ]}a er lokit var malum J>essum J)a var 
sja visa kve in : 

Mattid* seigum sattum sandkorn fyrir standa; 

6 latti mjok maga mal at grei&a tali : 

Barr* kva& hlym-bjo&r hjorva hyr-mildr at a skyldi 

til egg-J>rimu osa 5 al-J>j66 6 fara bra&la. 

Mattid maga sattum (mal dragask Ijot til bota) 

(geigr var9 vi& sva&) seigam sandkorn fyrir standa : 

HraS-slongvir ba9 hringa hug-striSr fara si&an 

alia bjo& hinn er T olli all-skjott 8 megin-brjozku. 

31. 1*655 hafSi a kennt i medal-gongu manna, J>a er um saettirnar 
var Ieita8, at Halli J)6tti eigi J)urfa at draga allmikit Ii8 saman, 
nema Haflifii neytti {>ess um sinn-sakir um nauSsynja-mal sin, e6r 
r^5i einn ella 6skorat ; ok l^t Haflida serit te hafa a gamals-aldri, 
ef hann h^ldi 9 virfiing smni. Enn t>ri5ja dag fyrir J)inglausnir 
gengu menn fjolmennir til hvarir-tveggju, er saettin skyldi vera upp 
sog8. Hafli8i gor3i fyrir averkana atta tigu hundra8a J)riggja alna 
aura, voru-virt f^ ; lond 10 nor8r i Nor5lendinga-fj6r8ungi, gull ok 
silfr, Noraenan 11 varning, jarnsmidi, rifligir gripir {>eir sem ekki 
vaeri minna f< en kugildi, geldir hestar ; J>vi at einu gra8r hestr, at 
merr fylgir ; ok J)vi at einu merhross ef hestr fylg8i, ok ekki hross 
ellra enn t61f vetra ok eigi yngra enn J)rd-vett ; gjalddagi a f^inu 
skyldi vera fyrir bu8ar-durum Hafli3a, e6r faera h6num heim gjaldit 
d sumu f^nu ; en hann virda sjalfr f&t. M er Hafli8i sagdi upp 
voxt fjdrins, J)a svara8i Skapti f>6rarinsson : ' D^rr mundi Hafli8i 
allr 12 , ef svd skyldi vera hverr limr.' M sagdi HafliSi: 'Eigi 
mundi sja tunga J)a eptir maela ef []pess] {>yrfti vi8 ; ok ferr t>etta 

1 at hverr unnu Fimtard6ms-ei&] at hverr beirra fimtardoms manna briggja er 
til hansala gengu unnu eiS, B (badly). a at bvi sem mik minnir] om. B. 
3 mattia] B. * barr] B ; baet, Cd. s osa] thus B. al-bj6&] thus B. 

7 hinn er] ba er, B. 9 all-skjott] B ; auSskjot um, Cd. 9 heldi] B ; heldr, 

Cd. 10 !ond] add. B. austraenan, B. l2 vera, add. Cod., but om. B. 

ii2i.] f>ORGILS SAGA OK HAFLIDA, 31, 32. 39 

[1.47,48: 1.27.] 

meirr eptir JDVI sem vilja mundi Bo3varr Asbjarnarson e8r aSrir 
ovinir varir er 1 ek skal fe* taka a me'r, heldr en ek hefSa me'r 
J>enna hlut setla6 ; ok meirr hefi ek {>essa saett Iati6 vera eptir baen 
vina varra, heldr en eptir fegirni einni saman/ Bo6varr maelti: 
' Af jpvi at {)essu er meirr a mik vikit en a6ra, J>a ver3 ek at svara ; 
ek mun eigi J>etta osanna 2 , af ]pvi at vanhlutarins unna ek J)^r sliks 
e9r meira en fjarins eigi.' f>at hafdi Bo6varr maelt ]?a er HafliSi 
sag3i upp sattina : ' i>ar reis at undir kroki/ ok J>vi kvaddi HafliSi 
Bo5var at ; enda var avalt 6titt 3 me3 J)eim. {orgils mselti : ' Gefi 
menn vel hljo6 mali HafliSa, J)vi at hdr hefir hvarr okkarr J>at er 
vel ma vi3 una.' 

32. Ok eptir J)etta J)6kku5u hvarir-tveggju vel si'num Ii5veizlu- 
monnum fylg5 ok foruneyti ok allan soma. Ok fyrr en ^orgils 
kaemi heim af J>ingi, J>a haf5i hann eigi minna fe J)egit af vinum 
sfnum ok fraendum, en atta tigi hundra9a : En margir bu6u 
honum heim or ollum sveitum, bae5i nor6an, ok sunnan, austan ok 
vestan, J)eirra 4 er hann vitja6i si5an; ok leystu J)eir hann me5 stor- 
kostlegum gjofum a braut. Ok farit var vi6a at krefja fjar um Vest- 
fir5inga-fj6r6ung. En at ollu f6nu upp luktu, J)vi sem gort hafdi 
verit, J)a gaf fcorgils Hafli6a vir6ulegar gjafar, st65hross nmm saman, 
fingr-gull, ok feld hla6buinn, er h num haf6i gefit SigriSr, dottir 
Eyj61fs Snorra sonar Go6a austan fra HofSabrekku, er att haf6i 
Jon Kdlfsson. fcangat sotti I'orgils heimbod, ok JDa gaf hon honum 
J)essa gripi alia 5 . HafliSi maelti : ' Nu s^ ek, at J)d vill heilar saettir 
okkrar, ok skulu [vit] mi betr vi3 sja deilum en a3r.' Ok {>at 
efndu J>eir, ok stoQu einu-megin at malum avalt si6an me3an J>eir 

1 er] add. B. 9 ek mun eigi osanna] emend. ; ok mun ek etta osanna, H ; 
ok mun ekki {>etta osanna, Br.; B om. 'ekki.' 3 otitt] o^ykt, B. * Jieirra] 

l>eir, B. 6 J>angat alia] add. B. 



A. D. 1148-1183. 

[1.53.54: ii-8.9-3 

1. fcoRGiLS h^t ma9r Oddason ; hann var hofdingi mikill ; hann 
bj6 a Sta3arholi i Saurbae. Sa sami ^orgils atti deilu vi8 Haflida 
Masson sem fyrr segir *. Hallbera h^t m68ir bans, Ara d6ttir af 
Reykjanesi 2 . Hann atti Kolfinnu d6ttur Hallz Styrmis sonar 
nordan or ViSidal fra Asgeirs-a. f>essi v6ru born J>eirra J)au er 
k6musk or barnaesku: Oddi ok Einarr; ok daetr: Hallbera er 
atti Gunnsteinn f>6risson er bjo nor3r i Reykjardal a EinarsstoSum ; 
b'nnur var ValgerSr, er atti forhallr Finnzson austr i Flj6tzdals- 
h^rafii; J)ri6ja Alof, er atti Snorri Kalfsson er bj6 d Mel i Mid- 
fir6i; f]6r5a Aldis 3 er atti Ornolfr Kollason fra Snjofjollum 6r 
f safirSi ; fimmta Gunnhildr er atti Halld6rr Bergsson ; s&ta Ingi- 
bjorg er atti BoQvarr Barkarson ; sjaunda GuSriin er atti Halld6rr 
slakkaf6tr 4 f>6rarinsson er bj6 i Fagradal. Oddi torgilsson var at 
fostri me6 Saemundi Sigfiissyni f Odda; ok var hann prestr 5 . 
Einarr f'orgilsson var at fdstri me6 ^orgeiri Sveinssyni at Brunna ; 
Vi6arr 6 h^t sonr f'orgeirs. Vermundr inn au3gi bj6 a Holi i 
Saurbae ; hann dtti P6r&i Starradottur ; {>orbjorn h^t son J)eirra, en 
^ra d6ttir ; onnur ^orbjorg, er atti Ari Einars son, Ara sonar. $6ru 
atti f>orgils Simonarson ; J>eirra synir, Gunnlaugr 7 ok Jon, Jorundr 8 , 
I'orgeirr. M bj6 a StaS i Hriitafir8i Skeljungr Helgason; hann 
atti orger8i, d6ttur Asbjarnar ins daufa ; born Jjeirra v6ru, Helgi 
prestr, Narfi ok frorlaug, er atti J6n f'orgilsson. 

1 sa sami segir] om. B. a Reykjanesi] Reykjaholum, B. a Aldis] 

Alfdis, B. * slakkafotr] slatr fotr, B. s ok var hann prestr] thus Cd. ; ok 

var& hann for (i. e. fr66r), B (badly). 6 ViSarr] Gunnarr, B. 7 prestr, add. B. 
8 Jorundr] Vermundr, B. 

STURLU SAGA, 1-3. 41 

[I. 55 : ii. 10.] 

2. Snorri logsogu-maSr Hunbogason bjo at SkarSi a Nerfiri 
Strond ; bans moSir var Yngvildr Hauksdottir ; hennar mo6ir he't 
torgerdr ; hennar m6dir Yngvildr ; hennar m66ir f>orbjorg dottir 
Olafs Hoskullz sonar. M63ir Hoskullz var fcorgerdr, dottir torsteins 
[rauSs], Olafs sonar ins Hvita, Ingjaldz sonar. M66ir Ingjaldz var 
Alof, d6ttir SigurQar Orms-i-auga. Snorri I6gsogu-ma3r atti Yng- 
vildi Atlad6ttur. Synir ]peirra voru jpeir fcorgils ok Narfi, fa3ir Snorra 
prestzerj>arbj6si3an. Alfr OrnolfssonbjoiFagradaloSrum 1 . Birn- 
ingr Steinarsson bjo i Tjaldanesi ; hann atti Helgu dottur orgeirs 
langhofSa ; dottir J>eirra he't Signer. M66ir Birnings var Hallfridr 
Birnings dottir, Halldors sonar, Snorra sonar Go6a. Undir Felli 
a Sy3ri Strond bjo Por&r Gilsson ; moQir ^orSar var f>6rdis, dottir 
GuSlaugs 2 or StraumfirSi ok 6rk6thi, Halldors dottur, Snorra 
sonar Go5a. P6r6r Gilsson t6k viQ go5or9i Snorrunga eptir 
Mana-Ljot. 6r6r atti Vigdisi dottur Svertings Grimssonar. Born 
t>eirra voru, Sturla ok Snorri, fcordis ok GuSriin. Hallr son f'orSar 
gufu var huskarl 3 undir Felli ; ok graeddi f6 J)ar til er hann keypti 
land ok gorQi bii 4 i Flekkudal. Hann elskaSi Sturlu er hann var 
ungr, ok gorSisk fostri hans. Hallr atti J)a konu er GuSbjorg he't ; 
J>eirra synir voru J)eir Grfmr, Snorri, Ingjaldr. Erlendr he't ma6r er 
bjo i Svmaskogi ; hann atti Alofu, dottur fcorsteins 5 Kuggasonar ; 
J>eirra dottir var GuQleif. Erlendr andaSisk en Alof bjo J>ar eptir, ok 
J)6tti vera kvenna fridust ok gorvilegust. Sturla forSarson tok J)ar 
til ra6s, ok hafdi hana heim [vi5 s^r], ok attu J)au fimm born : Helga, 
ValgerSr ; Sveinn ok f*6ri6r v6ru jafn-gomul ; SigriSr, hon var ein 6 . 

3. Skeggi het ma5r er bjo a Skarfssto3um, sonr Gamla Skeggja- 
sonar skamm-hondungs ; hann var sonr f>6rdisar 7 , systur Grettis 
Asmundarsonar. Skeggi var vitr ma9r ok gildr b6ndi. l*6roddr 
h^t annarr son Gamla er bj6 i f ) 6r61fs-hofn 8 ; hann var g63r bondi ; 
son hans he't Vilmundr. Einarr he't inn ]pri3i son Gamla er bjo f 
Midfirdi ; hann atti Sigri6i Kalfsdottur, systur Snorra. Helga he't 
dottir Gamla er atti fcorarinn Kroksfj6r9r ; J)eirra synir v6ru J)eir, 
J6n, f'orsteinn, Oddi ; Jieir v6ru miklir menn ok sterkir. M bj6 i 
Hvammi {'orkell prestr, g69r bondi ; hann atti ]?6runni Ormsdottur ; 

1 69rum] add. B. a Gunnlaugs, B. 3 var huskarl] thus B ; bj6, Cd. (H, 

Br.), which may be the truer reading. 4 ok gordi bii] om. B. 5 |>orsteins] 

emend.; |>orgeirs, Cd. and B. 6 Helga or Valger8r voru iafngamlar. Sveinn ok 
|juri8r voro ok iafngaml. SigrirSr (!) ht einn, B (badly) 7 Herdisar skeggja, B 
(badly). 8 |>j6a61fshdfn, B. 


[1.56: ii. ii.] 

jDeirra synir v6ru J>eir Gu^mundr prestr ok Bjarni. f>eir voru 
gorfilegir menn. En er l>orkell andaSisk, J)a eyddusk fe fyrir JDeim 
braedrum, ok seldu J)eir landit BoSvari Barkarsyni. GunnvarSr 1 
h6t prestr litlendr ; J>essi v6ru born bans : As61fr, (58alrikr 2 , 
Margre't; J)au vcru gorfilegir menn ok foru me8 verka-kaup um 
sumrum 3 . 

4. Nu er fra J)vf sagt, at 65alrikr fkk seV vist me5 Skeggja 
Gamlasyni. f'at bar um sumarit til tiSenda at sex dinar leVepts 
hurfu Arnoru konu Skeggja. En hann Skeggi J)6ttisk J>at spurt 
hafa, at Vigdis fylgju-kona OSalriks myndi hafa ; h6n var skillitil 
kona, ok var Jm vestr i solva-rjoru i Saurbae ; h6n var at herbergi f 
sau6a-husum fyrir Hvitadal. Skeggi heimti (56alrik a mal, ok kva8 
[sva at or6i] : l Sva er nu mal me6 vexti, at l^rept nokkut er horfit ; 
ok b^8r hugr minn helzt 4 , at J)it munit handhafa 5 at or6it, ok vilda 
ek at J)ii seg6ir m^r i truna6i, ok mun J)a ltt falla/ Hann svarar, 
ok kvezk eigi aetla slfk orQ Skeggja fyrir sitt starf, er hann vann 
fyrir honum. Skeggi mselti: 'Vili Jjit festa jarnbur8?' O3alrikr 
kvazk J)at gjarna vilja. Ok Skeggi 1& |>at fram fara; ok Idzk J)6 
eigi vilja hann i vistinni J)ar til [er] hann hefSi hrundit malinu. 
OSalrikr kvad s^r J)6 eigi titt at bera jam, ef hann skyldi lata 
vistina. Skeggi sagSi : ' Sva er at varask ill ra5, at J>at er jafnan, 
at J>au lukask opt eigi vel/ En meQ t>vi at Skeggi var maSr ok 
vinsaell, ok haldsamr a sfnu mali, J)6tt stormenni aetti hlut at, J)d 
vard J)at ofundsamt, t>vfat ollum tengSa-monnum I'orgils Odda- 
sonar J)6ttu skylSir til at vaegja fyrir JDeim, en 63alrikr var {)eim a 
hendi bundinn 6 . Ok mi f6r hann at hitta Odda I>orgilsson, ok 
sag3i honum hver 6s3em5 h6num var gor, ok ba6 hann asja. 
Oddi segir, ok kvazt ogorla vita hvat manni 7 hann var i trulyndi 
e8r i 63rum hlutum, hvart {>at vaeri eptir as^nd hans ok gorvileika 
e8r eigi. (58alrikr kvazk {>at eigi vita, hversu J>at vildi verda. 
Oddi mselti Htt af hendi um asjana 8 . Ok i J>enna tlma haf5i 
Oddi f bu sezk at SkarSi a Nor8ri Strond, en Einarr br68ir hans 
bj6 i Saelingsdals-tungu. ^at sama sumar hittusk J)eir a J)ingi 

1 Gunnf&r, B. 2 The vellum B spells indiscriminately O5al- and A&al-. 

3 Thus B. * ok hefir hugr minn t>ar helzt d, B. * handhafa] B ; handhafandi, 
H. 6 J>viat cillum bundinn] thus according to B ; {)vi b'llum gofgum monnum 
f>orgils Odda-sonar Jjotti allir skylldugir at vaegja fyrir Skeggja, en Odalrikr var 
heima-madr hans ey or&inn (or ny-or&inn), H, Br. (corrupt). 7 hvat manni] 

emend. ; hveruinn maor, H ; hverr ma3r, B. 8 veik pa eigi af hendi . . , B. 

1 148.] STURLU SAGA, 4, 5. 43 

[1.57,58: ii.ii.] 

fcorgeirr Hallason, ok Sturla frSrSarson, ok haf6i hann fram bonord 
fyrir sma bond, ok bad Ingibjargar d6ttur bans, fcorgeirr svarar 
jDeim malum vel, ok dtti ra5 vi6 vini sfna. Hann haf6i ok spurdaga 
af Sturlu, at hann var mikil-menni ok aett-storr ok liklegr til hof6- 
ingja; ok re'zk J)at 6r malum J)eirra, at Sturla fastnar se"r Ingi- 
bjorgu a J)vi ]pingi, J)a konu er vaenst var kollu6 l a Island! ; hana 
haf8i att Helgi Eireksson, ok h& Einarr son J>eirra ; hann var jpa 
Jjre'-vetr. M66ir Ingibjargar var Hallbera Einars d6ttir, Ara sonar, 
frorgils sonar, !>orgeirr bjo J)a i Kristznesi i EyjafirSi, ok var mikill 
bofdingi. Sturla ssekir nor3r Jmngat bruSkaup sitt; ok f6ru J)eir 
fcorgils Oddason ok Einarr son bans, ok Magnus prestr, ok voru 
J)rfr tigir manna, ok hof5u fritt Ii6. Fa6ir bans 2 var hrumaSr af 
elli, ok for hann eigi. Ingibjorg f6r nor3an me6 Sturlu, ok v6ru 
J>au undir Felli inu Vestra 3 . En um hausti3 um Matheus-messu 
var gildis-fundr * i Hvammi, ok kom J)ar fjolmennt. Oddi f>or- 
gilsson var })ar kominn a kynnis-leit. En um daginn milli ti9a 
skyldi maela samkvamu-malum, ok var stofan skipu9. Oddi sat 
i ondugi en Skeggi Gamlason sat i innan-ver6ri stofu d inn ae6ra 5 
bekk. Menn bidu BoSvars Barkarsonar, en hann kom eigi inn ; en 
OSalrikr var [J)ar] kominn ok reikaSi a g61fi. En er hann kom 
fyrir Skeggja, J)a bra hann oxi undan skikkju, ok hjo i hofud 
honum, sva at 6'xin sokk ; ok maelti vi8 : ' Sva kann ek jam bera.' 
Skeggi hljop upp vi6 hoggit, ok settisk J)egar ni6r aptr ; en O3al- 
rikr hljop J)egar til dura ok fram ; en Bo3varr Barkarson haf9i sta9it 
fyrir framan hurSina, ok lauk aptr eptir h6num hurSina er hann 
hljop ut. Hann hljop a fjall upp ok sva austr 6 um hei5i. M 
mselti Oddi t>orgilsson : ' !>etta er fllr atburdr.' Skeggi svarar : 
* Eigi fjarri vf sem Ip6r mundu5 vilja.' Ok er eigi getiQ fleiri or6a 
bans. Ok var6 J>at J>egar at vigi. En fyrir at at Skeggi var 
JnngmaSr [J)eirra] i>6r5ar ok Sturlu ok vin, t>a t6k Sturla eptir- 
malit; ok kva8 slfkt flla at berask, er flugumenn hljopu f hofud 
monnum. En til 68alriks frdttisk ekki i bra3. 

5. En um vetrinn 7 eptir J61 var skinnleikr undir Felli. f>ar var 
kominn NorSlenzkr ma6r ; hann mselti, ok kva9 J>at a mali haft 
nor6r J)ar um Oxarfjord, at ' vestr hdr mundi vera go3ir leikmenn, 

1 i {>ann ti&, add. B. 2 bans] i. e. Sturlu ; var ' J>a ' hrumadr af elli, B. 3 inu 
Vestra] thus H, Br. ; om. B. * gildis-fundr] hrepp-fundr, B (better?). 5 a inn 
x5ra] B ; a neSra, H, Br. 6 austr] vestr, B (badly). 7 annan vetr, B. 


[I. 59= "] 

J)viat {)ar var kominn . . . forgangs-ma6r er t>ar var at leikum 1 , ok for 
um varit austr f Fj6r6u.' Sturla fre'tti hvat nafn bans vaeri. Gestrinn 
kva9 hann undarlega heita, ok sva fo'Sur bans. f>a nefndi Sturla 
O5alrik Gunnfarsson. Gestrinn kva6 hann sva nefnask. Ok kvad 
Brand prest tJlfhe'dinsson hafa sent sik austr i FjorSu til I^rhallz 
Finnzsonar. [Sturla] kvaQ mi haegra um at leitask. Ok um varit 
eptir Paska for Sturla nordr til Oxarfjardar at fjar-reicSum sinum. 
En er hann var i SkagafirSi at Valla-laug, J)a kom J>ar Brandr prestr 
Ulf heSinsson ; ok heimti Sturla hann a mal; ok spurdi, ef hann 
vaeri sannr at bjorg vid manninn e9r hverja me6fer6 hann hyggi at 
hafa ; ' Vilju v6i leita eptir med stillingu viQ J)ik.' Hann kvaQ f>at 
satt vera ; ' En nii er sva komit,. at ek vil at t>u vitir allt um ferdir 
hans ; en ek vil [at] J)ii ra3ir einn 2 um malit me6 okkr/ Sturla 
segir: ' Slikt hefir J)u allt 3 ; en gorla skil ek hvat t>ik hefir til 
rekit ; ok mun verit hafa i ra5i Oddi f'orgilsson, ok margir adrir 
J)6tt ek nefna eigi.' Hann {)6ttisk mi glogglegar vita enn a8r, 
hverir i raSum e3r bjorgum hofSu verit meQ OQalriki. Ok mi 
t6ku at risa lifar d vinfengi J)eirra Odda; en J)6 var J)etta mal 
i deilS lag[i]t, ok fram haft a AlJ)ingi um sumarit ; ok var5 O6al- 
rikr sekr, ok st68u menn J>vi ekki i m6ti. En honum vard litan 
komit austr i FjorSum. SiQan var eptir leitaS hvat menn vildi 
bjoSa fyrir bjargir e9r fj6rra6. En J>ar kom vi5 umtolur g63ra 
manna, at goldit var fyrir bjargir e5r fjorraQ J>rir tigir hundraQa. 
fat sama sumar le*tu J>eir ^orsteinn Asbjarnarson ok Einarr 4 son 
hans saekja Gils formo^ar son 5 ok Gudninar Gilsd6ttur, systur 
i'orQar Gilssonar, um J>at er hann atti born viS Asn^ju knarrar- 
bringu systur fcorsteins titlings. Hamundr ok Sigmundr 6 v6ru 
synir Gils ok Asn^jar. Sturla beiddi at fd vaeri tekit fyrir fraenda 
hans. En J>vi var eigi jataQ ; ok f6ru sakir i d6m. M baQ Sturla 
s^r Ii9s ; ok kva6 nauSsyn a, at fraendr hans vaeri eigi vanhaldnir ; 
ok h^tu f>eir 7 h6num H9i. Ok eptir Jrat g^kk hann at domi ; ok 
gdkk upp d6mrinn. SiSan maelti hann : * Nii eru enn somu 8 bod, 
at f^ mun fram lagt fyrir fraenda varn til goQrar saemSar, J>vfat 
h6r vilju v^r eigi s^na 9 6jafna9.' M var J>vf jataS. En 10 domr 
var eigi settr fyrr enn saetzk var a malit ok tekit fe* sek6a-laust. 

1 Thus ; sa er forgansg (!) maSr var leikanna, B. 2 raSir einn] ra5ir j um maliS, 
Br. ; gerir einn um malid, B. 3 allt] doubtful ; allt, Br. ; att, H ( = of allt ?) ; B 
omits the passage. * Einarr] Eirikr, B. 5 f>ormods-spn, B. 6 SigurSr, B. 
7 J>eir] menn, B. 8 somu] sofh, B. 9 s^na] B ; benna, H. Jo en] at, H. 

I5'-] STURLU SAGA, 6, 7. 45 

[I. 60: ii. 12, 13.] 

Iessi mal voru fyrst, er Sturla atti a J)ingi l malum at skipta viQ 

6. Nu er at segja fra er menn komu heim at J)ingi, hitti Sturla 
BoQvar Barkarson ok kvezk vilja kaupa land at h6num, ok kvezk 
J)ar [helzt] hafa til fellt hug sinn. Bodvarr gordi a J)vi kosti, ok 
somSu {)eir jjat me5 seV. Epttr jpetta gorSi Sturla bu i Hvammi, 
J>vi 2 er hann belt til elli ; en BoSvarr for J)a til Saelingsdals-tungu. 
Ok i J>enna tima for fcorgils Oddason nor5r til ftngeyra, en synir 
hans toku vi6 biii a Sta3arholi ok go6or8i. En um vetrinn eptir 
var sott mikil. M andaSisk Oddi ^orgilsson; ok J)6tti J)at mikill 
mannskaSi, {)viat hann var vitr ma5r ok manna snjallastr i mali. 
Hann anda6isk barnlauss. M anda6isk ok Alfdi's systir hans 3 . 
Ok J)at sama var andaSisk frorgils fa^ir J)eirra. Einarr tok J>a fe 
sitt ok go6ord ; ok gb'rdisk hann hof6ingi, J>vi margar sto5ar 4 runnu 
undir hann : fraendr ok magar 6 ok vinir, er forgils fa8ir hans hafdi 
fengit ser ; hann skorti ok eigi kapp nd araeSi. Enginn var hann 
Iaga-ma6r, ok blestr ma9r i mali. Fra J>vi er sagt, at Vermundr 
inn au9gi anda6isk, en forbjb'rn son hans tok arf eptir hann. 
Hann var kvenna-ma6r mikill, ok atti mart barna, ok ur3u flest litt 
at J)roska. Hann atti Helgu fordlfsdottur. (5lafr h^t son J)eirra, 
ok var prestr. 

7. Yngvildr ^orgilsdottir varQ eigi unnandi Halldori bonda 
sinum; ok varS me6 nokkurum hsefindum me6an f^orgils fa3ir 
hennar var vi6 ; en si6an n^ttu J)au ekki af. R^zk J>a Halldorr til 
iitan-fer6ar ok me6 honum I>orbj6rn Vermundarson. Ok er >eir 
komu um haf, re*3usk J>eir til su3r-fer3ar ok 6ndu3usk badir. En 
er J)at spurSisk ut hingat, J)a toku J)au f'orgils ok f'ora til var3- 
veizlu f^ barna f'orbjarnar ok bjoggu at Hvali. ^a rzk J)angat til 
vistar Helgi prestr Skeljungsson ; hann var vitr ma5r ok g66r 
kenni-ma6r, ok margs vel kunnandi, ok laeknir g63r 6 . I*d g^kk 
J6n i'orgilsson at eiga I>orlaugu systur Helga prestz ; en hann 
fkk J)a f*orger6ar dottur Halld6rs Slakka-fotz, ok Gudrunar {or- 
gilsdottur; tok J)a J6n Vid bui at Hvali, ]?viat (J)au) forgils ok 
tdra elldusk mjbk. Helgi prestr atti bii me3 J6ni magi sinum. 
f^roddr Grettisson h^t b6ndi, mikill ok sterkr ; hann gat son viQ 
I ) 6rger6i 7 inni lygnu ; h6n var gongu-kona ; sa sveinn h^t Geirr, 

1 fcessi voru af Sturlu upp laup (!) fyrst er h. aetti . . . , B. 2 pvi] pat, B. 

3 & hans] add. B ; om. Cd. * sto&ar] B ; sto5ir, Cd. 5 ok magar] B ; 

margir, Cd. 6 ok inn besti (!) laeknir, B. "' |>6rger&i] {>6rdisi, B. 


[I. 6.1 : ii. 13.] 

ok var inn mesti 6aldar-ma5r, stul6a-ma8r ok utilegu-J)j6fr ; hann 
var skj6tr a feti, sva at engi hestr tok hann. Vi6ku3r hdt annarr 
ma6r, hann var Galmans son ok Stutt-Linu 1 ; hann gordisk ok 
6rei3u-ma5r mikill; hann var Hdll ma6r vexti ok inn hvatasti. 
6rir he't maSr Norfilenzkr, fostri fcorgrims assa, litill vexti ; hann 
var i foruneyti me6 Geiri, ok gor5u mart flit, fress er vi6 getid, 
at hiiskarlar fra Hvali hof6u farit i eyjar lit ; ok er J)eir k6mu utan 
at fjoru ssevar, J>a festu J)eir skip sitt vi6 Sallt-holm, en baru upp 
fot sin a land ; ok foru heim um kveldit. En um n6ttina komu J)eir 
Geirr, ok toku brott vistirnar ok klaeSi, ok allt J)at er J)ar var hirt, 
Ok um morguninn er Hval-menn komu, J>a mistu J)eir J)ar vinar 
i staS, ok J)6tti J)eim sin for ill. Um hausti6 nokkuru siSarr J>6ttisk 
Helgi prestr hafa nj6sn af, at ^orgeirr at Brunna, ok ViSarr son 
hans mundi herbergja litilegu-menn. Ok ondverSan vetr, er m^rar 
v6ru lagSar, J)a foru J)eir tiu saman fra Hvali ondverda nott, J)viat 
n^si var a. teir foru ofan til Brunn-ar; ok er J>eir komu mjok at 
gardi J)a foru moti J>eim tveir menn J>ar var ViSarr ok fcorir inn 
fjolkunngi ; ok fundu J)eir eigi fyrr, enn Hval-menn komu at J)eim, 
f)viat J)eir attu at sja f gegn tunglinu. f>eir hljopu a eitt enni-svell 
ok hofSu vapnin fyrir s^r; en Hval-menn sla um J)a hring, ok 
sottu at i glett >z , ok kastask a or6um. J6n kallar maklegan fund 
J)eirra ; ok kvad ^ri eigi hafa farit kurteislega um bygcMr ; ok tet 
peim ilia sama er J)6ttusk miklir, at stela bitlingum. forir kvazk 
aviljaQr stundum at skera staerrum segum. Hann hafdi oxi snag- 
hyrnda, er att haf6i Viga-Steinn. Hann lagdi oxinni til J6ns, ok 
kom a kvi6inn. l>at var mikit sar. Si6an t6ku J)eir I'ori hondum. 
En Vi6arr komsk i brott, ok f6r hann a Sta6arh61 til 3 Einars 
fostbroSur sins, ok sag6i h6num sva buit ; ok kvezk setla at hann 
mundi vilja r^tta hlut sfnn 4 , t>a er J)eir l^ku saman barnleikum, 
Einarr l^zk sva gora mundu, ok kva3 hann eigi skyldu rekask um 
Strandir. En i^rir f6r i bondum til Hvals ok var aetla6r til draps. 
Snemma um morguninn kom Einarr til Hvals me6 fimmtanda 
mann, ok gengu til stofu, ok kostu6usk menn or6um a. Einarr 
spur6i, ef t>eir vildi manninn lausan lata. Helgi prestr kva6 eigi 
J)at efni i, at lata hann lausan, ' >j6f ok fjolkunngan, en unnit nu 

1 Galmans son ok Stutt-Linu] thus B; misnamed in Br. ' Gellisson ' and 'sturb- 
inn.' 2 i glett] B ; glettni, Br., H. 3 Einars] here begins the fourth vellum 

leaf. 4 sinn] hans, B. 

II5I-U59-] STURLU SAGA, 7. 47 

[I. 62: ii. 13.] 

til olifis l ser/ Einarr segir mart munu mega tfna 2 um 3 hann sem 
a3ra menn ; ok \6t honum karlmennsku i J>vf, at hann verSi hendr 
sinar. Prestr kva6 J>at [mundu] mal manna vera, at of frekt vaeri at 
gengit ef JDeir taeki hann a brott; ok segir me6al-lagi radlegt, at 
hefja sva vir6ing sina um vsendismenn 4 , at gora g66a menn seV at 
<5vinum. Einarr kvazk mundu manninn i brott hafa. Ok >at vard 
at lyktum, at Einarr ge*kk at i>6ri, ok skar af honum bondin, ok 
hafSi hann me6 seV, En upp fra jpessu var6 Helgi prestr aldri vinr 
Einars slikr sem a3r. En Jon la um hri3 i sarum ok andaSisk 
6r. En f>6rir uti ok var i ymsum sto5um, ok hof5u J)eir J>a sveit 
ok Vi6ku6r Linuson. Vigfuss het ma6r ok var Austfirzkr. Geirr 
var ok >ar a6ra lotu ; ok var J>at kvittaS, at J)eir vseri hrf6um a 
Sta6arholi e8r at Brunna e3r i Tjaldanesi. Um vetrinn fyrir Fostu 
er J)ess geti6, at Hval-menn komu J)ar, ok voru fimtan e$r sextan, 
ok s6ttu J)egar at J)eim; en J>eir vor6usk or husum. En Hval- 
menn J)6ttusk vita 5 , at ojafnt yr6i skipt ef Einarr yr6i vi6 varr, J>a 
hurfu J)eir fra. Birningr talSi at, er hus hans v6ru rofin ; en Hval- 
menn kva6u aerna sok til jpess, er hann haf5i h^st 6aldar-menn. 
Ok var5 af sliku litt milli manna. En um varit tok Helgi prestr 
Geir i sauSa-hiisi J)eirra fra Brunna, ok hafSi hann upp til Hvals, 
ok ba3 nu ekki fresta at hann vasri upp festr, a6r 6 menn gorSisk til 
at draga hann af J)eim. Ok sva gor6u J>eir; ok festu hann upp i 
Kopps-tro5 J)ar at hus-baki. En um sumarit eptir var lagt hesta- 
|)ing a StaSarholi. ^a var j^ar Vi6ku3r Linuson. {>eim vard at 
orfium ok Birni Gilssyni ok talfii Vi6ku6r at vi6 hann um f>at 
er hann hafdi farit i Tjaldanes me6 Hval-monnum, ok beiddi b6ta 
fyrir. Bjorn kva9 hann s^na mikinn 6s6ma, er hann for & manna- 
fundi, J)jofr ok stul6a-ma6r. Si6an heita6isk hvarr vi6 annan. 
Bjorn sag3i, at Vi6ku5r mundi eigi {>ora at ra6a framan a hann. 
H maelti ViSkudr : * S6 J)U nu vi6 J)a;' ok Iag6i framan oxinni 
Steins-naut i kvi6inn ; ok fll Bjorn J)ar. En Vi6ku6r g^kk heim a 
StaSarhol, ok inn i su3r-bur. f>ar var ok J)a f^orir fyrir, ok var 
lokit bur i las. Bjorn anda6isk um nottina: Si6an kom Einarr 
J>eim 7 utan ; en vigin v6ru bota-laus. Vi6ku5r var i ymsum sto3um. 
En menn hof6u a hondum Einari, at hann vaeri i ra6um 8 um vig 

1 olifis] ohelgi, B. 2 tina] B ; tia, Br. s um] of, B ; vi3, Br. * um 

vaendismenn] add. B ; om. Br., H. 5 jpottusk vita] B ; treystust, vellum leaf (as 

also Br., H.) 6 edr, the vellum and B; read 'adr?' 7 Jwim] f>6ri, B. 

8 at ra8um] add. B. 


[I. 63,64:11.14.] 

Bjarnar; en hann faerdisk undan me3 ei5um, ok var9 J>at aldri 
uma-laust l . 

8. fcat barsk at f Kr6ksfir8i J>ar er at Kambi heitir, J>ar bjo 
Einarr 2 Kjartansson, at angat hofdu s6tt dagskemtan 3 J6n ok 
fcorsteinn synir I'orarins Kroksfjardar 4 , en fcorsteinn var inni ; hann 
atti J)ar fylgju-konu. En J6n st66 liti undir vegg, ok taladi viS 
Steinunni husfreyju. f>a rida fram fyrir husit 5 , Vidkudr Lmuson, 
ok Vigfuss ; hann haf6i oxina Steins-naut ; en ViSkuSr haf6i svi6u 
ok silfr-rekinn leggrinn a, ok allra vapna bitrast, ok vafit jarni 
skaptid. I>eir hljopu egar ba6ir at Joni ; ok sog6u, at J>a skyldi 
J)eir launa h6num atferdir ok eltingar ; ok lagdi Vi6ku3r til hans 
svi6unni, en Steinunn rann a Vigfus ok h^lt honum. Jon haf6i 
oxi vi'Sa, ok lagt skaptid i ; hann laust af seV lagit ok greip sviduna, 
ok las at hondum h6num. la vildi Vi6ku6r bregda undan 6 ; en 
J6n tok hann; ok J)a kenndi afls-munar, ok horvaSi Vi6ku6r 
undan. I>a kom ^orsteinn ut, ok var6 ekki af tilraedi hans. Ok er 
J6n sa J)at, J>a hratt hann Vi6kunni fra seV sva hart, at honum var 
vi6 fall. Sf6an hjo hann til hans, ok kom i ennit J)vert ; ok var J)at 
3erit bana-sar. Pessi averki var mjok lofaSr af flestum monnum. 
Eptir J>essa atburSi lagdisk or6r6mr a, at mjok J)6tti annarr hattr 
a urn he'rads-stjornina en J>a er ^orgils haf3i. Ok t6ku J)a margir 
menn, J)eir er mikit J)6ttusk at sdr eiga, at rada ser til eigna i a6ra 
sta6i, J)ar sem J)eim J)6tti seV helzt traustz at van. 

9. Nu skal J)ar til mals taka, er BoSvarr bj6 i Tungu i Saelings- 
dal. M r^zk til biilags med h6num Yngvildr I*orgilsd6ttir ; h6n 
var J>a ekkja. M var ok Jmt tiSenda, at {)eir synir f>orgeirs v6ru i 
Hvammi, f^orvardr ok Ari, meQ Sturlu magi smum. f>eir gor6u 
s^r tftt um fundi vid Tungu-menn, ok hittusk optast at laugu. i*at 
var um vetrinn er fcorvardr hafSi farit til laugar i Sselingsdal ; [ok] 
er hann skyldi heim fara, fe'll hann af baki, ok skein6i sik a faeti ; 
ok maeddi hann blodras ; ok f6ru J>eir i Tungu, ok var hann jpar 
eptir, ok batt Yngvildr um f6t h6num. Hann var i Tungu mjok 
lengi at laakningu ; ok um varit var hann ^mist J>ar e6r i Hvammi. 
Monnum fundusk or6 um J)at, at f>au torvarSr ok Yngvildr maeltusk 
fleira vid en a6rir menn ; en vinir J>eirra synjudu J)ess. En um 

1 uma-laust] thus Cd. and B (vmalaust) ; see Diet. s. v. umi ; ummals laust, Br., H ; 
the tne form however may be ' umles-laust.' '* Eirikr, B. 3 dagskemtan] 

add. B. * synir |>6rarins Kroksfjardar] add. B. B menn fyrir husin, B. 

6 undan] saxi, B. 

H5I-H59-] STURLU SAGA, 8, 9. 49 

[I. 65 : ii. 14.] 

varit eptir rzk f>orvar3r nor3r til EyjafjarSar ; en Yngvildr f6r J>a 
ut a Me3alfellz-strond, ok gor3i bu at Ballara. H6n-l^t seV bua 
svefnhiis, ok var J>ar longum. Hon hafdi fotar-mein um sumarit, ok 
ge*kk h'tt um syslur. En um haustid kom J)ar kona at sex vikum l 
su er h^t f>6rdfs, ok var Leifsdottir ; h6n var 6r EyjafirSi. Ok er 
h6n hafdi skamma stund dvalizt, {>a 61 h6n barn; ]pat var nefnt 
Signer; en fadir hennar h^t f>orsteinn f>orleifsson, Nordlenzkr 
ma3r. H6n f6r um hausti3 me6 barnit norSr til Eyjafjar6ar. En 
eigi at sf6r grunuSu menn, ok gordu morg or3 a 2 um ra3 f>eirra 
torvardz ok Yngvildar. Ok er Einarr ver5r J)essa van, leitar hann 
eptir um malit vi3 f'orvard; ok kva3 hann mundu beV um vilja 
sonnu svara. En J>au svor komu h^r i mot af hendi frorvarSz, at 
synjaS var mals ; ok festr fyrir jarnburSr ; ok skyldi Klaengr biskup 
gora um hversu sem skfrslan gengi. Grimr he't sa ma3r Nor9- 
lenzkr er jarnit bar. En er hondin var leyst, ]?a var J>at atkvaedi 
biskups, at hann vaeri skirr. Ok eptir J>at sneri biskup f gor3, ok 
gordi fe a hendr Einari. Ok sleit sva J)vi J)ingi. ^at sumar bj6sk 
I'orvarSr til utan-fer5ar i EyjafirSi. M seldi ok Yngvildr fjar- 
heimtur sinar allar Sturlu; ok t6k hann s6kn ok vorn allra mala 
hennar, sem hann vaeri a6Hli. Eptir J>at r^zk Yngvildr til ferdar a 
laun nor3r til Eyjafjar3ar, ok skar sdr skor ok karl-klae6i, ok me9 
henni Steingrimr kumbaldi Masson. Ok er kaupmenn logdu ut 
eptir firdinum, h!66u J)eir segli ok skutu bad, ok roru yfir & 
Galmars-strond 3 ; ok gkk Yngvildr {>ar d skip, ok f6r f brott med 
fcorvarSi ; ok komu vi9 Noreg. M var Ingi konungr Haraldzson, 
ok rdzk torvardr J)a til hans. En Gregorius Dagsson t6k vi8 haldi 
Yngvildar. En er t>etta fr^ttisk, t>a hofsk af n^ju sa or3r6mr, at 
SigriSr mundi vera dottir f>orvardz ok Yngvildar ; ok J>at me3, at 
skfrsla hefdi villt verit, ok sva at Sturla ok Ingibjorg hefdi J)essi 
ra3 ra3it 4 me3 !orvar3i. Ok sn^sk mi Einarr me3 fjandskap d 
hendr Sturlu ; ok kva8 hann hafa sik vafdan i miklu vandrse3i 6 . Ok 
nsesta sumar kva3 Einarr J)at upp fyrir vinum sfnum, at hann myndi 
malinu fram halda a hendr Sturlu um enna 6haefu-hlut. Ok sva 
gor3i hann, ok fjolmennti mjok. Ok s6tti J)au mal f d6m, at hann 
hef5i ra5it J)au ra3 i>orvar3i, at hann skyldi segja, at f>orsteinn vaeri 
fadir Sigrf6ar, jpar sem ^orvardr var torgeirsson ; ok gort f J)vf 
mannvillu ok kristni-spjoll 6 ; ok l^t var9a fjorbaugs-gard. En Sturla 

1 at sex vikum] add. B. 2 morg ord a] margort, B. 3 Thus Cd. ; Galmas 
strond, B. * radit] vitat, B. 5 vendrae&i, B. 6 spjoll] spell, B. 
VOL. I. E 


[1.66: ii. 14.] 

kvazk mundu fyrir J)etta [mal] vinna ei9a, at hann hefdi eigi \ J>eim 
raSum verit. Einarr maelti : ' Fa J)u t61f menn me5 J^r at sanna 
ei6 J)fnn, ok mun ek eigi J)a malum fram halda.' Ok er ei9a skyldi 
vinna, J>a skiloH Sturla sva undir eiSstaf, at hann hef5i eigi radit 
orvar8i at gora mannvillu. Pa. innti Einarr sva l mdlit, at hann 
hefSi eigi vita3 me5 honum 2 . M sagoH Sturla : ' Eigi hugSa ek 
mik um J>at mundu sekjan verda, J)6tt ek seg3a eigi 6happ eptir 
teng3a-monnum minum medan ek var eigi [at] spur8r.' M sag8i 
Einarr : ' Mundi mi J>at mega heyra, hvart Sturla hefir vita5 mann- 
villuna.' Ok sva Iag5isk orSromr a, sem hann mundi vitad hafa. 
Var J>a ok lokit saettinni. En me8 J)vf saett su var 6goldin er 
biskup hafQi gort a hendr Einari, J>a stefndi Sturla eindaga um 
AlJ)ingis-s8ettar-hald, ok \4t var9a fjorbaugs-gar8, ok f6ru hvar- 
tveggi malin i d6m. Hvarir-tveggju hof8u mikit fjolmenni, ok 
gengu hvar-tveggi malin 3 fram, ok var8 hvdrr-tveggi sekr fjor- 
baugs-ma8r, Sturla ok Einarr. Eptir J)ingit sofnudu J>eir ba8ir lidi 
til f<6rans-d6ms. Ok J>a f6r Einarr f Hvamm me8 hundra8 manna 4 , 
en hann 1& eptir i Saurbae Hr61f Gunn61fsson me3 hundra8 manna, 
fcar var me8 Einari Snorri Kalfsson, !>orleifr beiskaldi or Hitardal, 
sonr I>orleiks au5ga, ok Hermundr Ko5ransson, Halld6rr Egilsson, 
ok mart annarra vir3inga-manna. Sturla hafdi ok mikit Ii6 : J)ar 
var BoSvarr ^rSarson, Pall Bjarnason. Sturla reid vestr til Saur- 
baejar me3 sex tigi manna, ok reid upp I'verdal 6 en ofan Tra5ar- 
dal ok sva f Saurbae, ok hadi f^rans-d6m a Sta8arh61i. Ok reid 
aptr um Saelings-dal, ok utan reiSgotu at Hvammi. En flokkr 
Einars sat fyrir ofan gotuna milli tiingardz ok Stekks-mula 6 . Si8an 
gengu J>eir Bodvarr heiman af baenum me8 flokkinn ok m6t Sturlu ; 
en Einarr hljop upp ok eggjacH atgongu ; en fcorleifr beiskaldi bad 
hann eigi st^ra monnum i sva mikinn 7 vada, at aldri leystisk, sem 
van var a, ef svd mikit fjolmenni skyldi JDar berjask. Ok ur8u 
margir g68ir menn til me6 h6num 8 at eiga hlut f. Ok skildu 
menn 6happa-laust. En er J)eir fundusk, Sturla ok BoSvarr, sagdi 
Bo8varr, at Sturla haf8i mjok haett til um malit, ri&t fra monnum 
sfnum. Sturla kvad eigi mundu t>ykkja haldit til jafns vi8 Einar, 

1 sva] undir, add. B. 2 at hann honum] ' ok eigi vitad me& honum,' B. 

3 malin] B ; vel, Cd. * hundrad manna] thus (c. manna) vellum ; halft c, B. 
6 f>verdal] B ; J>uardal, Cd., H, as also below ch. 1 8. 6 Stekks-mula] stekka miila, 
B. 7 mikinn vada] here ends the fourth and begins the fifth vellum leaf. 8 med 
honum] add. B. 

ii 6o.] STURLU SAGA, 10. 51 

[1.67: ii.i 5 .] 

ef hann saeti heima ok heyoH 1 eigi fe'rans-dom; en kva6 vant at 
vita hvarr f>ar bseri haerra hlut. 

10. Nu satu hvarir-tveggju i sekt 2 J)au messeri. En at sumri 
buask J>eir ba&ir til J)ing-rei9ar ; ok rei6 Sturla Langa-vatzdal, en 
Einarr Bratta-brekku. Ok er hann kemr su6r i NorcSrar-dal 3 , pa 
skipti hann H3i sinu ok maelti : ' Nu er a pa Iei6, at v6r munum 
breyta ra6um um ferSir varar, ok sniia aptr til hdra6s; en vi6 
go3or6i minu skal taka Alfr sonr foroddz jarls/ Morgum monnum 
kom petta mjok a 6vart, ok pottusk skilja at nokkut mundi st6rt 
undir bua. Einarr sneri pa aptr me9 halfan pri6ja tug manna. 
far var me6 honum Gunnsteinn forisson, Eyjolfr, Oddr Bassason 4 , 
ok Vi6arr torgeirsson. f>eir hofQu nattverd at Sau3afelli, ok ri3u 
um nottina inn i Hvamm. P mselti Einarr, aSr J)eir ridu at 
baenum : ' Nu vaera ek a J>at viljaQr at v6r eldim osparlega i Hvammi 
i nott, ok maetti J>eir minnask 5 kvamu varrar/ ^eir v6ru ok flestir 
me6 honum er eigi lottu J>essa mjok. Ok er jpeir k6mu i Hvamm, 
J)a faer5u J)eir alia menn i kirkju ; en ruddu 6 fd ollu, ok brenndu 
allan baeinn ; ok fluttu fd allt vestr til Saurbaejar, ok tolSust at sinu 
ganga. Einarr reid J>a til jpings me3 niunda 7 mann. Ok er menn 
komu a fund Sturlu ok sog6u honum tfSendin: Hann svarar ok 
kvad Einar myndu ellt hafa fryju-laust eina nott. Sf9an var Ieita6 
um saettir af vinum beggja J)eirra ok stefnur til Iag5ar; ok J)6tti 
monnum til vandrae9a horfa. Si6an var at s6ttr Klaengr biskup at 
hann myndi gora um malit. Sturla jataSi jpessu ok Einarr, ok peir 
mundu hafa Jpat er biskup ger6i 8 ; ok kalla hann liklegan at gora 
til jafnaSar. Ok a J)vi J)ingi var saetzk a oil mal at J)essu. En a3r 
til loks vaeri lyktum a sniiit, kvezk Sturla vilja at biskup ynni 
fimtard6ms-ei3, at hann gordi jafn-saetti. SiSan var fundr i B6nda- 
kirkju-garSi allfjolmennr. fa maelti biskup : ' Ek gori fyrir brennu 
ok baejar-ska9a sex tigi hundra6a, en fyrir sakir vid Sturlu af 
Einari 9 gori ek fimm tigi hundrada ; ran skulu gjaldask aptr.' 
Eptir J>at vann biskup fimtard6ms-eid. M maelti Sturia : ' Sva 
vir6i ek ei8 biskups sem Paska-messu j ma ek J>at eigi til fjar meta ; 
en somi er oss pat. En flestir munu eigi kalla gjoldin mikil, ok 

1 hey5i] h5i, B. 2 i sekt] B ; a sett, Cd. 3 Nor5r4r-dal] Kalsdal B. 

4 Bersason, B. 5 minnask] reka minni til, B. 6 ruddu] thus vellum ; rsentu, B. 
7 ix a , B; in vellum uncertain (x mannz?). 8 Hann svarar ok kva& gerSi] 

emend. The vellum being here almost illegible, the paper transcripts (Br., H) are 
all faulty. In the illegible words we have therefore had recourse to B. 9 Sturlu 

af Einari] en fyrir sakir vio Einar, B (better?). 

E 2 


[1.68,69: ii. 16.] 

gordir eigi fe'samar.' Si'San f6ru menn heim af J)ingi, ok v6ru 
sattir at kalla; ok rdttusk ran flest, ok eigi gorsamlega. Sturla 
setti husa-bse l sfnn um sumarit ; ok var alh^st fyrir vetr, eigi verr 
en d3r. f>au Sturla ok Ingibjorg attu tvaer daetr, f>6rdfsi ok Stein- 
unni. Ingibjorg t6k s6tt ok andaSisk a6r mala-lok jDessi ur8u. 
Sidan atti Steinunni J6n Brandzson; ok bjoggu J>au a Reykja- 
h61um. f>eirra synir v6ru J>eir Berg]>6rr, ok Brandr ok fvarr ok 
Ingimundr. En 6rdisi atti Bar6r 2 Snorra son, BarSar sonar ins 
svarta 6r Selardal ; ok voru J^eirra synir, Snorri ok Pe'tr ok Sturla, 
Nokkuru sfdarr atti Sturla son vi3 GuSfinnu Steinsd6ttur, J>ann 
er Bjorn h6t. Ok litlu sidarr fkk hann Gu3njar Bodvarsd6ttur, 
ok var Jmt brullaup 3 f Hvammi. Ok atti hana til elli. 

11. M var Einarr Helgason stjupsonr Sturlu f Hvammi; hann 
gorSisk J)d roskinn ma8r. ^a gait Sturla lit fe bans ; J)at var land 
i Saelingsdals-tungu, ok J)ar buit me5. Hann settisk J)a f bu ok 
kvangadisk, ok fdkk GuSrunar Brandzdottur systur J6ns meQ tilstilli 
Sturlu, me6 J)at f^ er henni fylgdi heiman ; J)at var land i Kr6ks- 
fjar6ar-nesi ok Kr6ksfjarSar-eyjar. En J)at haf3i verit nokkura hrld, 
at Brandr hafdi 1^3 Einari ^orgilssyni at faera f aer um haustum til 
skurSar ; en J)a var sva komit, at Einarr orgilsson {)6ttisk eiga mdla 
a, at hafa me3an hann bjoggi a Sta8arh61i. Si6an \6t Einarr Ingi- 
bjargarson faera lit aer sinar um haustit, ok kvezk aetla at hann skyldi 
eigi vera raeningi fyrir Einari frorgilssyni. En er J>etta fr^tti Einarr 
fcorgilsson, kvad hann J)at Ifklegra at hann mundi halda re'ttu fyrir 
nafna sfnum, ok kvaS J>eim enn eigi leidask at leita a sik. Hann 
sendi sfdan Ljiifina prest at faera lit sfnar aer ok hinar litan. Ok er 
J>eir k6ma f Kr6ksfjar3ar-nes til Eyj61fs Hallgrfmssonar ; hann var 
gamall madr ok g68r b6ndi. ^eir ba8u hann skips. Hann kvezk 
eigi mundu Ija. M maelti prestr: 'Firn mikil tekr Jni til;' ok 
laust hann me8 oxar-hamri ; ok var8 J)at s^nn averki. f'eir t6ku 
skip hans ok faer3u lit aernar, en hinar litan ; ok fara heim eptir 
JDat. En er Einarr Ingibjargarson spurdi J)etta, kvad hann Einar 
orgilsson enn s^na rangyndi, ok fylgja at vandum mala-efnum 
sem fyrr. Hann l^t fara eptir dm sfnum ok reka heim. SfSan 
finnr hann Sturlu, ok segir (at) h6num Hka8i flla vi8 nafna sfnn. 
Sturla segir : ' I'at munu flestir aetla, at ek muna fyrir lata vinnask 
malaferli vi8 Einar ; en eigi vil ek enn sitja h6num 6haefu-hlut vid 

1 setti hiisa-bae] thus vellum (and H, 440) ; let husa, B. 2 B&r8r] B ; Brandr, 
Cd. (wrongly). s bruftkaup, B. 

1161-1169.] STURLU SAGA, 11, 12. 53 

[I. 7 o:i.M7.] 

mik e8r mina vini/ Litlu si5arr f6ru ]peir Sturla ok Einarr me9 
t61fta mann vestr f Gufudals-fjorQ at heimbo64. Ok er J)eir foru 
vestan, f6ru >eir lit f Kroksfjar3ar-eyjar, ok hjoggu allar aer Einars 
f>orgilssonar, ok bdru saman f einn kost. Eptir J)at f6ru J)eir heim. 
a var Einarr f>orgilsson at bruShlaupi a Reykjaholum, er BoSvarr 
Barkarson gipti ValgerSi, d6ttur sma, i J 6rhalli Brandzsyni. M 
spuroH Einarr a-hoggit ; ok svarar sva : ' Ekki leiftisk J)eim enn at 
[ver] eigimsk vi9 glettni.' Um vetrinn eptir J61 for Einarr Ingi- 
bjargarson nor5r til EyjafjarSar. En er Einarr f>orgilsson fre'tti t>at, 
J)a for hann um daginn vi6 atta mann su8r i Tungu. Hann kvaddi 
til sfn orgeir Grimsson, ok kvezk vilja at hann ynni a Lopti fost- 
broSur Gu8n^jar Brandzd6ttur, ok l^zk vilja gora J)eim nokkura 
akenning sinna verka. M er J>eir komu f Tungu, gengu J>eir f 
stofu ; ok var ]peim heilsa6 ok spurSir tidenda, ok settusk J)eir ni8r. 
En er Einarr sa, at ekki var8 tilrae8i ^orgeirs, J)a st65 hann upp, ok 
gdkk litar a golfit. Hann var naers^nn, ok J>ekti hann eigi hvar 
Loptr sat. Hann sneri at J>eim manni er f > or61fr h^t, ok Iag8i spjoti 
i laer honum sva at skar lit 6r ; ok var ]pat svoSu-sar 1 . Mhlaupaupp 
menn jpeir er inni v6ru ok he*lt hverr d o8rum. f 3 ar var Gu8finna 
Sveinsdottir, ok h^lt hon Einari. I'au skutu konu einni lit i 
Hvamm at segja Sturlu ; en konur ok karlar JDeir er J)ar voru hdldu 
t>eim Einari. Ok mundu J>eir eigi a brott komask ef Svertingr 
Starrason veitti J)eim eigi ; hann let J)a lausa ; ok kva8 eigi haefa at 
|>ar yr8i meiri vandrse8i ; ok kom hann J>eim f brott ; hann var J)ar 
heima-ma8r. I'eir Einarr foru J>egar brott, ok gengu upp a Mula 
ok nor6r eptir fjalli, J>ar til er J>eir k6mu heim. En er Sturla kom 
f Tungu, lt hann tysa dverkum. Hann gkk si8an at Svertingi ok 
reiddi oxar-hamar at hof3i h6num, ok kva3 hann {)ess- ver8an at 
hann vaeri drepinn ; ok var vi& sjalft at ]pat faeri fram ; en J)at barg 
honum er hann var heima-madr Einars Ingibjargarsonar. Nii 
J)6ttusk J>eir Einarr torgilsson hafa hefnt nokkvat a-hoggsins. 

12. Nu er J>at sagt um haustid, at fcorgrimr prestr brotamadr 2 
kom nor6an 6r h^radi ok me6 h6num Alof kona hans ; h6n var 
kvenna vaenst, en hann var gamall. f'au k6mu a Sta8arh61. Hallr 
^joSolfsson var heima-maSr Einars. Hann kva8 J)at aldri skyldu 
vera lengr, at gamall ma5r flakka8i me8 3 sva vaena konu ; ok t6k 
hana af honum, ok sva hest hans er Mani ht,. allra hesta beztr. 

1 sodu sir, B. a brotama&r] add. B. s flakkaSi me&J flekkadi, B 



[I. 71: ii.iS.] 

orgrimr f6r brott af Sta5arh61i ok undi ilia viS. Hann f6r i 
Hvamm, ok sag6i Sturlu at honum var gor svivirding, ok bad hann 
asja. Sturla segir eigi vera mikil-mennsku i sliku ; en kva& Einar 
J)at flla gora, at veita vendis-monnum a leid fram, ok leggja J)ar vid 
virding sina. Um haustid hafdi brotid skip nordr vid Horn, ok 
k6mu menn jpadan fdlausir til Sturlu ok badu Sturlu asja. Hann 
t6k vid J)eim um vetrinn. Einn J)eirra h^t Gjafvaldr. Sturla 
maelti vid hann : ' Ek J)ykkjumk hafa radit vel mjok vid J)ik. Nu vil 
ek senda J)ik vestr til Saurbaejar til Helga prestz til haldz, at hann 
s^ JDdr at lidi ok heima-menn hans; en J)ii skalt sitja um Hall 
f>j6d61fsson.' Hann kvezk til J)ess skyldr at gora sem Sturla vildi. 
Hann for, ok kom til Hvals, ok segir Helga presti. Hann kvazk 
mundu vi6 honum taka. Ok var hann J>ar um hrid. Ok litlu sfSarr 
kom j^angat Hallr ! J j6661fsson um farinn veg, ok stefndi J>a3an 
ofan til Maskeldu ; en huskarlar Helga prests slogusk a Iei6i-or8 
vi5 hann. En er J)eir komu ut 6r garSi, kom Gjafvaldr eptir jDeim, 
ok hj6 ^egar til Hallz, ok kom a haegri 6x1, ok renndi ofan eptir 
armlegginum mjok at olnboga, ok var6 mikit sar. Gjafvaldr tok 
jDa hlaup, ok ferr til J)ess er hann kom i Hvamm. En er Einarr 
[f'orgilsson] spurSi J>etta, heimtir hann at s^r vini sina, ok kva3 sdr 
ilia hugna sva buit. Sumir maeltu, at eigi vasri m6tra3 g66 l . Eptir 
J>at for Alof brott af StaSarholi, ok su6r i Hvamm, ok t6k f'orgrimr 
vi5 henni. M ba6 Sturla torgrim fara til Saurbaejar, ok vita ef 
hann nae5i hesti sinum. Si6an f6r hann i Saurbae, ok sat um 
hestinn, ok gat tekit i drifu-e'li, ok komsk brott meS. Einarr Ingi- 
bjargarson kom nor6an um vetrinn, ok Iika6i ilia er huskarl hans 
var saerdr. 

13. Sigur3r h^t ma6r kerlingar-nef; hann bj6 at Laugum 1 
Saelingsdal ; hann var J>ingma6r Einars frorgilssonar. Honum 
fylg9i at lagi ArngerSr d6ttir Asolfs Gunnfarz-sonar ; h6n var vaen 
kona. {'at var eitt hvert sinn, at Einarr Ingibjargarson rei5 yfir til 
laugar ok kom til huss ; ok batt hest sinn vid dyrr ; en hann gdkk til 
stofu ok taladi vi6 Arngerdi. En er Sigur6r var6 ]pessa varr, hleypdi 
hann beisli af hestinum ; ok hlj6p hann brott ; en konur k6mu i 
stofu, ok kvadu Einar mundu verSa ganga heim ef hann tekr eigi 
hest sinn. Einarr gengr ut ok hitti Sigur6, ok spurdi hvi hann 
gorSi h6num slikan 2 farar-talma. Sigurdr var st6r-or6r, ok kva5 

1 at goft] at jpat vaeri iira8!igt, B. 2 Here ends the fifth vellum leaf. 

1161-1169.] STURLU SAGA, 13, 14. 55 

[1.72: ii.i 9 .] 

hann vera vel til hlaups buinn at elta best sinn. ' Heyr a,' sag8I 
Einarr, ' at J>u gorir me'r afar-kosti.' Ok laust til bans oxar-hamri 
fyrir ofan eyrat, sva at J)egar horffiu upp fsetrnir. M spur6i Einarr 
ef hann vildi annat *. SigurSr stod a faetr ok skauzt inn i dyrnar 2 ; 
en konur gripa Einar, ok badu hann heim fara ; ok hann gorSi sva. 
Si San sendi hann f Hvamm at hitta Sturlu. Einarr forgilsson var 
at gistingu f AsgarSi at Erlendz prestz. SigurSr for ]?egar a fund 
Einars, ok sag3i honum hver osaemQ honum vseri gor, ok ba6 hann 
asja. Einarr le"zk JDat vilja, at eigi ynni J^eir opt a jpingmonnum 
hans. Sturla for i Tungu ok stefndi til sin bondum ; ok v6ru J)eir 
nser J)rir tigir manna. Einarr f^orgilsson sendi J)a Styr Gilsson at 
beiSa baendr, at J)eir kaemi i AsgarS, Ok er Sturla var9 ]pess varr, 
f)a kva6 hann J)ess skyldu eigi kost. SiSan rei9 Einarr f Tungu 
vi5 niunda mann ; en ]peir Sturla gengu mot f)eim Einari. H segir 
Sturla : ' Saddir eru vdr mi 3 a heimsoknum y9rum, ok mjok virSu 
v^r til agangs y3rar tiltektir, ok s^nu meirr ]pykkjumk vdr undan 
sera 4 ; ok veldr J)at, at ve"r J)ykkjumk meirr sja vi9 vandr3e9um 5 ; 
en kostr mun mi a at r&ta hlut sinn vi9 J)ik, Einarr.' Hann segir : 
' Sva at eins skal sii heimsokn, at y9r skal engi 6s3ern5 at vera,' 
ok maelti allfagrt. Ok var J>at mal sva lukt, at Sturla skyldi einn 
gora 6 . Sturla kvezk j^a mundu gorQ upp segja, ' At ek mun gora 
r^tt mannzins, ok skal h^r mi gjalda f6it/ ^at var yxn ^re'-vett ok 
hestr 7 . Ok skilSusk vi5 {>at. Hallr f>j6961fsson var at laekningu 
at Hvali J>ar til hann var heill. ^ maelti Helgi prestr : ' Nii rae6 ek 
J)at, at J)ii farir i Hvamm ok skjotir J)inu mali undir Sturlu ; ok aetla 
ek J)^r J)at vaenst til leiSre'ttu.' Hallr ferr ok hittir Sturlu, ok kvezk 
vilja leggja a hans dom sitt mal. Sturla sag9i, at hann vill leggja 
Halli saem8 til fyrir averkann. 

14. Halldorr h^t ma8r, er kallaSr var hvirfill; hans son h^t 
Kjartan ; hann var hiiskarl 6spaks i Holti. Gudbjorg hdt kona 
hans ; h6n var d6ttir Skdld-I ) 6r6ar ; hon haf6i fylgt ViSari t'orgeirs- 
syni, ok v6ru J)au J)a skilS ; h6n var J)d heima-kona i Holti. f'at 
var J>a mal manna, at Kjartan vaeri at hjali vi5 hana. Sva bar at 
eitt sinn, er ]3au f6ru fra tidum, at ViSarr hitti J)au a leiS. Hann 
hljop at Kjartani ok rak hann niSr ; ok kva8 mikil firn, er auvirdi 

1 Einarr mcelti ' villtu enn annat,' B. 3 dyrrin, B. 3 staddir ero{> er mi, B 
(erron.) * asra] B; eira ( = CE), Cd. 5 vendrae5um, B. 6 einn gora] gnia 
me9 {)eim, B (wrongly). 7 Stuvla kvezk hestr] Sturla sagdi ec geri fyrir dverkan 
best ok uxa iii vetran ok gialdi mi fcegar, B. 


[I. 73, 74: ii. 20.] 

J>at lagSisk at konum ; ok f6r vi6 hann flla. En er b6ta var beitt 
fyrir t>etta, >a sagdi hann : ' Ef ek skal baeta, {>a vil ek eiga fyrir 
nokkut at baeta/ Ok enn f annat sinn hittir hann Jmu Kjartan ok 
GuQbjorgu a fornum vegi, ok rekr hann ni5r ok fen me6 hann flla, 
ok berr sva a h6num, ok maelti vi6 hann svfvirSlega. Ok er Ospakr 
var8 J>essa varr, J)d beiSisk hann b6ta, ' Ok vird mik til i J)essu mail 
um hiiskarl mfnn, ok J>ar er teng5a-ma3r mfnn sem \>u ert.' freir 
v6ru brae6r, Oddr faSir (Sspaks, ok fcorgeirr faflir ViSars. Hann 
kvazk mundu einu 1 baeta, kva6 Kjartan hafa verit lengi se*r til 
6{>yrftar 2 . Ok fgksk af ekki. i>at var um vetrinn Magnus-messu 
fyrir J61 at JDeir f6ru ba6ir til Hvals til tffia 8 ; ok er lokit var [tfSum] 
gengu menn f brott. Vi5arr gkk or kirkju-garSi, ok for heim; en 
Kjartan gkk J)egar eptir honum ok hj6 i hofu6 h6num ; ok leiddi 
{>at sar Vi6ar til bana. Kjartan hlj6p J>a6an su5r yfir Hei6i, ok 
kom i Hvamm, ok sag6i Sturlu averkann. Sturla kvaQ honum 
naudsyn a hafa verit, ok skaut yfir hann nokkurum skildi 4 . Kjartan 
var skyldr Jpeim braeSrum torgilsi ok Narfa fra Skar6i, ok sendi 
Sturla hann J)angat, ok toku J>eir vi3 h6num ok komu h6num utan, 
ok gafu f^ til farningar h6num. 

15. Gils he*t maQr, er bj6 a Me5alfellz-strond ; hann dtti litid f6 
ok mannheill. Ozurr hdt sonr hans, hann var i forum; ok var 
fyrst lest-reki Gu6laugs au9ga, Noraens mannz. Hann graeddi af f6 
til J)ess er hann var ma6r au6igr. Hann keypti land a Nor6ri 
Strond f Budardal, ok gor6i seV bii, ok gorSisk n^tr bondi ok gagn- 
samr, ok J)6 flla heill longum. i'orgils hdt ma9r er bjo f Kr6ks- 
fir6i 5 ; hann var Iftill fyrir se*r; hans synir v6ru J)eir Grfmr ok 
Skapti 6 . Grfmr var kominn a framfaerslu Alfs 7 Orn61fssonar f 
Fagradal ; en Skapti bj6 f Kr6ksfir9i, ok atti 6meg9 mikla en fd 
Iftid, ok hann sjalfr var li'tils-hattar. ^eir brae6r v6ru tal6ir til 
arftoku eptir Ozur inn auQga ; J)vfat ^orkatla Svartzdottir J)6tti eigi 
hafa vit til at varQveita f^it ; en h6n var J)a skyldust Ozuri. Josep 
hdt ma6r, hann var Grettisson, Skeggja sonar Skamm-hondungs ; 
hann var g66r b6ndi ; kona hans hdt Alof, ok var Tryggva d6ttir ; 
born J)eirra v6ru J>au Oddr, Heimlaug ok fc6rdfs. Oddr Josepsson 
var jafn-skyldr Ozuri sem J)eir Skapti ok Grfmr. Oddr var snjallr 

1 einu] aengu, B. 2 kvad Kjartan hafa verr haft i saurum (!) ok tilgercJum, 

B. s l>at var ti6a] B ; en er menn foru til ti&a, Br., H. * nokkoro skjoli, B. 
6 i KroksfirSi] B; a Skar&i, Br., H. fl Skopti, B (and below). 7 Alfs] B and 
440 ; 6lafs, Cd. 

1161-1169.] STURLU SAGA, 15. 57 

[I. 75 : ii. 20.] 

madr ok vel maeltr l , ok fcotti Ozuri >ar vel komit fe sftt er Oddr 
taeki viS. Oddr var ok longum i Bu6ardal, ok sva ]3a er sott f^ll at 
honum 2 . M bj6 Erlendr prestr Hallason 3 i. Asgar6i ; hann var 
jDingmadr Einars f>orgilssonar ok alda-vin bans, ok sat fyrir gisting 
bans hvart sem hann var fjolmennari e6r famennari; hann var 
gildr b6ndi ; h6num fylgSi J6runn Grettisdottir. Snorri son Gufu- 
Hallz haf5i raSit sik at vistar-fari vestr i Saurbae, ]pviat hann var i 
ti'61eikum vi6 Kolfinnu t>orgrfmsdottur konu Sigurdar a Bjarnar- 
stodum Hoskullz-sonar, ok gorSisk hann vin Einars orgilssonar. 
En er um var vandat vistir bans i Saurbae, J^a Iag6i hann biilag vi3 
Erlend prest i Asgar6i ; var hann hallr undir Einar i malaferlum jpeirra 
Sturlu. M lagSi Sturla 6]pokka a J>a Erlend ok Snorra ; ok kva6 
s^nask sem J)eir vildi m6tgongu-menn bans gorask. ^at var eitt 
sinn, at hross J>eirra Erlendz 4 hof6u gengit yfir ana ; en Mar Alfsson 
gaetti smala i Hvammi. Hann tok hrossin ok bindr; en IPorleifr 
Ketilsson, hiiskarl Erlendz prestz, ferr til, ok rak hann af baki, ok 
bar6i hann sva at hann var bae6i blar ok bloSugr. Sturla var 
riSinn a Strond lit, ok kom heim annan dag viku. Honum var sagt 
af sameign ]?eirra Mas ok ]?orleifs. Sturla kva6 slikt vera osoma 
mikinn at berja a monnum saklausum, ok kva6 eigi go6u mundu 
reifa. Si6an l^t hann gora njosn um hvat J)eir hof^usk 5 at i 
AsgarSi; ok vard jpess varr, at |)eir Erlendr aetluSu til laugar 
Drottinsdag eptir dagver6. Um daginn for Sturla heiman, ok 
Sveinn sonr bans, til laugar. Ok er jpeir k6mu J3ar, var prestr i 
laugu, en Snorri gdkk or lauginni ; en l*orleifr sat, ok farinn 6 or 
klae6unum ok aetlaSi i laug. feir unnu ]pegar a Snorra, en vogu 
f'orleif. M maelti Sturla vi5 Svein, at hann skyldi vinna a Erlendi 
presti 7 . Sveinn sag6i : ' fat haefir eigi, J)vfat hann er skiri-fa6ir 
mfnn/ Si6an fara J)eir Sturla heim. Ketill prestr fa6ir torleifs 
var J)ingma6r Einars ^orgilssonar. i>eir Einarr f6ru ok l^stu vigi 
ok averkum 8 . !*eir kvaSu mjok s^nask ofsa ok fjandskap ok illsku ; 
ok kvaSu Sturlu opt vekja 6vfsu 9 . Ok um varit eptir var fundr 
lagQr i Saelingsdal ofanverSum; ok ur6u menn {)ar eigi sattir. 
Nokkuru sf6arr kom nor5an Snorri Einarsson 10 . Ok var J)a [enn] 
fundr Iag6r f Saelingsdal ; ok atti hann mikinn hlut f saettum, ok 

1 maeltr] B ; mentr, Br., H. 2 ok svd {)a er hann andaSiz, B. 3 Hallason] 
add. B. * l> eirra Erlendz] J>eirra or Asgar&i, B. 5 hefoitz, B. 6 for, B. 

7 vi6 Svein presti] add. B. 8 ok averkum] B; fyrir 65rum, Cd. 9 optaz 

fyrr vekja uvisu, B. 10 Einarsson] thus B ; read ' Kalfssoa ' (?). In Br., H, the 
name is abridged and uncertain. 


[I. 76: ii. 21, 22.] 

kva6 einsaett at eigi aukisk 1 vandraeol manna, ok kva6 ymsa valda. 
f>a vard satt ; ok t6k sfnn mann hvdrr til gorSar. Eptir J>at bra 
Erlendr bui sinu, en Snorri for a Skarfsta8i. 

16. H er Einarr i>orgilsson fre'tti 2 andlat Ozurar ins au3ga, J)a 
f6r hann lit f Fagradal til Alfs. Ok er hann kom J>ar, J)a sagdi hann 
Grimi eyrendi sitt : ' Ek vil at ]pu farir heim me6 mr ; en ek vil 
eiga 3 fjar-heimtu J)a er J>ii att f Bii5ardal.' Grimr var leiddr 6r 
kirkju, ok for me8 Einari. En Alfr kva5 J)at eigi at sinum vilja 
gort, ' I>viat ek hefi/ sag8i hann, * aSr lagt fe* fyrir hann ; ]pviat 
Ozurr var eigi skilgetinn ; ok sat ek >vi fyrir 6meg8um ; ok 
J)ykkjumk ek J)vf til kominn at nokkurum hluta um fjar-tokuna.' 
Einarr kvezk eigi hir8a hvat hann maelti. Ok t6k i hond Kirkju- 
Grfmi, er J)a var kalla8r, ok nefndi vatta 4 ; ok skildi sva fyrir hand- 
sali, at hann t6k handsolum ok heimildum a f^ J)vi ollu er var i 
Bu6ardal ok Grimr var J>a arfi at orfiinn; 'En ek handsala 5 
h6num vist a moti ok framfaerslu/ Eptir J)at for Einarr a fund 
Skapta, ok t6k af honum handsol me3 slfkum haetti. Si8an for 
hann i Budardal a fund Oddz ; ok sag8i h6num, at hann vildi leysa 
hann fra f^ J>vi ollu, er J)ar var, me8 sex tigum hundraSa 6 . Oddr 
kvazk J)at eigi vilja, J)6tt hann taeki af monnum nauSgum slikar 
klengingar 7 . M maelti Einarr : ' ^at hefi ek heyrt menn maela, at 
J)u munir eigi vera skilgetinn, ok mun Jmt vera r^ttara at J)u hafir 
ekki af.' SiSan skil8u J)eir med slikum or8a-akostum ; ok f6r 
Einarr heim ; en Oddr ferr J)egar ok hittir Sturlu, ok sotti hann at 
mali. Sturla kvazk mundu a lita me6 h6num. Si8an l^t Oddr 
J)au or8 fara til Einars, at hann mundi bera jam, at hann vaeri 
arfgengr 8 , heldr en lata laust fyrir log fram. Ok J)a var kominn 
til Einars Mar GuSmundarson, Vilmundr Snorrason, f varr Ozurar- 
son, Grimr ok Asbjorn Ljotz-synir. i'eir ur8u sekir um vig Karls 
Konradssonar ok Bodvars Grlmssonar. f>eir v6ru kalla8ir Sk6g- 
ungar. ^eir hof8u a8r verit i Flatey med ^orsteini Gy8usyni. 

17. Um vdrit eptir Paska f6r Einarr ^orgilsson lit i Biidardal, ok 
t6k upp buit allt mat ok 9 voru ok ganganda fd, J>at er JDeir mattu 
me8 komask; en Oddi var haldit medan, ok bad Einarr hann 
kyrran vera ; ok gkk at h6num, ok greip af hendi h6num silfr- 
hring ; ok f6r heim sfdan. {>a var gort virki um baeinn a Sta5ar- 

1 aukisk] iaeykiz, B. 2 fretti] fra, B. 3 eiga] taka, B. * Grimi ok nefndi 
vtta, B. 5 hansala, B (here and often). 6 nio tige hundra& (!), B. 7 J)6tt 
hann taeki af ser nauftgum, B. 8 arfgengr] logligr arfi, B. 9 mat ok] add. B. 

1169-1170.] STURLU SAGA, 16-18. 59 

[I. 77 : ii. 23.] 

h61i, ok voru J)ar byrg3 nautin um naetr ok vakat yfir, en seti6 at 
um daga undir fjallinu gegnt StaSarholi. Oddr Josepsson for 
J)egar eptir ranit i Hvamm, ok ba6 Sturlu Ii6s, ok kvazk mjok 
Jmrfa bans fulltings, * Ok vil ek/ segir hann, ' gefa J^r f6 til 
H6veizlu.' Sturla kvezk eigi nenna at deila um slikt mal viQ Einar, 
' En hitta mattu Einar Ingibjargarson, ok vita ef hann vill x rtta 
hlut J)inn.' Nu hitti Oddr Einar, ok sotti hann at trausti, ok 
kvezk vera mjok van-haldinn ; ' Nu vil ek gefa J)dr f6 til liSs.' 
Einarr kvezk vilja hitta Sturlu. Ok mi fara jpeir ba6ir a fund 
Sturlu ; ok sag6i Einarr, at hann mun til seilask 2 ; ' S^nisk mdr at 
6jafna5i ganga at soguru. E6r hverju viltii J^r af skipta?' Sturla 
sag6i: 'Veiztii J)at, magr, at ek mun eigi vi6 {)ik skilja i mala- 
ferlum.' Si6an for Sturla ok Einarr me9 Oddi i Bu6ardal, ok 
gorQu J)ar setur ; somnu6u at sdr bufd JDVI er eptir haf6i orSit, ok 
sva hof6u J)eir fong or eyjum, egg ok sela 3 . Si6an for Sturla heim; 
en J>eir Einarr ok Oddr voru fyrir setunni. Einarr haf6H skipkost 
betri enn BiiSdselir, ok ur5u hans menn J)ar opt fengi-saelli. 

18. Einarr Ingibjargarson for eitthvert sinn me5 nokkura menn 
f Tjaldanes, ok kvezk vilja gora Saurbaeingum nokkut flit. Ok er 
J)eir komu f Tjaldanes, hjoggu J>eir f sundr skip ok skiitur Einars, 
ok voru jpau J)rju, ok kva9 ]pat 4 mega jafnask me5 ]peim. Ok sneri 
heim aptr it neSra um fjoru. M f6ru J)eir Arni Gilsson ok Bjorn 5 
Kalfsson litan i mot J>eim it efra um m^rarnar; ok fundu J)eir 
Einarr eigi fyrr en jpeir komu um fram ; ok sneru JDegar eptir ]peim, 
ok eltu langt ; en J)a dro undan. Ok skildu at J>vf . En er Einarr 
fcorgilsson var3 J)essa varr, kvezk hann vilja hitta BiiQdaeli. Ok 
sva var gort. En er baendr ur6u f>essa varir, J>a somnuSusk J)eir 
saman, ok gengu a milli, ok var hvarigum kostr at gora o6rum 
mein. Einarr stefndi si'Qan um skipa-hoggit. Ok foru heim eptir 
Jmt. Einarr rei6 si6an til J)ings. Ok {'riSju-nott [ena] naestu fyrir 
J)ingit, foru J)eir Einarr [Ingibjargarson] nor6r 6 it efra yfir fjall ofan 
TraSardal upp fra Sta6arh61i ; en J)eir gor3u tva menn sfna ofan 
f Melardal 7 , ok einn ofan Asolfs-gotu 8 til nj6snar, at vita um naut 
jpau er 6r Biidardal vaeri komin. En J)eir komu a m6ti J)eim 
Einari i fcverardal, ok sog5u J)eim at nautin vaeri naer tuni a StaSar- 
h61i. Si6an foru J)eir til nautanna; ok ]pekti Oddr l>ar med 

1 vill] vili, B. 2 selaz, B. 3 egg ok sela] B ; egg setunni ok sela, Br. 

4 t>at] l>a, B. 5 Bjorn] Bjarni, B. 6 norfir] emend. ; su8r it efra, Cd. ; om. 
B. 7 mel ar dal, B. 8 Cp. SkiSa R. 


[1-78: "-'a-] 

gra5ung J)ann er kominn var 6r Bu5ardal. Ok fyrir J)vf hugdu JDeir, 
at, J)au myndu vera nautin. En JDat v6ru J)6 heima-naut af Stadar- 
holi. f'eir reka nautin beint yfir ana, ok stefna til Tjaldaness. M 
er Einarr reid til lyings, setti hann eptir Ma Gilsson ok Vilmund. 
Sturla reiQ [ok] til {>ings. Vilmundr ok J)eir fdlagar v6ru heima badir, 
ok v6ru gengnir til borSa, en Mar fastaSi um daginn. M kom ma6r 
inn 1 stofuna, ok sagSi J> vera mundi til onnur s^sla en matask 
lengi; ok segir [at] naut Einars vaeri brott rekin, ok BuSdaelir 
mundi komnir. l>eir Vilmundr hlj6pu J)d til vapna, ok foru eptir 
J)eim, ok nokkurir menn af naestum baejum, er sa 1 for hvarra- 
tveggju. I>eir fundusk fyrir utan ana upp fra Hleypilaek, ok v6ru 
J)eir Oddr xv e6r xvi, en j^eir Vilmundr v6ru fjortan. En er {>eir 
finnask, slosk J>ar J>egar i bardaga. Ok snernma dagsins hj6 Ivarr 
prestr Einar um J)verar herSar, ok var6 J)at mikit sar ; en Oddr hj6 
fvar prest bana-hogg. Oddr Josepsson vd Leif huskarl Einars 
^orgilssonar. Si6an hjo Oddr til Asbjarnar Finnzsonar a oxlina, 
ok klauf ni3r f si6una sva at sa inn f holit. f>a hjo hann til 
frorsteins Alfssonar 2 , ok klauf andlitid ; ok fe'll hann J)ar. Asbjorn 
Finnzson Iag6i spjoti til Grfms ; ok fe'll hann eigi, ok gkk 3 upp a 
lagit, sva at oddrinn nam staSar f hrygginum. Hann snorisk 4 vi5, 
ok hljop spjotiQ lit a milli rifjanna, ok gkk hann J)a upp a skaptiS, 
ok hj6 med handoxi a hond Asbjarnar ; ok var J>at mikit sar. f>ar 
fe'll Grfmr ok AuSunn Tostason 5 . Stein61fr af Kverngrj6ti 6 , Einarr 
SigurSarson 7 af Bjarnarstodum. t'eir hofdu hlaupit til 6r torf- 
skurSi. Bjarni Finnzson fekk ok mikit sar a si9u, ok Sigurdr 
Ingimundarson fdkk averka st6ran. Vilmundr Snorrason varQ ok 
staddr nauQulega; ok horfaSi fram at anni, ok stakk spj6t-skapt- 
inu a bak s6r aptr yfir ana, ok komsk sva me8 hlaupi I brott. Ok 
nti lauk bardaganum. Ok er ]peir v6ru skil6ir, ur8u Bu6daelir J>ess 
varir, at Einarr Ingibjargarson var sarr ordinn. Ok vildu J>a sumir 
fara eptir J>eim ok drepa ]pa ; en hitt var raSs tekit, at J)eir snoru 
yfir til Hvals til Helga prestz, J>viat Einarr f^sti JDCSS; ok kvad 
mikit at orfiit ; ok var hann borinn af fundinum a skildi 8 . Hallr 
inn rau6i f6r til Hvals ok sag6i presti tfdendin. Si'8an ferr hann f 
m6ti J)eim, ok batt um sar Einars, ok flutti hann heim til Hvals. 
'En J)at er mitt rad/ sagdi hann, 'at nokkurir fari a Sta3arhol, 

1 er sa] B ; Einarr sa, Cd. 2 Alfssonar] emend. ; 6lafss., B and Cd. 3 g6kk] 
B; fell, Cd. * snorisk] snaradiz, B. 5 Tostason] B ; Josteins synir, Cd. 6 Kvern- 
grjoti] thus B ; kvernbrjotr, Br. (badly). 7 Sigvatzson, B. 8 a skildi] add. H. 

n7o.] STURLU SAGA, 19. 61 

[I, 79, 80 : ii. 24.] 

J)vfat miklu J)arf nii um staerra at tala, allz $6 hefir mistekizk til 
nautanna/ Ok J>at vildi Oddr. V6ru J)a nautin rekin a StaSarhol. 
Sf3an foru J>eir Oddr f BuSardal ; ok sendu J>egar til Sturlu, ok var 
J>a hestr buinn, ok rei3 (5lafr f'orgeirsson J)eim x f Laekjarskog. H 
var tekinn annarr hestr; h6num rei3 hann a GlystaoH 2 . M inn 
J)ri5i til >ings til bu9ar Sturlu ; ok sagSi h6num tiSendin. M heimti 
Sturla at seV vini sfna, ok sag9i hvat at hefSi or3it. Ok litlu sfSarr 
kom Sigmundr, er Herdfs hafdi sendan af Sta3arh<51i at segja 
ti3endin Einari f>orgilssyni. 

19. Sf3an gorSisk 6]pokki mikill milli manna ok Ii6s-drattr. 
Klaengr biskup var me3 Einari fraenda sfnum, Gizurr Hallzson, ok 
i>orleifr beiskaldi, Snorri Kalfsson 3 ok margir a8rir. En Brandr 
biskup veitti Sturlu fraenda sfnum. Saemundr fa5ir biskups var 
fo3ur-br<56ir Vigdfsar m66ur Sturlu. Bo5varr ^rdarson veitti 
Sturlu magi sfnum, forvar^r fcorgeirsson, ok margir aSrir. En 
sumir leitudu um saettir. Ok var6 ekki af J)vf ; ok for malit f dom, 
ok gor8u hvarir a3ra sekja. En er Iei3 at J)inglausnum, J)6tti 
monnum ofridlegt, ef sva buin faeri mal til h^raSs. Ok attu menn 
J)a hlut at ; ok var J>a saetzk a malin, ok skyldi Klaengr biskup gora 
ok BoSvarr fcorSarson. Ok var J)a J>egar upp lokit ; ok JDotti Sturlu 
ver5a gorSir skakkar ok 6hagar ; ok voru J)d fram faerdar syknur 
manna. Sturla rei9 fyrri af J)ingi en Einarr. Ok er hann kom 
heim, J)a var Einarr Ingibjargarson J)ar kominn ok Helgi prestr 
me3 honum. Ok litlu sf3arr kom Oddr 4 Josepsson at hitta Sturlu ; 
en Sturla kva3 eigi mundu annat vaenna 6 en J)eir gor3i f^lags-bu. 
Oddr kvezk J)ess buinn. Ok var J)at ra3it, at hann skyldi eiga 
bii 6 f Hvammi. Sf6an settisk Sturla fyrir mal J)eirra oil. Einarr 
Ingibjargarson ok Oddr ok aSrir Bii3daelir voru f Hvammi J)au 
misseri, ok v6ru J)ar xviii menn sekir um vetrinn. Einarr fcorgils- 
son haf5i ok mart setu-manna um vetrinn : i>ar var Hallr Gilsson 
fraendi hans, ok Asbjorn HafliSason, Ami Bassason ok ^orgils 
Sighvatzson, Hallr I'orSarson, ^orgrfmr Kolbeinsson 7 . fceir v6ru 
allir fralegir menn 8 , sva at {>eir J)6ttusk oruggir fyrir jafn-morgum ; 
ok eigi kv66u J)eir sftt 6 vaenna Jx5tt J)eir hitti halfu fleiri BiiSdaeli. 

1 J>eim] add. B. 2 GlystaSi] thus B, cp. Bs. i. 591 ; now called Glissta9ir. 

3 Snorri Kalfsson] add. B. * Oddr] B ; Helgi, Cd. 5 kvad vaenna] B ; 

kvaz eigi nenna annat, Cd. 8 eiga bii] eiga i biii, B. 7 f>orgils Kolbeinsson] 
{>orgils Sighvatzson, Hallr f>orgrimsson (!), B. 8 frdlegir menn] fylg&ar menn 
Ein. f>org., B. 


[I. 80, 81 : ii. 25.] 

Margr f6r or8a-sveimr, en ekki var8 af fundum. Sturla I6t ok 
engin gjold um sumarit, t>vfat haett var kallat milli Jjeirra. Hann 
hafdi Iati5 gora virki um hiisin f Hvammi. Einarr Ingibjargarson 
for optlega um vetrinn til laugar me8 fimm menn e8r sex. Einarr 
f>orgilsson he'll njosnum til um ferdir bans. Hann fre'ttir J)a, at 
Einarr Ingibjargarson aetlar annan dag til laugar. Hann f6r J)d 
vestan me3 J)rja tigi manna. f>ann sama dag bj6sk Einarr Ingi- 
bjargarson til laugar vi8 fimmta mann ; en Sturla latti hann, ' Ok 
tykki m^r filar hleypi-farir slfkar.' Einarr kvezk fara vilja jafnt 
sem a8r. Si3an bj6sk Sturla til ferdar, ok v6ru J)eir a J)ri6ja tigi, 
alvapnaSir. Gils Styrmisson bj6 J)a at Laugum. Ok er hann 
var3 varr vi5 at ]?eir Einarr f>orgilsson satu vi6 laugina fjol- 
mennir, J)d leysti hann lit k^r sfnar ok rak J>aer ofan i Hola, 
J)viat hann vissi at Hvamms-menn aetluQu til laugar. Hann kallar, 
at J>eir Sturla skyldi aptr hverfa ; en annat skeid septi hann a nautin 
til 61ikenda. f'eir Sturla f6ru um fjall, ok k6mu til laugar, ok v6ru 
J)eir Einarr orgilsson J)ar fyrir ; ok re'Su hvarigir a a8ra. Ok nu 
f6r Einarr heim ; en Sturla litlu si8arr. Sturla lzk setla, at Einarr 
Ingibjargarson mundi eigi ^ykkjask of fjolmennr verit hafa, ef hann 
hefSi farit med fimmta mann, sem hann setlaSi. Hann sag6i : ' Magr, 
opt ertu vitrari en ek.' SiQan v6ru J>eir varari um laugar-farar en 
adr. ^ann kollu8u Hvamms-menn Biiddaela-vetr. 

20. Um sumarit rfda hvarir-tveggju til {>ings. M s6tti Einarr 
Sturlu um sattar-haldit ; ok attu J)a enn vinir J)eirra hlut I at saetta 
J)a ; ok var >a enn malum komit til lykta. Ok gengu til handsala 
fyrir Sturlu, Snorri br68ir hans, ok Ingjaldr sonr Gufu-Hallz ; hann 
atti f>6rf6i d6ttur Sturlu ok bj6 a SkarfstoSum. &a var gort f d 
hendr Sturlu fyrir sattar-haldit ; en allar inar fyrri gordir st68u. M 
v6ru bornar fram syknur hvarra-tveggju. I*at sumar var f>orvar8r 
^orgeirsson a {)ingi. Hann hafdi J)at a mali, at Einarr systur-sonr 
hans var 1 haf8r at forhleypis-manni ok at eggjanar-fifli vestr J)ar. 
Hann le*t s6r J>a ekki annat lika, en hann fari nordr me8 h6num af 
l^inginu 2 . Ok J>at var. Ok sf8an f6r hann utan, ok var med 
Magnusi konungi Erlingssyni, ok var vel metinn 3 ok J)6tti kurteis 
madr. En hann fell a fluvollum. En er Sturla kom heim af f>ingi 
{>a HkuSu h6num gor3ir eigi betr en it fyrra sumarit. Hann lt 
ok Ingjald mag sinn engin gjold gjalda, ok baud h6num at vera 

1 var] veri, B. a af f)ingii;u] add. B. 3 ok var vel metinn] um 

vetrinn, B (!). 

ii7i.] STURLU SAGA, 20. 63 

[I. 82 : ii. 25.] 

hja seV, ok kvaz J>at varlegra J)ykkja. Ingjaldr kvezk sitja vilja i 
biii smu. Snorri forSarson gait ok ekki f; ]pviat h6num J)6tti 
sem l eigi mundi af saettum ver6a ; ]x>tt hann gyldi sumt en sumt 
vaeri 6goldit. Hann seldi af hondum bu sftt undir Fjalli 2 , ok tok 
vid Oddr KroksfjarSarson ; en Snorri for til Ballar-ar til Alfs 3 
Snorrasonar, ok var J>ar um sumarit. M var illt J)erri-sumar, ok 
spilltusk hey manna. Ok Dr6ttinsdag at vetr-nottum kom Ingjaldr 
til ti6a i Hvamm. M mselti Sturla viS hann : ' Ek vilda kaupa at 
J)dr geldinga til slatrs ; jpviat me'r J)ykkir eigi varlegt, at ]pu farir me3 
mart geldinga ; hefi ek J)at spurt, at J)eir Saurbaeingar heitask jafnan 
vi5 J)ik ok f6 J>ftt.' Ingjaldr g6kk undan ok f>ag6i. Ok J>ri6ja dag 
eptir 4 kom <5lafr {>orgeirsson i Hvamm; hann var heima-ma6r a 
BjarnarstoSum. Sturla leiddi hann a gotu, ok spur6i hvert hann 
skyldi fara. Hann kvezk eiga orendi upp a Kugaldastadi. Hann 
haf6i verit heima-ma3r Sturlu. En J)a var J>ar i Hvammi Asbjorn 
prestr br66ir hans, ok Kolfinna Gilsdottir m66ir hans, ok Cecelia 
systir hans; hon fylgdi {)a Sveini Sturlusyni. M var fatt karla 
i Hvammi. Oddr Josepsson var farinn norSr 6 til hdraSs at smi6is- 
kaupum. Sveinn ok Prest-Oddr 6 voru farnir yfir i Dali. Sturla 
maelti um kveldit er hann kom inn : * Eigi Jpotti me'r 6lafr, fostri varr, 
f dag aloglegr, ok veit ek eigi hvat verit mun hafa undir for hans/ 
Um kveldit kom Sveinn heim ok Prest-Oddr, ok mart bui-manna. 
Ok um kveldit eptir natt-verS maelti Sturla vi3 Gu6nju hiisfreyju, 
at vera skyldi hringleikr 7 . Ok for til al]p^6a heima-manna ok gestir. 
Sturla maelti, at sja skyldi ut at o5ru-hvaru, ok ba6 menn hl^6ask 
um; J)vfat J)a var kyrt ve6r. Ok var vakat til miSrar nsetr e6r 
meirr ; ok var5 ekki vart vi6 manna-farir. (5lafr I'orgeirsson kom 
vestr a Sta3arhol, ok sagQi Einari oil tiSendi or Hvammi; ok sva J>at, 
at J)ar var fatt karla. Einarr kva3 hann vel segja. Ok annan aptan 
eptir bj6sk Einarr til ferdar. f'eir v6ru fjortan e6r fimtan. ^ar var 
Hallr Gilsson, Asbjorn HafliSason, Ami Bassason, (5lafr Klokkuson, 
Hallr ^orSarson 8 , f'orsteinn Tjorfason, fjostolfr Starrason. f>eir 
Einarr foru vestan um n6ttina, ok su6r at briininni fyrir austan 
gils-botn J)ann er austr er fra rei3-gotunni ; en skafl ok nyfenni var 
lagt i brunina, ok brutu J)eir J)ar s!66 i gegnum. l?eir foru ofan 
eptir Saelingsdal, ok ut fyrir Hvamm ok allt a SkarfstaSi ; ok foru 

1 sem] B ; at, Cd. 2 undir Fjalli] add. B. 3 Alfs] B; Olafs, Cd. * eptir 
tiSir, B (!). 5 nor&r] B ; a8r, Cd. 6 Prest-Oddr] called Kirkju-Oddr, above 

ch. 1 6. 7 at sla skyldi hringleik, B. 8 Jiorgils ss., add. B. 


[1.83: ii. 26.] 

sumir til hiisa heim, ok leystu lit naut 6r fj6si J)rettan. Sumir f6ru 
til sau3a-huss ofan f nes, ok somnuSu sauSfe' ollu J)vi er J:eir fundu. 
ar var Einarr sjalfr 1 for. Hann reid f gryfju nokkura ok fell 
hestrinn undir h6num ; en hann af baki, ok vard h6num meint vi5. 
I>eir raku allt fd er J)eir fundu ; ok foru litan 1 um n6ttina ; ok komu, 
er tysti, f Saelingsdal. 

21. Nii er J)at tf3enda a SkarfstoSum, at kona ein st63 upp i 
dagan 2 ; ok gkk til baena-hiiss. H6n gdkk til fj<5ss, J)vf at h6n 
heyrdi at naut belja3i. H6n sa at nautin v6ru f brottu, nema ein 
kvfga var eptir. Hon gkk inn ok sag9i Ingjaldi. Si6an f6ru 
menn f klae6i sin, ok toku seV hross ok ri6u inn til Hvamms. ar 
var Ingjaldr, f>orsteinn Gunnarsson, 6r3r Bodvarsson. eir komu 
a far nautanna, ok sa mikla manna-sl63. Sturla haf6i risit upp 
J)egar l^sti, ok ge*kk til to6u-gar3z. f'ar v6ru fyrir huskarlar, ok 
rufu hey-des er drepit haf6i um haustiS. Vindr var a nor6an, ok 
frj6sanda. feir sa, at J>rfr menn hleyp3u handan fra Akri sem fara 
mattu. Ok er J)eir k6mu a tiinvollinn, J)a kenndu J)eir at J)ar var 
Ingjaldr. M maelti Sturla : ' Sva lizk mdr a Ingjald mdg minn, 
sem hann muni nii f dag selja mdr geldingana.' Ingjaldr kom mi 
ok sagSi J)eim ranit. Sturla svaraSi ongu. G^kk heim J)egjandi, 
ok inn f skala til rums sfns ok t6k ofan skjold ok oxi. Gu9n^ 
husfreyja var voknud, ok spurdi hvat tf3enda vaeri. Hann svara6i : 
'Ekki enna 3 , annat en {>eir Einarr t'orgilsson hafa raentan 
Ingjald ollu ganganda feV Ok hlj6p J>egar fram a golfit ok J)adan 4 
lit. Gu6n^ st63 upp skj6tt, ok g^kk utar a g61fit, ok maelti : ' Standi 
menn upp skjott, Sturla er brott genginn me5 vapn sin, en Ingjaldr 
raentr.' Menn brug3u vi9 skj6tt ok klaeddusk, ok bjoggusk af 
hrapaSi mjok. Arni Bjarnason t6k skjold af J)ili, en eigi 5 fleiri 
menn ; ok J>eir hof9u tvau ein spj6t. Ok f6r J)a hverr sem biiinn var 
lit or gar3i 6 me9 hli3inni, ok t6ku tveir hross saman. Ok er J>eir 
komu til Krossh61a, v6ru f>eir nitjan saman. Sa J)eir J)a er J)eir 
Einarr foru upp um Ranar-vollu. Sturla sag9i: * ^at vil ek, at 
menn beri svd oxar-skopt sfn, at eigi leggi jokul a ; ' en ba9 {)a 
duga sem bezt. Sag9i J>ess van, at mi mundi annat-hvart fask 
mikil S35m9 e8r bani g63um drengjum. Ok fleiri studdu hans mal. 
Ok s6ttu mi leidina sem akafast. Sf8an sa J)eir Einarr [eptir]- 
rei8ina. M maelti Hallr Gilsson : ' {'at s^nisk mdr ra91egast, 

1 ok foru utan] add. B. 2 dagan] dSging, B. 3 enna] so also B. 4 J>a5an] 
l>vi naest, B. 5 en eigi] ok enn, B. 6 6r gar8i] add. B. 

7i.] STURLU SAGA, 21. 65 

[I. 84 : ii. 26.] 

fraendi, at lata eptir ungf&t, en reka undan J>at [it] hradfaerra; 
J)vfat me'r segir sva hugr urn sem vi6 liSs-mun muni at etja, ef vr 
finnumk [hdr] fyrir sunnan hei5ina.' M maelti Arni Bassason, 
ok nokkurir fleiri ]peir er akafastir voru : ' Eigi sjam v6r ]pa fleiri 
en v6r erum, heldr nokkuru faeri ; ok vist eigi vilju ve> renna fyrir 
jafn-morgum.' M segir Olafr Klokkuson : * Ek em ma3r skygn, 
ok s^nisk me'r sem flestir hafi tvi-mennt jpeir er eptir rl6a V Einarr 
sag3i: 'Hafa skal hvert lamb me5an halda 2 ma/ eim var3 mi 
sein form upp yfir ana, J)viat f&t var heimfiist. M er jpeir Einarr 
k6mu upp yfir Snorra-va9, J)a foru J)eir Sturla um Ranar-vollu. 
f'eim Einari var8 seint upp um brekkurnar, jpviat J)ar var snjor f 
driptum. M maelti Einarr til Arngeirs Au6unnarsonar : ' $u skalt 
fara vestr um HeiSi at samna Ii5i.' Ok sva gor3i hann. {>eir 
Einarr f6ru [allt] upp a heiSar-briinina 3 , ok foru rei6gotu. Ok er 
>eir voru komnir [a] upp, J>a hljopu J)eir af hestum ok toku s^r 
sto3u a framan-verdri brekkunni 4 . Ok J)a voru J)eir Sturla komnir 
at inni efstu brekkunni, ok hlaupa af hestum sinum. Ok hljop 
Sveinn Sturluson ok fcorsteinn Gunnarsson ; ok ver6r Sveinn fyrstr 
upp, ok snori 5 til J>eirrar s!66ar er J>eir Einarr hof6u farit um n6ttina 
vestan, ok ongir voru menn fyrir. Arni Bassason skaut af boga 
nokkurum drum, ok geigaSi J)at 6 , ok kom a ongan mann. En er J)eir 
Einarr sa hvert J>eir stefndu, J)a runnu J>eir a moti J)eim fyrir gils- 
botninn ; en Sturla sneri J)ar upp eptir, er J)eir Einarr 7 hof8u a6r 
farit upp. Ok er J)eir komu upp a brekkurnar 8 , J)a snua J)eir 
Einarr aptr moti J>eim. f>a maelti Sturla : ' Viltu, Einarr, laust lata 
f^it!' Einarr maelti : * Aldri, meQan vser megum d halda.' Ok J>vf 
naest hlaupask ]peir at. Ok g^kk Ingjaldr hart fram med reidda 
oxina; en (5lafr Klokkuson hj6 {>egar til hans, ok kom a oxlina 
vinstri, ok hlj6p J)egar a hoi, ok var t>at banvsent sdr. Asbjorn 
Hafli5a son 9 hj6 J^egar til Sturlu ok ofan f skjoldinn, ok klauf ni9r 
at mundriSa; J)a f6kk hann log tvau, ok kom hvart-tveggja f 
skjoldinn. Ok f \>vi bill var hoggin hond af Bersa Lj6tzsyni. Kf 
naest fkk sar forgrfmr Kolbeinsson; Sveinn Sturluson ok f>or- 
steinn Gunnarsson saerdu hann ; ok var hann hogginn a hondina 
tve-falda ok sundr handleggrinn bae6i fyrir ofan olbogann ok 

1 rida] B ; eru, Cd. 2 halda] ganga, B. 3 bninina] bruna, B. 4 brekk- 
unni] briininni, B, and again in the next line. 8 snori] sneru, B. 6 ok geigadi 
bat] emend. ; ok gagna&i bat ekki, Cd. ; om. B. 7 Einarr] add. B. 8 brekk- 
urnar] briinina, B. 9 Heflab. s. (!), B, and again below. 

VOL. I. F 


[I. 85 : ii. 26.] 

framan; hann haf3i ok her8a-sdr mikit. Sf3an Iag64 ma8r til 
<5lafs Klokkusonar, ok kom a miSjan hann. Tvau hafdi hann log, 
ok stor sar 6'nnur, ok gekk hann fra i hallinn upp ok settisk J)ar 
ni8r. M fe*kk Snorri Hallzson sdr d hendi. f>eir Ami Bassason 
ok Arni Bjarnason st66u f Jxrt 1 , ok rei6a upp vapnin. fd maelti 
Ami Bassason : ' Nafni, eigumk vit eigi vit, J)vfat vit hofum maelt til 
vinattu.' Le*t J)d Arni Bjarnason siga ni8r skjoldinn fra andliti se'r. 
En er J)at sa Arni Bassason, J)d reiddi hann upp oxina tveim 
hondum, ok hj6 til hans ; en hann brask undan, ok hjo hann ni8r 
oxinni, ok steypSisk eptir. M hjoggu J)eir Arni ok Prest-Oddr 2 
baSir til hans, ok kom annat f hofu5it en annat um jyverar 
her6arnar i gegnum brj6sti6 ; ok \6t Arni J>ar Iff sftt. 1 J)vf bili 
hafSi Asbjorn Hafli6ason hoggit ni6r oxinni, ok var9 h6num laus 
oxin, ok renndi fra honum ; ok er hann vildi taka hana, J)a horvaSi 3 
hann, J>vfat J)ar var hallr 4 , ok fdll hann flatr. I'd hj6 Sveinn 
Sturluson til hans, ok kom a hann mi6jan, ok brast vi9. Asbjorn 
var gyrQr saxi, ok kom hoggit f hjaltiQ ofan; en oddrinn saxins 
nam mundriSann 5 . Hann st66 J)egar upp, ok var eigi sarr or6inn. 
M f<6kk Einarr lag af spjoti a s(6u, ok rann honum mjok b!69. 
I'orsteinn Tjorvason kraekQi mann Sturlu at se'r me6 oxinni, ok 
svd undir faetr se'r; ok fdkk hann komit ser ofan i gilit undir 
holfenni 6 . Nokkurir fleiri menn ur3u sarir f hvarum-tveggja flokki 
en he'r eru nefndir. ^a maelti Einarr vi3 Svein Sturluson : ' I>at 
vildu v^r, at ]pu gaefir oss gri6, pvfat ]DU att jafnan J)ann hlut f 
me6 oss, er J>a er betr en a6r/ Sveinn maelti : ' Fa9ir minn 
raeQr griSum.' H settisk Einarr ni5r, ok maeddi hann b!63ras. 
I'd maelti Hallr Gilsson til Sturlu : ' Grid vildu v^r mi hafa.' 
Sturla maelti :' Leggit mi vdpnin ni5r.' feir vildu J>at eigi 7 : M 
maelti Sturla : ' Gri3 skulu J)^r mi fa.' f*d v6ru J)eim gri6 seld, ok 
maelti enginn f m6ti, J)6at f6 mundi aptr fara. fessir menn v6ru 
nefndir me9 Sturlu d heiSinni : Sveinn sonr hans, Ingjaldr magr 
hans, ok hiiskarlar hans tveir, Snorri br66ir hans, [Prest-Oddr,] 
i'orgeirr Bassason, ^rSr EindriSason 8 , Asbjorn Lj6tzson 9 , 

1 st66u i J)ot] thus B (dubious), which H in the margin comments by ' butu upp,' 
which in 440 is received into the text. 2 Prest-Oddr] |>6rdr, B. 3 read 

hrasaSi (?). * hallr] hallent, B. 8 nam vi9 jor3unni, B. 6 ok svd holfenni] 
ok soxu3u beir hann undir faetr s6r ofan i gilit undir holfenne nacquat, B. 7 beir 
vildu bat eigi] thus; one would expect, ' beir gor8u sva;' B abridged Sturla 
svarar, Leggit ba vapnin. pa voru beim grid gefin. 8 B; Nichulasson, Cd. 

8 conj. ; Hjortzson, Cd. ; om. B. 

ii7 1.] STURLU SAGA, 22, 23. 67 

[1.86,87: ii. 27, 28.] 

I^roddr 1 Sveinsson, Bersi 2 Ljotzson ok Ingimundr br63ir bans, 
Ami Bjarnason, Hallr Gilsson, ok Atli i j orm66arson. Ingjaldr, 
magr Sturlu, var J)egar orendr ; ok Ami Bassason af liSi Einars, en 
Clafr Klokkuson ok fcorgrfmr Kolbeinsson fengu J)j6nostu ok 
6ndu6uz ba6ir. f>orsteinn Tjorfason la allan vetrinn f sarum, ok 
varS graeddr at kalla. Graeddir ur6u ok aSrir menn allir. En 
Snorri Hallzson ok Bersi [Ljotzson] ur9u eigi orkymla-lausir, Jw'at 
Bersi \6t bond sina, en Snorri n^tti ekki af hendi 3 . 

22. f*d er Sturla for heim af fundinum haf6i hann me3 seV lik 
Ingjallz ok fe* allt J>at er raent haf6i verit. f>eir Einarr fluttusk ok 
heim ; komu menn i moti peim i Hvammsdal. Eptir fund J)enna 
satu hvarir-tveggju f buum [sinum] um vetrinn ; ok var J)at mal 
flestra manna, at a J)eim fundi skipti um mann-vir6ingar me9 J)eim 
Sturlu ok Einari. Um' varit eptir v6ru malin buin til AlJ)ingis, ok 
ri3u hvarir-tveggju til J)ings, ok he'ldu fram malunum. Var enn 
sem fyrr, at vinir J)eirra gengu i milli ; ok var smiit til satta ; ok 
skyldi Jon Loptzson gora um ok Gizurr Hallzson. Var J)eim 
gorSum sva farit sem liklegast })6tti, at helzt mundi saettirnar 
haldask ; en ekki meS Jrvilfkum stafna-bur9 4 sem fyrr voru gorvir. 
Ok skilSusk menn sdttir a J>vf J)ingi a oil J)au mal er milli hofdu 
verit ; ok foru vi6 J)at heim. Ok voru nu 5 sattir. 

23. Tanni hdt ma6r, er bjo f Galtardals-tungu ; hann atti Gunn- 
hildi Bersadottur 6 systur I>6r9ar. l>6rdfs h^t onnur dottir Bersa ; 
henni fylg6i at lagi sa ma6r er fcorgeirr h^t ; hann var kenndr vi9 
m66ur sina ok kalla5r Arnoruson ; Bo9varr h^t fa6ir bans. 
I'ordis var oskapvaer. fordis for eitt sinn a kynnis-leit i Tungu til 
systur sfnnar. En er torgeiri J)6tti h6n seint koma heim, J)a for 
hann eptir henni ; en h6n var trau9 r heimfarar. M Iag6i Tanni 
J)au or8 til; kvezk hann eigi vilja at h6n fan nau8ig 6r sinum 8 
h^b^lum. ^orgeirr sag6i, at hann mundi eigi J)vf ra5a. Ok 
greindi J)a a, {)ar til er torgeirr hjo til Tanna, ok var J>at bana-sar. 
Eptir J)etta for f'orgeirr f>egar d fund Sturlu, ok bad hann asja ; 
en Sturla kva5 slfkt ill verk vera ; en \6zk eigi kunna um 9 J)ingmenn 
sina at reka J)a fra sdr. En Tanni haf64 verit J)ingma5r frorleifs 

1 Oddr, B. 2 Bersi] Briisi, B. 3 ok Ami Bassason af hendi] this whole 

passage is here restored in accordance with B ; in Br. the names are wholly dis- 
placed and thrown into confusion. * Should either be ' stafna-bur5um ' (plur.) or 
' var gorr ' for ' voru gorvir ;' B omits the whole passage. 6 mi] B ; viS bat, Cd. 
6 Bnisadottur, B. 7 trauS] B; naudig, Cd. 8 sinum] hans, B.. 9 um] B; viS, Cd. 

F 2 


[I. 88 : ii. 28.] 

beiskalda ok frsendi. f'orleifr t6k vid mail eptir Tanna ok s6tti 
fcorgeir til sekdar fullrar a Aiding! ; ok s^ndisk Sturlu eigi at verja 
pat ma] ; ok vard f>orgeirr sekr sk6gar-madr, en Sturla kom h6num 
litan um sumarit nordr i Eyjafirdi. (5feigr h^t madr Salgerdarson, 
en Bergr he't fadir bans; hann var vinr Sturlu ok heima-madr 
bans ; hann for nordr med orgeiri ok f6r utan. Annat sumar 
eptir kom Ofeigr lit, ok f6r pa til Sturlu, ok var par um vetrinn. 
forleifr vard pessa viss ; ok sagdi mikla 6saemd f sh'ku s^nask af 
Sturlu, er hann vildi sitja fyrir saemd hofdingja. forleifr gorir um 
varit l lid-samnad, ok ferr f Dali ok gisti f Asgardi at Bjarna 2 Steins- 
sonar. f>ar kom Einarr fcorgilsson til lids vi8 hann, ok hofdu 
prjii hundru8 manna, ok for stemu-for i Hvamm. En er Sturla 
spurdi Ii8s-dratt J)eirra, J)a samnar hann Ii3i at s^r 3 , ok hafo*i J)6 
fjolmenni miklu minna. Si5an stefnir ^orleifr 6feigi um J)at, er 
hann hafQi ordit samfara meS * t'orgeiri. Sturla kva8 forleif 
jafnan hafa storrseSi fyrir hendi, J)6tt ekki maetti vid pat jafnask, 
er hann brenndi inni Magnus biskup i Hitardal ; ' En vart sjalfr 
dreginn gratandi 6r eldinum.' ^orleifr sag8i : ' Ongum munu ]?au 
tiSendi verri pykkja enn mdr; en eigi eru vit J)a8an komnir 5 , at 
pat s6 vist at sa hafi betr er einskis J>ykkir 6 um J>au tiSendi vert 
En ekki gorla mantu pat mi, at J)ii mundir drepinn hja garfii 
pinum, sem melrakki hja greni, ef ek stae6a eigi fyrir \>6r. En 
pess vilnumsk ek 7 at faeri gangi hofuSlausir a d6ms-degi fyrir 
mik en fyrir J>ik, er pii leikr peV 8 mi at glaapum pinum.' Sidan 
riQu peir forleifr brott, ok i AsgarS um kveldit; voru par a5ra 
n6tt me5 allan flokkinn. En at morni skildusk peir Einarr par, ok 
f6ru hvarir-tveggju heimleidis. Ok litlu si6arr kom Sturla vid 
se'tta mann i AsgarS ; ok var Bjarni b6ndi heima vid annan mann f 
smiSju. SfSan kvaddi Sturla hann lit ok maelti : ' ^at setla ek,' 
sagdi hann, ' at vit munum mi skilja verda sambiidina ; ' ok kvezk 
eigi vilja, at optarr aetti 6vinir bans heimilan gistingar-stad i 
Asgardi, ' pa er peir fara slikar 6spekdar-farir ; ' ok kvad annan- 
hvarn peirra faera mundu verda biistadinn. Sfdan reid Sturla 
heim. En Bjarni seldi landit Erlendi presti Hallasyni. Sfdan 
reid forleifr beiskaldi til pings, ok hafdi frammi malit um sumarit. 

1 um varit] add. B. 2 Bjarna] B ; Brandz, Cd. s at sr] B ; fyrr, Cd. 

4 i forum vid |>orgeiri, B. s Thus Cd. ; en erom v>8 enn J>a5an komiiir, B. 

6 J>ykkir] B ; er, Cd. 7 thus : vilnumz ek, B ; vitumst ver, Cd. ; viljumz ek, H, 
440 (from B). 8 leikr ^r] laerr = hlaerr, B. 

c. 1172-1174.] STURLU SAGA, 24, 25. 69 

[1.8 9 : ii. 29.] 

Ok gengu menn a me6al ok saettu J>a; ok toku sinn mann til 
gor6ar hvarir. Sturla tok til Bo3var fcorSarson ; en f'orleifr Einar 
fcorgilsson ; ok urcSu J>eir a ekki sattir um gordina. M mselti 
BoSvarr: 'l>at J)ykki m^r ra3, at vit hlutim um hvarr [okkarr] 
gora skal/ Ok J>vi jatti Einarr. Si6an hlutudu J>eir, ok hlaut 
BoSvarr at gora. Hann gorSi litil fe*gjold a hendr Sturlu. 

24. Nokkuru sickrr f6r s6tt mikil um he'rod 1 . f>ess er geti5, 
at einhvern aptan kom i Hvamm sa ma8r er kominn var utan af 
Snsefellz-nesi, en a6r or BorgarfirSi. Hann var umrenningr 2 . En 
Sturla settisk a tal vi9 hann ok spurSi margs. Hann spur6i fyrst 
um ferSir bans. En hinn sag9i. ^a mselti Sturla : ' Er sott mikil 
su6r um h^ra6it?' Hann sagSi at sva var. ' Komtu i Hitardal?' 
sagSi Sturla. ' Ja/ sag6i hann fer5a-ma6rinn. ' Hversu matti 
I'orleifr?' sag3i Sturla. 'f'vi 3 var betr, at hann matti vel/ segir 
fer6a-ma6rinn. 'Ja/ sag6i Sturla, 'sva mun vera; jpvfat allar 
kvalar munu h6num sparSar 4 til annars heims.' Nu skilja ]?eir 
talit. Ok ferr hinn um morguninn, ok allt um haustiS vestr i 
Fjor5u, ok vestan naer vetri. Ok {>egar Iiti9 er af vetri, kemr 
hann i Hitardal. fcorleifr beiskaldi 5 var spurull vi6 hann, ok 
fre'tti 6 : ' Komtii or FjorSum vestan?' Fer6a-ma6r sag3i sva 
vera. f>orleifr spurdi : 'Hversu [er] J>angat 7 aert?' Hann segir 
J)ar gott ar, ' Nema 8 sott gorSisk J)ar [mi] mikil.' f'orleifr maelti : 
1 Komtu i Hvamm ?' ' Ja,' sag8i hann. ' Hversu matti Sturla 
b6ndi ? ' ' Vel matti hann/ sag8i fer6a-ma6r, ' er ek f6r vestr ; en 
mi la hann, er ek f6r vestan 9 , ok var mjok tekinn/ ' Sva mun 
vera/ sag8i f'orleifr; ' hann mun nu hafa flit, en halfu verra si6arr/ 

25. Ma6r hdt Bjarni, ok var frorsteinsson, hann atti Helgu 
Gellisd6ttur 10 ; J>eirra son h^t f'orsteinn drettingr. fcorhallr hdt 
b6ndi, hann var Surtzsoh, hann bj6 a H61mlatri d Skogar-strond. 
Hann atti ^Esu frorbergs d6ttur u . Hann var au3ma8r mikill ok 
sterkr ok 6daell ok mikilmenni. Hann var J)ingma5r forleifs 
beiskalda, ok farmaSr, ok gjafvin. fcau attu prjar dsetr, hdtu ^ordis, 
i > 6rn^ ok Helga. I>6rnjar f^kk I>orsteinn drettingr ; hann atti f>a 
g66an fjarhlut, ok rdzk hann i H61mlatr me6 f<6 sltt. ^at kom t>a 

1 yfir h4ra6, B. 2 umrenningr] sumrungr, B. 3 J>vi]j B ; J>at, Cd. 

4 spardar] spara6ar, B. 6 bondi, B. 6 fretti] margs, add. B. 7 pangat] 

pannig, B. 8 nema] utan, B. 9 er ek vestan] add. B. 10 Gellisdottur] 
thus B ; Cd. hon var Surtz dottir, hann bjo a Holmlatri, no doubt a repetition from 
the line below. " |>orkels d6ttur, B. 


[I. 90 : ii. 29.] 

upp, at f>6rn^ hefdi verit gefin 61^tt, ok atti barn vi8 henni sa 
ma5r er !>6r8r hdt, ok var all-skillitill. ^orsteinn drettingr atti ok 
barn i vanum, ok var J)vi leynt. GuSriin 1 Asbjarnar-d6ttir sagdi 
ok J)a, at fcorsteinn vaeri fadir at barni hennar J)at er J)a var 
nokkurra vetra gamalt. Ok er f>at kom upp allt saman, J3a 1& 
forhallr kenna manna-munar 2 ok dro fjarhluti fcorsteins alia undir 
sik, en he'll honum til verkna5ar ; en ef hann legSi or3 i, J)a var 
hann hrakSr i orSum e3a bardr. Ekki var forsteinn vinsael6ar- 
maSr. f>orvar6r h^t ma6r bjo ut i Eskigrasey 3 , gildr bondi. f>at 
var eitthvert sinn at vetr-nottum, at Sveinn Sturluson ferr ut 
J>angat ok keypti mjol at honum til handa Sturlu. En er mjolin 
komu heim, reyndusk f>au verr en aetla6 var. Nu J>ykkir Sturlu 
flla ok [J)6tti] Poi vardr hafa sik falsat. Sveinn 4 f6r $8r skommu 
eptir, hittir forvard, ok segir hdnum sva : ' Tveir eru kostir af 
mfnni hendi : sa annarr, at ek mun stefna })6r, e5r J)ii takir vi5 
syni minum er Halldorr heitir/ forvarSr kvazk {>at mundu kjosa, 
[heldr] en hafa ovingan J>eirra fe6ga. Ok for Halldorr {)angat. 
i'orvardr var alda-vin fcorhalla at Holmlatri. Ok er hann spur3i 
J>etta, J)a for hann til 6 ok faerSi i brott sveininn, ok at Horni 6 
fraendum moSurinnar J)ar sem a6r haf6i verit, ok kvezk eigi vilja 
slikan agang. fcorvaldr kva3 hann s^na vinattu vi6- sik, en kvad 
{)6 betra at s^na litilmennsku h^r um 'en koma sjalfum m^r i 
vandraeSi/ ^orhallr kva8 sva [biiit] vera skyldu. En er Sveinn 
spuroH f>etta, J)a maelti hann : * Vera kann, at fcorhallr vili sitja yfir 
varum hlut, en kost-gsefr vil ek vera at leggja h6r slikt i m6ti/ 
Sturla kvad J>at au9s^5 vera, at slikir menn vildu flit vi6 J)a eiga. 
En Gu5n^ ba9 J)a vera lata kyrt ; J)viat vel var me9 J)eim f'orhalli. 
Si3an var J)at af ra6it, at menn voru sendir a Holmlatr, at fala 
t>rjar vaettir matar at h6num ; ok voru til sogd or6 GuSn^jar. En 
i^rhallr sagSisk ongan mat mundu lata falan. ^Esa f^sti at selja, 
en l6rhallr vildi eigi selja; ok 166 hann. Sendimenn k6mu 
heim i Hvamm ok sog6u Sturlu or6 hans. Sturla ba8 Gu9n^ju at 
reyna vini sfna. Litlu si'3arr hittask JDeir Sveinn Sturluson ok 
^orsteinn drettingr vi8 Kambsnes 7 , ok satu a tali um hn'3 ; ok var 
J>at i hjali me6 J)eim, at Sveinn skyldi ra9a af 8 ^rhall, en f>or- 

1 Gurun(l), B. a B; mann raunar, Cd. 3 Thus also B (Eski grass ey). 

4 Sveinn] emend. ; Sturla, Cd. and B. 5 til] {>angat, B. 6 ok at Horni] thus 
Cd., i. e. Vatzhorni in Haukadale (?) ; a hendr moSur fraendum, B, omitting the 
name. 7 a Kamnesi, B. 8 af] B; at, Cd. 

e. 1172-1174.] STURLU SAGA, 25. 71 

[I. 91 : ii. 29.] 

steinn skyldi gefa h6num til sex tigi hundraSa ; skyldi f>at kaup a 
laun fara. Ok um varit eptir Paska gordi Sveinn fer6 sina [ut] a 
Holmlatr vi5 tiunda maim; ok f6m a skipi, ok lendu ut hja 
stekkum l>6rhallz. Si6an maelti Sveinn vid menn sina : ' Vita 
skulu J)er nii orendi mitt, at ver munum stefna ]?6rhalli/ Si6an 
ganga peir til miss. Haf]p6rr Naddzson 1 var hiiskarl I>6rhallz, en 
vinr Sveins, ok aetludu f>eir at kalla hann ut ok lata hann heyra 
stefnuna. I>eir gengu heim 2 til dura, f>6roddr ok Porftr Bessa- 
son 3 , ok drapu a dyrr ; en f>6rhallr gdkk sjalfr lit til dura ok lauk 
upp, ok st66 i durum inni. M gengu ]?eir Sveinn at durum ; ok 
nefndi hann sdr vatta, ok stefndi forhalli um J)at at hann hef6i 
leynt fjorQungi fjar sins ok eigi gort tiund af ; hann stefndi annari 
stefnu um J>at, at hann hef6i tva pundara, ok hef6i a inn meira 
keypt en selt a inn minna, ok vaeri hvarr-tveggi rangr. Ok \6t 
varSa fjorbaugs-gar6. Hann stefndi enn um jpat, at hann hef6i 
dinar rangar, ok Idt varSa fjorbaugs-gar6, ok jamnan sex merkr. 
Pvi nsest stefndi hann forleifi tormoSarsyni fjorum stefnum, sinni 
um hvern fjorSung tiundar, ok Idt jafnan var6a sex merkr. forhallr 
maelti {>a til Sveins : ' Kaupa muntu vilja f6 mitt sva sem t>u hefir 
virt tiundir */ Sveinn svarar, ok kva5 hann mundu eigi vilja selja 
h6num J)rju hundru6 hundraSa [a] frest, ef hann vildi eigi eiga at 
honum a frest verQ t>riggja vsetta matar. Ok me6 f>at foru J)eir 
Sveinn i brott. En f>6rhallr for a fund forleifs beiskalda, ok sotti 
hann at ra5um. forleifr segir at tveir vaeri kostir til: ' Sd er 
annarr, at selja land sitt ok ra6ask brott vestan J>a6an, e6a scettask 
vi3 Hvammverja, ok selja {>eim sjalfdsemi.' i'orhallr maelti : 
'Viltii J)a fa m^r lond sudr h^r?' torleifr kvezk aetla, at honum 
mundi J)at eigi fullgora ; ok eggja6i hann, at hann re'Sisk lengra 
i brott. torhallr f6r heim ; ok litlu siSarr inn i Hvamm, ok hitti 
Sturlu, ok seldi honum sjalfdaemi, ok kvazk J>etta mal eigi til 
J)raetu leggja. Sturla kvezk aetla, at J>etta mundi h6num betr 
gegna. Si6an frdtti Sturla Svein eptir hvat gora skyldi; en 
Sveinn kvezk vilja, at hann gor6i eigi minna en sex tigi hundrafta 5 , 
ok kva6 hann J>ess maklegan. ' Nei,' sagSi Sturla, ' tiu hundru6 6 
skal gora lengr, {)6 hefir hann undir mik lagit malit/ Ok J)a gor6 
sagdi Sturla upp. En 6rhallr kva6 s^r vel lika. Ok svd kom, 

1 Naddzson] B; Palsson, Cd. a heim] fyrst, B. 3 Brusason, B. 

* tiundir] til tiundar, B. 8 c. hundra8a, B. 6 tiu hundruS] B (x h.) ; ek, 

Cd. (reading x h. = ek). 


[I. 92 : ii. 30.] 

at hann gait land, Langeyjar-h61ma *, ok J>rjii hundrud i slatrum. 
Ma8r ht f>orsteinn ; hann var f>6risson 2 ; hann haf5i verit heima- 
maQr Sturlu ; hann var J)a a vist med f>6rhalli, ok f6r me6 ]3eim 
heldr flla, ok I>6rhallr stefndi h6num um hross-rei8. SiQan [f6r 
i'orsteinn] a fund Sturlu ok ba6 hann dsjd. En !>6rhallr s6tti 
hann d t>ingi til fullra sek3a; en Sturla ge*kk vi6 heimilis-fangi 
hans, ok re^ ]?vf f>6rhallr eigi til at feVans-d6mr vseri ha6r. Si'5an 
sendi Sturla f'orstein nor6r um land, ok varSa5i eigi um bjargir 
hans. Nii likaSi hvdrum-tveggjum heldr verr en a9r; Sturlu 
J)6tti f > 6rhallr J)at einskis meta er hann haf6i h6num a hendi verit ; 
en ^rhalli f>6tti enn haf5r 6jafna3r vi6 sik. Nu er forhallr J)6ttisk 
spyrja kaup J>eirra Sturlu ok fcorsteins, J)a hitti hann f'orleif 
beiskalda ok Einar fcorgilsson eitt sumar a f>ingi ; ok sagSi J)eim 
svd, at hann J)6ttisk vid mikil vandraedi 3 kominn vera. [Einarr 
maelti] : ' i>aetti J)dr eigi J)at til liggja, at vi6 I'orleifr r6bim Sturlu 
af, ef vit maettim, en J)u h^ldir 4 uppi f6-b6tum.' Hann kvezk 
gladlega vilja undir ]pat ganga. En Helgi prestr Skeljungsson 
var9 varr vid ra3a-gor6 ]peirra, ok sag6i J)eim fe5gum. Kalfr 
h^t ma6r, er bjo a Gunnarssto9um inn fra H61mlatri, it naesta; 
hann atti J>rja sonu; h^t Borkr 5 inn yngsti. En er Kalfr fadir 
})eirra andask, J)a seldu J)eir landit, enir ellri 6 synir hans, f > 6rhalli. 
En er Borkr var nokku9 a legg 7 kominn, J)a kallar hann f hendr 
6rhalli til landzins a GunnarsstoSum ; en I 3 6rhallr kvezk eigi 
mundu laust lata landit fyrir honum, ok svarar heldr stutt. Borkr 
var ok eigi or3stilltr. Hann var J)ingma3r Sturlu. 

26. Karr 8 h^t maQr, er J>ar bjo i Dolum 9 ; hann var 6spek6ar- 
ma3r. ienna s6tti f'orhallr til fullrar sek6ar ; en Karr haf5isk J)ar 
J)6 vi6 f Dolunum. Ok eitt sinn hittusk {>eir Sturla ; ok bar Karr 
upp fyrir honum vandraeSi sin, ok kvask eigi vel vid latinn. Sturla 
kva6 f>at satt vera, ok kvad margan eigi mundu slfkt sitja. Ma9r 
h^t Alfr; hann var litill b6ndi; [hann] hafdi fastnaQ s^r konu 
J>a er Valgerdr h^t, ok skyldi brudkaup J)eirra vera a Ketilsstodum 
viku eptir midsumar 10 . Ok f6r f'drhallr til bo6s, kona hans ok 
d6ttir. En Dr6ttins-daginn rei6 hann inn i Lei6ar-h61m til hesta- 
J)ings. {*ar var J)a kominn Sveinn Sturluson, ok hofdu J)eir a6ra 
sveit, ok var f^rhallr fjolmennari, J)vfat hann gkk um daginn 

1 i Langeyjarnesi, B. 8 |>1. son, B. 8 vendredi, B. * rafiim haldir, 

B. 5 Borkr] Haukr, B here, but Borkr below. 6 ellri] B ; eldstu, Cd. 

7 nokku9 a legg] B ; heim, Cd. 8 Karr] Mar, B. 9 Dolum] B ; dalnum, 
Cd. 10 miSsumar] so also B. 

c. 1172-1174.] STURLU SAGA, 26, 27. 73 

[i. 93 : ii. 31.] 

me6 J>rja tigi manna. Ok um aptaninn rei9 hann lit a Ketils- 
sta3i, ok var J)ar um n6ttina. Peir Sveinn riSu ok sva lit a 
Skogar-strond ok foru-nautar hans; JDar var Borkr Kalfsson, ok 
BergJ)6rr ok Torfi Snartarsynir l , Karr inn seki. eir riSa a 
Gunnarssta6i um kveldit til He5ins BergJ)6rssonar. En um 
morguninn eptir rei6 Borkr inn a Ketilssta5i a njosn, ok kallar 
enn til landsins vi6 !>6rhall; ok var ]par deila mikil. Ok sf6an 
for hann lit aptr til J)eirra [S veins]. Ok um daginn rei3 forhallr 
heimleiSis ok ./Esa kona hans, ok Helga d6ttir hans meQ h6num, 
Halldor Gu3brandzson magr hans. Kolbrandr h^t ma6r, er J>ar 
var me5 J>eim. f>au ri3a it neSra me5 sjo. Ok er J)eir Sveinn sja 
fer3 J)eirra, J)a n'9a J)eir a moti {)eim; ok hittask J)eir vi5 sjoinn 
gegnt GunnarsstoSum. En er J)eir ^orhallr sja fer6 J)eirra 
Sveins, J)a stigu J)au af baki. Ok er jpau hittask, hlaupa J)eir 
Sveinn af baki ok foru-nautar hans, ok he'lt Borkr Halldori, en 
Sveinn var9veitti Kolbrand. Karr ok BergJ)6rr vagu t'orhall. Ok 
eptir {>at ri9u J)eir Sveinn inn f Hvamm ; ok tok Sturla vi6 J)eim 
ollum nema Kari ; hann var i ymsum sto6um. forleifr beiskaldi 
t6k vi6 eptir-mali um vig f ) 6rhallz, ok sotti J)a a t>ingi; ok var3 
Berg{)6rr sekr sk6gar-ma6r. Tjorvi var ok brott gorr af landi ; ok 
skyldi vera litan J>rja vetr. Berg])6rr var ok ferjandi ; en fegjold 
komu fyrir Svein ok Bork. En fe'rans-domr var 2 I Hvammi, ok 
sottu J)eir heim til Sturlu, f>orleifr ok Einarr forgilsson ; ok hof5u 3 
hundraS manna. ar var ok fjolmennt fyrir. M baud Sturla 
f'orleifi heim til dagver9ar me6 flokk sinn. f'orleifr sagSi : ' O3ru 
sinni mun ek hingat kynnis leita.' En skylt var me6 J)eim ^orleifi 
ok GuSn^ju. Sturla maelti : ' Hggja mattii af J>vi bo5it, at he*r eru 
J)eir BergJ)6rr ok Tjorvi *; ok skulu Jjegar f brott ef J)dr vilit hingat.' 
Si5an ri3u J)eir {'orleifr f brott. Ok l^tti J)ar ]pessu mali. 

27. Clemet h^t ma6r ; hann var Karlsefnis-son ; hann var 
bondi ; hann atti J)a konu er Helga hdt ; h6n var dottir Vincentius 
Eyj61fssonar. Bar6r h^t ma6r, Alfs son, Ornolfs sonar. f>at l^k ord 
a, at hann fifl8i Helgu konu Clemetz. Madr h^t Kjartan, ok var 
forvalldzson, ok var frsendi Clemetz. {'at var eitt sinn a hesta- 
J)ingi at 6 Kleifum i Gilsfirdi, at Bardr var a tali vi3 Helgu; ok 
par kemr at Kjartan veitti 6 Bar6i averka. Eptir J)at s6tti Alfr at 

1 Svartar., Cd. ; B drops the whole passage from ok foru-nautar to um kveldit. 
2 terans-domar voru, B. s naer, add. B. 4 Tjorvi] B ; Torfi, Cd. 5 at] 

B ; a, Cd. 6 par kom at Kjartan ok veitti, B. 


[1.94: ii. 32, 33-1 

liSveizlu Einar f>orgilsson; en hann tal5isk undan; JDvfat hann 
var meirr hallr undir J)a Kjartan ok f>6rvald fe3ga ; J)eir v6ru vinir 
bans ok JDingmenn. Sl6an s6tti Alfr at Sturlu ; ok tok hann vi9 
haldi >eirra Bar5ar ok Alfs, ok mselti eptir Bard. Ok var J)a ssezk 
a malit, ok gor8i Sturla halfan J>ri6ja tog hundra3a ; ok rzk Alfr 
J>a at JDingfesti undir Sturlu. 

28. Birningr Steinarsson ok Helga kona bans, d6ttir torgeirs 
Ianghof6a, ur3u eigi mjok samskapa ; ok var gorr skilnaSr ]peirra, 
ok attu J)au J>6 d6ttur eina er SigriSr h^t. I>d gkk Birningr at 
eiga Gu3bjorgu Alfsd6ttur 1 , en Helga giptisk torsteini f>orvarz- 
syni ; ok attu J)au born saman, torgeir prest ok Ingimund. I>au 
Gufibjorg ok Birningr attu J>ann son er ^orleikr h^t. Nii kallar 
Birningr {>orleik arfa sinn; en SigrfSr [dottir bans] var6 litt at 
J)roska ; henni fylg6i at lagi Hjaltr nokkurr 2 er Eirikr hdt. Einarr 
^orgilsson keypti at henni arfvan eptir Birning; ok kallar ekki 
verit hafa laga-kvanfang, er hann haf6i fengit Gu6bjargar. SiSan 
beiddisk Einarr, at Birningr faeri heim til bans med f6 sftt; en 
hann kvezk mundu skipta af nokkuru Gu6bjorgu til handa ok syni 
hennar, sliku sem hann rse9r 3 . En Birningr vildi {>at eigi. Hann 
bjo J)a at Heinabergi, ok haf3i mikit f^. Ok um hausti6 sendi 
Einarr hiiskarla sina ut a hei6ar at samna saman geld-fe' Birnings. 
leir f6ru, ok raku heim a Sta6arh61 sjau tigi geldinga; ok l^t 
Einarr alia skera. Si5an f6r Birningr i Hvamm, ok hitti Sturlu, 
ok s6tti hann at raSum ; ok kvezk vilja handsala h6num f^ sftt allt. 
Ok J>at var nii af ra6it, at Birningr for i Hvamm, ok var j^ar me6an 
hann lifdi ; en Gu6bjorg vard-veitti biiit at Heinabergi. Ok lauk sva 
J)essum malum, at Sturla s6tti eigi Einarr um ranit, enda sag6i eigi 
Einarr 6ssett sina a handsali {)eirra Sturlu ok Birnings. Satu J)eir 
J)a hvarir um {)at er fengit hof6u. 

29. f ^enna tima bjoggu J)eir f VatzfirQi, Snorri ok Pall, synir 
fcorSar f>orvaldzsonar ok SigrfSar, d6ttur HafliSa Massonar, ok 
Rannveigar Teitz d6ttur, f sleifs sonar biskups. f'eir brseSr v6ru 
miklir 4 hofQingjar. Var Pall allra manna vaenstr ok gorvilegastr, 
en Snorri var Iftill ma8r ok vaenn, forvitri, ok skorungr mikill. M 
bj6 at Helgafelli 6lafr prestr Solvason, br66ir Pals prestz f 5 
Reykjaholti. tar var a vist gofigr kenni-ma3r, Run61fr 6 prestr 

1 Alfsdottur] B ; 6lafs, Cd. a Hjaltr nokkurr] B ; hjal. nokkurum, Cd. 

3 r*dr] r^di, B. * miklir] mestu, B. s i] B ; at, Cd. 6 B spells Ronolfr 
here and often. 

c. 1174.] STURLU SAGA, 28, 29. 75 

[I. 95 ' ii- 33-] 

Dalks son, f>orsteins sonar, br68ur-son Ketils biskups l ; ok var inn 
mesti laerdoms-maox ok hofu8-klerkr 2 . Hans dottir var HallgerSr, 
er atti Olafr prestr ; hon var kvenna vaenst ok merkilegust ok mestr 
skorungr at hvervetna. fat er sagt, at Pall kom at mail vi6 Snorra 
br66ur sinn ; ok kvezk vilja fara sudr til Helgafellz, ok nema brott 
HallgerSi, ok kvezk vilja J>ar til hafa hans lidsinni. Snorri sag6i 
J)at ilia sama, at gora slikt vid g66a kenni-menn ok gofga ; ok \6t 3 
J)a eiga saem3ar-menn nserri se'r, J>i er eigi mundu sliku vel una. 
Pall kvezk vilja a ]?at haetta. Sidan foru JDeir eigi allfair saman 
su3r yfir hei5i, ok yfir Brei8afjor6, ok komu um nott 4 til Helga- 
fellz ; ok gengu ]pegar inn i skala ; ok var HaUgerdr tekin upp or 
hvilu sinni, ok borin ut ; en Olafi var haldit ok sva Runolfi. Hann 
var mikill ok sterkr. fa var J)ar at Helgafelli Jorunn HafliSa- 
dottir, modur-systir J>eirra VatzfirSinga ; hana hafdi atta Brandr 
Gellison er biiit hafdi at Helgafelli. Si6an foru Vatzfir6ingar 
brott. fetta frdttisk vi$a; ok J)6tti monnum s/ndr i sliku mikill 
6somi. Ok um sumarit eptir, er menn komu til AljMngis, J)a var at 
sottr Jon Loptzson J>essum malum; hann var mikill vin jpeirra 
brseSra Pals ok (3lafs, en fraendi Runolfs ok J)eirra MoSruvellinga : 
Dottir Eyjolfs ins halta var fcorey, m66ir Saemundar prestz, fo3ur 
Loptz, fo6ur Jons. Riinolfr [prestr] var son Dalks, fcorsteins sonar, 
Eyjolfs sonar, ^eir voru a J)ingi VatzfirSingar ok sva Hallger6r. 
Voru J)a sem mestar virSingar Jons ; ok var |)angat skotid ollum 
st6r-malum sem hann var. feir Pall, Runolfr, ok Clafr, hittu J6n a 
J)inginu, ok sog6u honum hver 6ssem3 {)eim var gor, ok beiddu 
Jon asja. Hann svarar, ok kva3 vfst i sliku s^nask mikinn osoma 
ok agang. Hann ba3 J)angat kalla HallgerSi. Ok sva var gort ; 
ok t6ku J)au Jon tal me6 s^r ; ok tjadi hann fyrir henni, hversu ilia 
som6i 5 , ok ba6 hana hug sinn fra leggja J>essu [6]ra8i. ' Hefir 
me8 oss,' sagdi hann, ' lengi vel verit ; vilda ek at ]?u ssem6ir vel 
vi6 bonda J)inn. En J)6 at jpeV J)ykki vera manna-munr, J>a er ]x) 
miklu meiri munr um abyrg3 J)a er a liggr ; ok mun J)etta 6ra6 ilia 
ut seljask; ok samir J)dr betr, at J)u ra9ir J)ik sjalfviljandi fra, en 
nau6-skilna5r verdi ; J)viat eigi mun J)at betr falla 6 . En ekki mun 

1 bj>or. s. Ketils. bps, B, which the paper transcripts have misrendered into ' Her- 
bors sonar Ketils sonar,' see the old edition. a emend.; Iserdoms maSr hans(!) 

ok hofu6 prestr, Cd. ; hann var inn mesti klerkr, B. 3 let] lest, Cd. ; ok let 

at hann setti, B. * um nott] B. 5 som&i] sam6i, B. 6 pvi at eigi man 

par lengi nytja af audit, B. 


[I. 9 6: ii.34.] 

ek at sinni {>rongva \>6r um J>etta ; en segi ek J>r hvat a muni 1 
liggja. En ef J)ii virdir or8 min, ok ferr heim me8 b6nda t>mum 
at J)fnum vilja, J)d skal J)at fram ganga. En J>vf mun ek J)dr heita, 
ef J)u J>arft f nokkuru sinni 2 minnar asja, at ek skal J^r heimill 3 til 
liSveizlu, ef t>u laetr nu eptir me*r mfnn vilja. En ef JDU vill eigi 
{>etta, mun ek \>6r aldri asja veita.' HallgerSr svarar : ' at mun 
vera kjor mitt vi6 J)ik, J6n, at kj6sa {>ik eigi fra asja vi3 mikV 
Si5an Iag8i J6n ord til, at Olafr prestr taeki vi3 konu sinni. Ok 
var siSan saetzk a malit. Litlu siSarr dreymdi Pal f ) 6r6arson : at 
hann {)6ttisk [vera i] skygdum 5 linkyrtlil Ok eptir J>at druknadi 
hann i fsafir8i, ok nokkurir menn me6 h6num. Ok var ]pa sva 
ra8inn draumrinn, at linkyrtill sd vaeri barur st6rar ok Ij6sar er 
gengu at honum 6 . Eptir J>at t6k Snorri 7 br68ir bans mannvir9ing 
f Vatzfir8i ; ok voru bans synir : HafliSi, [^6161,] ok I'orvaldr, ok 
Bar8r. ValgerSr b^t d6ttir Hallger9ar ; hana nam Sveinn Sturlu- 
son f Hvamm ; ok gor9usk J)ar af myklar 6sdttir. M s6tti Hall- 
gerSr J6n at malum, ok kvazk J>a vilja taka til J)ess er hann hafdi 
heitiS henni. Hann kva6 J)at heimolt vera. Ok siSan sendi hann 
vestr Saemund son smn ok nokkura menn me8 h6num. f'eir f6ru 
vestr til BorgarfjarSar ; ok k6mu J>ar til H3s vi3 J)a, f'orleifr 
beiskaldi ok Einarr f'orgilsson ; ok f6ru sf5an stefnu-for f Hvamm. 
M mselti Sturla, er hann kenndi mennina : ' Er Ssemundr J>ar ? ' 
segir hann. ' Ek J>ykkjumk hdr vera,' segir Saemundr. Sturla 
maelti : ' Miklu muntii vera maQr vitrari en eigi mynir J)u 8 vita, 
hvdrt J)u ert e8r aSrir menn/ SfSan stefndu J)eir Sveini Sturlu- 
syni. Ok k6mu {>essi mal oil a J)ingi undir J6n Loptzson ; ok 166 
hann einn sem hann vildi, ok skipa6i svd at flestum Iika8i vel. 

30. Pall Solvason bj6 J)a i Reykjaholti; hann atti I'orbjorgu 
Bjarnard6ttur systur Helgu 9 er dtti Brandr biskup. Born eirra 
Pals voru J)au : Brandr ok Magnus, f^rlaug ok Arndfs. f6rir h^t 
maQr, ok var fcorsteinsson ; hann var prestr ; hann bj6 f Deildar- 
tungu f Reykjadal enum neSra; hann var auSigr ma8r at fe*. 
Hann dtti tfu bygda bolstaQi ; hann dtti audigt bii ; hann dtti eigi 
minna fg a Ieigu-sto8um en hundra8 kugilda. H6num fylg8i at 

1 muni] man, B. 2 sinni] add. B. 3 heimill] heill (!), B. * J>at man ek 
kjosa, at Jm ser mer i vinar husi, B. 5 skygftum] skyck8um, B (?). 6 ok 

var J>a h6num] om. B. 7 Snorri] emend. ; |>6r6r, Cd. and B. 8 mynir 

l>u] B ; muntu, Cd. 9 Au&-Helgu, B. 

1177,1178.] STURLU SAGA, 30. 77 

[1.97: ii. 34.] 

lagi Asirf Halldorsdottir ; synir ]peirra v6ru J)eir Leggr ok Li9r 
subdjakn, er uti var6 a Blaskoga-hei8i. Vigdfs h^t systir t>6ris 
skilgetin, er atti Kleppr prestr I>orvar3zson ; en born ]peirra v6ru 
J)au f'orvarSr prestr ok Kolfinna l er atti Hamundr Gilsson frsendi 
Sturlu fcorSarsonar. forvarSr prestr atti Oddn^ju Torfadottur. 
fau forvar6r prestr ok Oddn^ attu morg born : Arni prestr, fadir 
Ara at Lundi, fadir Lundar-Bjarna 2 ; Snorri prestr, fadir Jatgeirs 
prestz ; Torfi prestr, fa6ir Leggs prestz ok Oddn^jar ; Gunnarr, 
Gudbrandr 3 . !>6rir inn audgi ba9 l>6rlaugar Palsd6ttur. Pali 
kvazk vera kunnigt um fjarhagi f>6ris; 'En J)vi at manna-munr 
mun jpykkja mikill, J)a mun ek ra8a fyrir maldaga/ Sidan t6kusk 
ra5 t>essi me8 J)eim maldogum, at ^orlaug skyldi hafa heiman J)rja 
tigi hundrada. Ok var J)at J)6 4 mal manna, at P6rir Ieg8i fram f 
gjofum vi3 Pal ok sta8inn i Reykjaholti eigi minna [f^] en hon 
haf8i heiman. En eptir samlag J>eirra, J)a skyldi eiga halft f< hvart 
vi3 annat, fengit ok 6fengit. Ok eptir J>enna rack-hag bjoggu 
J)au J>ar i Tungu sjau vetr e3r atta; ok attu born, ok 6ndu8- 
usk oil. En eptir ]pat beiddisk frorlaug at fara i brott af landi, 
ok kvezk hafa heiti5 R6m-fer3 i vanmsetti sinum; en forir 
kva9 J)at eigi raSlegt at skiljask vid sva mikil 5 hsegindi, ok kvezk 
6fuss vera ra8a-breytni. En h6n ba8 hann mjok. Ok fyrir astar 
sakir vi8 hana, lt hann leidask til, ok var ]p6 tregr til. Hann seldi 
fjar-vardveizlu sina Pali magi sinum me3an J)au vaeri utan. Ok 
var J>at kallat fjogur hundru8 hundraSa. tdrir kom af hafi nor8r 
vi8 i'rondheim ; ok var ]?ar um vetrinn ; ok um sumarit eptir foru 
J)au su8r til Bjorgynjar, ok voru J)ar annan vetr; ok 61 6rlaug 
svein J)ann er Bjorn h^t. Ok eptir um varit 6 bjoggusk J>au til 
su8r-fer3ar, ok seldu sveininn eptir til fostrs. Hann var at Mj61ka 7 
skamt fra bsenum. Sf8an foru J)au til Roms; ok kom hvartki 
J>eirra aptr. Ok um sumarit eptir andadisk sveinninn Bjorn nser 
Selju-manna-messu. J6n h^t prestr Islenzkr, hann var forallzson, 
re'ttorSr, ok BrjeiQfirzkr at aett. Hann hafdi J>enna vetr inn sama 
verit i SuQrgongu. Hann sag8i sva fra, at $6rir prestr inn audgi 
hef3i andask \ Lukku-borg, Fostu-dag i Ymbru-dogum um Langa- 
fostu ; en forlaug hefdi fram haldit ferdinni til R6ma-borgar ; ok 
hafSi hann hitt hana a veginum er hann for sunnan ; ok var J>at 
eptir Paska; ok var J)a snau8 ok sjuk. l>6rir krdka h^t ma3r 

1 Kol^erna, B. 2 Lundar-sveina, B. 3 Gunnarr, GuSbrandr] add. B. 

4 fco] add. B. 5 miki8, Cd. 6 sumarit, B. 7 Mjolka] thus; om. B. 


[I. 98, 99 : ii. 34.] 

Noraenn er J)a var a SuSrvegum ; hann kvazk hitt hafa J>6rlaugu 
um sumarit, eptir andldt P6ns, um Mariu-messu-skei5. Ok er J)au 
tiSendi k6mu til Noregs, t>d var fcorldkr biskup inn helgi 1 kominn 
frd vigslu til skips, ok f6r J>at sumar til fslandz, ok sag5i J)essi 
ti'8endi lit. M sag5i Pdll Solvason eptir sogn I>6ris kraku um 
misdau6a JDeirra, at l>6rir hef3i fyrst andask, en J)ar naest sveinn 
bans 2 , ok J)d vaeri 6rlaug d6ttir bans arfi bans ok sonar sfns 8 ; 
en hann kvezk vera re'ttr arfi hennar. Ok t6k hann allt f&t undir 
sik. BoSvarr 6r3arson var nafrsendi f J 6ris ok Vigdfsar er J)a 
Iif6i; ok taldi Vigdisi vera Ipa rdttan arftoku-mann ftfris; J)viat 
b6n var skyldust at setterni skilgetinna manna. BoSvarr sendi 
menn til fundar vi6 Pal um vetrinn, ok beiddisk landz [J)ess] er 
tseki fj6ra tigi hundraSa fyrir hennar bond, ok kva6 betr s6ma, 
at hon vseri nokkurn-veginn fra leyst. Pall l^zk setla, at logum 
mundu honum bera f&n, ok kvezk eigi vilja lata J>at er hann dtti at 
r^ttu. Sonum 6ris J)6tti sem Ipeim myndi bera erfS eptir foSur 
sfnn ; ok bauzk Eyj61fr ^orgeirsson til Ii6veizlu vi6 J)a ; hann bj6 
i Stafaholti. Ok um varit rei6 BoSvarr i Tungu inn J?ri6ja dag 
Paska me9 sex tigi manna, ok settisk i bilit. Ok eptir J)at bau6 
hann Pali at hafa af fe'nu sex tigi hundraSa. En Pall kva6 sik eigi 
mega sva til lokka at gefa J)at upp er hann vildi eigi fyrr. Sf5an 
gorSi Bo6varr or9 eptir vinum sinum, Hermundi KoSranssyni, ok 
sonum bans, Katli ok Ko6rani 4 , er J>a v6ru gorvilegastir menn f 
he'raSi, Magnus forlaksson af Melum ; Helga Solvad6ttir var m69ir 
i'orlaks, systir ^rSar, fo6ur Magnuss, foSur Solva, foSur Pals. 
Magnus fcorlaksson dtti Valdisi, d6ttur Hreins db6ta at ^vera. 
Brandr Palsson ba9 Magnus Ii6veizlu; ok var Valdis kona bans 
mjok eggjandi J)ess at hann veitti honum. fc6r8r BoSvarsson ba6 
ok Magnus HQveizlu ; ok kvad h6num J)at hent at veita foSur sinum, 
er J)eir v6ru bd6ir i einni sveit ; ok kvad h6num J)ungt mjok mundu f 
m6ti h6num at standa. Magnus kvazk Pali mundu veita er hann 
he't fyrri liSi. Brandr var ma5r knar ok mikill vexti. Magnus 
br65ir bans var ok 6faelinn ma8r, ok v6ru opt me3 h6num ein- 
bleypingar frdlegir menn. I>6rarinn sva6i var f6stbr66ir bans, inn 
knalegsti ma9r ok all-6daell. Margir aSrir v6ru J)d i Reykjaholti 
bans jafningjar. I'at gorSisk J)d ra6 g63fussa manna, at auka eigi 

1 inn helgi] om. B. 2 svcinninn, B. 3 ' dottir bans' and 'sonar sins'] 

add. B. 4 Karlli ok Konrd5i (!), B. 

1179,1180.] STURLU SAGA, 30. 79 

[I. ioo : ii. 34.] 

vandraeSi f he'raSinu, ok lata bfQa {rings sva buit. Ok f6ru hvarir- 
tveggju til ]pings um sumarit ; ok v6ru attar stefnur at malinu. Tal3i 
Pall upp ska3a sinn, at BoSvarr hef6i eytt upp 1 Tungu miklu f6, 
ok J)6ttisk ]par ver3r fyrir yfirbota, sva ranglega sem honum 6tti 
Bo3varr ganga a hendr seV. En BocWari f>6tti Vigdi's eiga at 
heimta viStoku ok varSveizlu JDCSS hluta fjar er l>6rir broSir hennar 
haf6i att i f&agi vi3 f>6rlaugu. En til J)ess at saetzk vaeri a malit, 
{>a vildi hann at Vigdi's hefSi {mdjung allz fjar til eigin-ordz vid 
Pal 1 . Pa var J)vi mali sva lokit, at hvarir-tveggju jattu umdsemi 
J6ns Loptzsonar. Ok a J>vf J)ingi lauk hann upp gorSinni, ok 
kvazk hann gora lond oil til handa Pali, J)au er torir hafSi att ok 
sva lausa-fe ; en kvezk vilja at Pall gyldi Vigdfsi fjora tigi hundraSa, 
sem h6n 2 haf6i fyrst beitt ; ok J)6tti t>at vel, at Pall gor3i J)etta til 
samj)ykkis vi6 fraendr f ) 6ris, ]}6tt hann aetti f&t at logum. Pall 
kva9 s6r hans ummaeli vel Ilka; en BoSvari likaQi ekki af gorSinni; 
ok rei6 heim i h^ra9, ok sat i bui i Tungu {>au misseri. Pall 
Solvason haf6i gipt Arndisi dottur sina Gu5mundi inum d^ra, ok 
veitti hann J>vf Pali. Um varit eptir Paska for til H6veizlu vi6 Pal 
Brandr biskup ok GuSmundr inn d^ri 3 me5 mikla sveit ; forleifr 
beiskaldi, Ari inn sterki [fcorgilsson]. Magnus prestr Palsson atti 
Hallfn'6i systur Ara. i*ar kom ok Hermundr 6r Kalmans-tungu, 
er att haf6i HallgerSi 4 Run61fs dottur, ok f]6l6i hdraSs-manna. 
M kom ne6an or Tungu fcordr BoSvarsson, ok beiddi at Pall ynni 
soma-hlutar fraendum Vigdisar. M svarar GuSmundr inn d^ri, ok 
kvaQ Pal hafa sett hof6ingja yfir sitt mal J6n Loptzson, * Ok vill 
nii halda oil hans ummaeli, ok gora {)at fyrir sakir kennimann- 
skapar sins, at eigi hlytisk st6r vandrsedi [af] i hdraSinu ; ' l^t J)a 
Tungu-menn litt hafa f s^nt, at ]peir vaeri sa3m9ar af verSir. Sf6an 
f6ru Reykhyltingar stefnu-for f Tungu. M haf6i BoSvarr latid 
gora virki um bseinn i Tungu, ok hafSi J)ar fjolmenni mikit. ar 
var J)a Sturla f>6r9arson magr hans vi3 marga menn ; { ) 6r6r Bo9- 
varsson, Ami Bjarnason 5 fra H61mi, Sveinn Sturluson; ok gengu 
J)eir allir a tal um J>at, hverja me5fer9 hafa skyldi ef J>eir stefndi 
J)eim. R^6u nokkurir menn, J)eir er 66astir 6 v6ru, at vinna skyldi 
i monnum. Sturla svarar, ok kva8 J)at ekki ra6a-gor8 vera, vid 

1 ok J)6ttisk vi& P61] much abridged in B miklu fe, ok beiddi bota fyrir, ok 
botti hann rangliga i hafa sez. En Bodvari b6tti Vigdis eiga bri8jung allz fjar vi6 
Pal. 2 h6n] sem (i. e. BoSvarr), B. 3 ok veitti ^yri] add. B. * Hall- 
ger5i] B; Hallfri8i, Cd. 5 Borgnyiarson (!), B. 8 odsestir, B. 


[I. ioi : ii. 35.] 

sva mikinn afla sem J)eir hofdu ; en kva8 J)at heldr rad, at stefna a 
m6ti jafn-morgum stefnum, ok finna t>at til er s^nisk. Ok var 
J)etta af tekit ; ok bjoggu hvarir-tveggju mal til. Fra >vi er sagt, 
at Sturla ge*kk at Joni fcorvalldzsyni br66ur Gu5mundar ins d/ra 
m66ir J>eirra var fcoriSr d6ttir Gu6mundar Logsogu-mannz Sturla 
maelti viQ hann : ' Heill J>ii Jon ! ' Menn spurdu hvi hann kveddi 
hann en eigi Gu6mund. Sturla svarar, ok kva5 jpenna mann x vi5- 
fraegastan at endemum. J6n var skald ; hann kvad J)etta : 

Karl er staddr hja Sturlu ; stendr hann fyrir 2 r&tendum ; 
brumir andskotinn undir or9-sloegr go&a bcegi 8 . 

Si6an ri3u menn af >eim fundi. Ok f6ru malin um sumarit til 
Al]pingis ; le*t Pall J)a sanna misdauSa Jpeirra f>6ris ok f>6rlaugar a 
J)inginu at logum, eptir J)vi sem hann hafdi fyrri gort ; en hvarigir 
ur3u logsekir 4 ; ok var J)a sva komit malinu, at aetlaSr var saettar- 
fundr i h^ra6i um hausti8 eptir Michaels-messu i Reykjaholti. Attu 
J>a margir g68ir menn hlut i. Kom f>ar ]pa til Bofivarr I'drSarson, 
ok Sturla magr hans. Ok satu menn ut a velli fyrir sunnan hiis ; 
ok var rgett um saett manna ; ok vildi Bo3varr enn sem fyrr, at J>au 
Vigdis hef6i J)ri6jung fjar ; ok talQi J>at, sem var, J)6tt biiit i Tungu 
hefdi orQit of^samt, at hann hefdi J)6 mikit sftt 5 til lagt f mjolum 
ok slatrum. En Pall var heldr tregr ; ok heimti til sins mals ; ok 
var3 sein lyktin. 

31. frorbjorg kona Pals var grimmu3ig f skapi, ok likaSi henni 
stor-illa J)6f {)etta. Hon hljop fram milli manna ; ok haf6i knif f 
hendi, ok Iag6i til Sturlu tordarsonar, ok setladi at leggja f augat 6 , 
ok maelti t>etta viQ : Hvf skal ek eigi gora J)ik J)eim likan, er J)ii 
vill likastr vera (56inn 7 ?' Ok i J)vi var h6n tekin ; ok sto6va6isk 
lagit, ok kom i kinnina ; ok var ]pat mikit sar. Si6an hljopu upp 
menn Sturlu ok reiddu upp vapnin. f>d maelti Sturla : ' Vinnit ekki 
d monnum hdr fyrr en ek segi hvar ni3r skal koma.' BoQvarr 
var6 ok 68r mjok. M maelti Sturla : ' Setisk menn niSr, ok rae3um 
um sattmal ; ok J3urfu menn eigi h^r at l^sa van-stilli 8 fyrir J>essa 
sok, J)viat konur kunna med ymsu m6ti at leita eptir astum ; J)viat 
lengi hefir vinfengi okkat I'orbjargar verit mikit/ Hann Jiafdi 
hondina at andlitinu, ok dreifQi b!65inu a kinnina, ok maelti : 

1 mann] {>a, B. 2 fyrir] fra, B. 3 go&a bcegi] Cd. and B (bcegi dat. from 
b6gr). * en ekki ur&u beir enn sattir, B (!). 5 mikit sitt] B ; med sitt, Cd. 

6 ok stefoi (!) i augat, B. 7 en bat er Odinn, B. 8 van-stilli] B ; vansatt, Cd. 

ii8o, 1181.] STURLU SAGA, 31, 32. 81 

[I. 102 : ii. 36.] 

' ^ess 1 mest van, at vit Pall munim saettask a okkur mal, ok t>urfi 
menn eigi he*r hlut i at eiga. Ok sezk 2 ni9r, Pall magr!' f>a svarar 
Pall : < Raeda [vil] ek vist um sdttmal okkar BoSvars ; en 6 lizk 
mdr J>etta umrae5u-vert, sem mi hefir i gorzk, at smia nokkut 
alei3is/ M svarar Sturla : ' Rae3i menn um saettir fyrst me9 ykkr 
Bo'Svari ; einskis ma kalla f>etta vert ; ok munu vit Pall magr raeda 
um J>etta sf3arr/ M raeddu ]peir um sattmal vid Bo3varr; ok \6t 
Pall J)a gangask J>a hluti er adr hofdu i milli sta6it. Ok var {> 
lokit malum a a leid, at Bodvarr skyldi hafa J)ridjung J>ess fjar 
er l>6rir hafdi att. Eptir J)etta bjoggusk menn brott at ri3a, ok 
ba3u vinir Pdls, at hann skyldi selja Sturlu sjalfdaemi. Hann 
kvazk })ess eigi fuss, ok 1& J)ar 6jofnu5 einn mundu fram koma 3 
er Sturla var, J)6tt [hann] l^ti fagrt. 6 g^kk hann at Sturlu, vid 
umtolur manna, ok ba9 hann J)6kk hafa fyrir stilling sina, er hann 
haf3i J>ar gort a J)eim fundi. fa svarar Sturla : ' at heyri ek at 
litlu muni skipta hversu til mm 4 er gort; ok jpykkjumk ek >at 
d sja, at 5 y3r J)ykkir sva. Pall. svarar: Ef {)at s^nisk, at h^r 
muni eiga nokkut bot fyrir at koma, J>a ma ek vel eiga hof undir 
t)dr um })at, at JDU gorir slika saem5 til handa jpe'r sem \>6r likar 
sjalfum.' Sturla mselti : ' Bustii 6 sva fyrir, at ek vaenti, ef ek skal 
sjalfr meta mik, at y9r muni J>ykkja 6hofs vita, en ekki h6fs ; mun 
J)at ver6a annan veg enn mdr lizk at verSa muni 7 .' M svarar 
Pall : Eigi hefir fyrir J)a sok slik vandrseSi mdr til handa borit, at 
ek munda J)at kjosa, nd sva hitt at J)u hlytir 6vir5ing af ; ok er ]?vi 
J)at vel fallit, at J>u ra3ir fyrir ; ok mun rdttara at bseta vel. En biSja 
vil ek Jrik,' sag3i Pall, ' at J)ii legSir eigi fyrr d6m a malit, en vid 
eru staddir r^ttlatir menn ok vinir allra vdr.' Eptir J)at foru fram 
handsol; ok handsalaSi Pall Sturlu sjalfdaemi, en Sturla hand- 
sala5i h6num aptr a m6t niSrfall at sokum. Ok skilSusk at ]Dvf. 

32. Nu Iei6 vetrinn. Ok um varit eptir for Sturla suSr til Borgar- 
fjardar, ok rei6 f Tungu til Bodvars; ok sf6an sendi hann or9 
Pali f Reykjaholt, at hann skyldi koma f Tungu at heyra a sattar- 
gord. !>at var Kross-messu. En er Pall kom, ]pa maelti Sturla : 
'Hversu marga menn viltu skilja undir ssettir okkrar, sva at J)u 
vilir handsolum uppi halda fyrir V f>a maelti Pall : ' Mik, ok sonu 
mina, ok konu/ f>a maelti Sturla: 'Nokkut fleiri menn?' M 

1 ]pess] B ; J>ar, Cd. 2 setiz, B. 3 6jafna8ar eins at van, B. * til 

min] B. 5 J)vi, add. Cd. ; ok finn ek J>at eitt a, at, B. 6 siaz J>u, B. 7 Thus ; 
B drops this sentence from ' en ekki.' 8 B omits ' fyrir.' 

VOL. I. G 


[I. 103 : ii. 36.] 

maelti Pall: 'Hermund, ok bans sonu, ok Torfa Surtzson/ H 

maelti Sturla: ' Vilir pii pa til skilja, pa vil ek pa fra skilja; pvfat 

nii berr pu sjalfr vitni um, hverir sannir eru at bana-raSum vid 

mik.' Pall maelti : ' f>at er min aetlan/ segir hann, ' at peim radum. 

muni ongir menn sik sjalfir hafa vafit, nema sa er til st/rdi. En 

pvf nefnda ek pessa menn til, at engir menn s^na sik bunari til 

lidveizlu vid mik en pessir. Nu muntu eigi baedi vilja, at skilja 

menn undan saettum, ok gora p6 einn um peV til mann-virdingar.' 

Sidan kom par, at Sturla lauk upp gordinni, ok maelti: 'Hvat 

munu \6r breyta um at gora 1 eptir ins vitrasta mannz daemum, 

Haflida Massonar, pa er hann fkk vansa i sara-fari 2 ? Nu gori 

ek peV a bond, fyrir frumhlaup torbjargar konu jrinnar til mfn, 

tvau hundrud hundraSa; J>at skal vera vara ok biife, gull ok 

brennt silfr, e8r aSrir riflegir aurar.' Pall segir: ' Vfst hefir he*r 3 

lengi at f>rutna8 um 6jafna8inn, en J)6 er nii kniitr a ri8inn um 

6s6mann;' Ok kva8 J>ess vdn, at eigi mundi f&t upp goldit at 

inum fyrstum fardogum e3r skildaga. Eigi f6ru J)ar J)ann dag 

rae8ur mjiiklega me8 monnum ; ok Jx5tti ollum monnum mikil undr, 

er honum kom f hug at kve8a slfkt upp. Ok eptir l?at f6ru menn 

heim. Pall kvaddi at se'r sonu sfna ; ok spurdi hvat ]?eim leizt af 

at kjosa ; ' Hyggsk mdr svd, at ef f^ >etta gelzk upp, at J>ar muni 

f>a fara eiga var oil. Nu er at kj6sa, hvdrt \>6r vilit heldr, at sitja 

fyrir J)vf vandraeSi, at verda fyrir dgangi Sturlu ok umsatrum, e8a 

vili J)^r leita 4 traustz a menn me8 f6gjofum til Ii8veizlu; J)vfat flestir 

munu sva virQa, at vi5 J)etta sd eigi leitanda/ I'eir kv66usk aldri 

vilja sfna eigu upp gefa. Sidan sendi Pall Brand son sinn su8r 

i Odda. H fdkk hann par g69ar vi8tekjur af J6ni, Bar hann JD 

upp malit fyrir hann, ok sag3i alia mala-voxtu. J6ri kva3 J)at eigi 

vel sama, at hofdingjar gangi vid sva mikinn 6jafna8 a hendr svd 

d^rdlegum kenni-manni sem Pall var. Ok kvazk veita mundu 

h6num lid d J)ingi eptir \>vi sem hann hef3i fong L Sf3an f6ru peir 

Brandr vestr heim, ok segja sva btiit Pali. Ok nti H8r at pinginu. 

^a bj6sk Pdll til pings ; pvfat hann atti Reykhyltinga-gofiorQ. f>a 

v6ru viSsjar miklar ok varShold me3 flokkum. Ok er J>eir koma 

til pings, pd rei5 Pdll [til] buSar sfnnar ; en J6n Loptzson gkk frd 

bu8 sfnni, ok m6ti h6num, ok heilsafii h6num, bad hann vel kominn, 

1 um at gora] add. B. 2 sara-fari] B ; sama fari, Cd. 8 h6r] hann, B. 

* Here begins the sixth vellum leaf. 

n8i.] STURLU SAGA, 33, 34. 83 

[1.104: ii. 37.] 

' Ok far til biidar meS meV Pall bad hann pokk hafa fyrir bodit, 
'En ek mun rfda til biidar mfnnar; en v6i munum drekka allir 
samt um pingit.' Ok sva gordu peir. Ok snemma pingsins kom 
Bodvarr f>6rdarson a fund J6ns Loptzsonar, ok raeddi vid hann ; 
kvad Sturlu hafa sendan sik; ok kvad hann pess vsenta, at J6n 
mundi eigi f m6t sniiask malinu, p6tt pau ord flygi um. J6n 
kvad med miklum akafa farit a hendr Pali ; en \6t pat eigi sama, 
at etjask vid 1 kenni-menn gamla ok gofga, rfkjum hofdingjum. 
'Nu hefi ek heitid Pali asja ok lidveizlu/ Bodvarr maelti : .' Sva 
segir me'r hugr um, at hofud-grannt verdi 2 nokkurum vina Pals 
ef Sturla er nokkut minnkadr.' J6n svarar : ' Vitu menn pat,' 
kvad hann, ' at Sturla er opt 6bilgjarn um manndrapin ; en fleiri 
kunna enn at drepa menn en Sturla einn; ok pat segi ek pe'r, 
Bodvarr ; ef Sturla laetr drepa einn mann fyrir Pali, at drepa skal 
ek lata prja fyrir Sturlu/ SfQan skildu peir talit. Nii v6ru miklar 
vidsjar um pingit. Sturla sitr f bii6 sfnni, ok gkk 6vi6a, ok l^t 
skemta seV heima i bu6. 

33. Pall prestr gkk a fund orlaks biskups, ok tolu6usk J>eir 
vi6. Ok mselti biskup : ' Eigi jpykki m6r makleg vera deilan y6ur 
Sturlu; J)eir eru menn rikir ok kaldra6ir, en pu ert kenni-ma6r 
d/r6legr. Nii vilda ek, at ]?u vaerir varr um J)ik, ok bserir vapn, 
ok verir hendr Jnnar ef J)u J)arft, J)viat enkis er fyrir J>a orvsent.' 
Ok sva gor6i Pall nu. En J)6 lagu h6num opt eptir vapnin J)a 
er hann gkk fra kirkju. Ok s/ndisk pat i pvi, at hann var 6vanr 
vapn at bera. 

34. Nii er um saettir Ieita6. Ok ver3a peir Sturla J>ess varir, at 
J6n setlar heV til kapps at halda at veita Pali, at bsen Brandz 
biskups. Ok ganga menn mi peirra i millum; ok beiSa pess at 
Sturla jati pvi, at J6n gori einn um malit 3 , ok kv66u pess vdn, 
at h6num mundi f J)vi aukask mestr ssemSar-hlutr ; ' en hitt all- 
6sf nt, hversu vegnar, at sla i deilur um ;' ok sog6u pa breytt hafa 
gordum peim er J6n gor9i um Tungu-mal, ok gort i pvi b'nga 
virSing til hans. L^tu peir ok petta malit eigi si6r mega skipask, 
er med firnum var upp tekit 4 . Ok einn dag er menn k6mu fjol- 
mennastir til Logbergis, pa gdkk Sturla fram a virkit fyrir biid 

1 a vi8, B. 2 hofuS-grannt ver5i] ho^ u8i, vellum ; haofud giant (!), B ; the 

copyist of vellum A dropped the second part of the compound ' giarnt ' (or grant ?) ; 
hofud vardi, Br., V. 3 at Sturla jatadi i dom Jons um malit, B. * letu peir 
tekit] om. B. 

G 2 


[1. 105 : ii. 38.] 

sina l ; J)vfat J)at var opt hdttr bans at gora langar tolur um mala- 
ferli sfn ; ok leiddisk monnum opt d at heyra 2 . Vildi hann at JDat 
yr6H jafnan fra borit, at virSing hans yr8i vi6fraeg. Hann kvaS 
nii sva at or6H : ' Kunnigt mun monnum vera um malaferli vdr 
Pals, ok um J)d svivir3ing er me'r var aetlud at veita, miklu meiri 
en fram kvaemi 3 ; ok olli J)vi meirr hamingja min en tilstilli J)ess 
er gor3i. Si9an var saezt a malit ok selt me'r sjalfdsemi af Pali ; 
en mi er svd komit J)vi mali, at settir eru at me'r mestu menn hdr 
d landi 4 , at J>etta mal skuli mi i gor8 leggjask er a3r kom i sjalf- 
daemi. Nu 5 ef daemi fyndisk til JDCSS at menn hefSi sva fyrr gort, 
J>d vaeri d at Ifta. En J)eir menn er sik binda mi vid malit 
nefni ek fyrst til J)ess J6n Loptzson, er mestr 6 ma6r er a landi 
J>essu, ok allir skj6ta sinum mala-ferlum til t>a veit ek eigi vfst 
hvart annat er mi vir8ingar-vsenna, en reyna hvern s6ma hann 
vili 7 minn gora. Nii kann vera, at ek hafa ekki vit til at sja mala- 
hlut til handa me'r, en vilja munda ek halda minni ssem6.' M 
svarar Brandr biskup: 'Engi ma9r fr^r J)dr vitz, en meirr 8 ertu 
grunaSr um gaezku/ J6n kva5 Sturlu vitrlega maela, ok sja fyrir 
margra bond ; ' En %jold/ sag8i J6n, ' af Pals hendi munu til 
vaegSar smiask ; J)vfat J)au v6ru me6 freku reist ; ok skal mi vid 
mik um at eiga en eigi vi3 Pal.' SfSan gengu menn fra Logbergi 
ok heim til biiSa. En a3r Jpinginu lyki, J)d bau3 J6n Sturlu 
barnf6str, ok bau8 heim Snorra syni hans ok h6num sjalfum til 
Kirkju-dags i Odda. Si3an fylg8i Sturla su6r sveininum ; ok J>a 
si3an virSulegar gjafar af J6ni. En fe'gjold svorfudusk 9 mjok, ok 
var J>at 10 akve6it at vseri J>rir tigir hundra8a. 

35. Pall prestr bau6 heim J6ni Loptzsyni f Reykjaholt ; ok var 
J)ar g69r drykkr. Ok f>ar v6ru leiddir fram yxn n J^rir, ok var einn 
sex vetra, ok annarr niu vetra 12 . H maelti Pall: 'Minni munu 
laun fram koma en J)ii vaerir ver3r fyrir liQveizluna ; en h^r skaltii 
kj6sa, hvart JDU vill heldr hafa J)enna uxa inn sex vetra e6r hina 
baSa.' J6n leit d uxana ok mselti : ' Sva s^nisk m^r sem eigi 
muni ver8a mega st6ru meiri uxi ok betri en sja inn sex vetra 

1 4 virkit sina] om. B. a ok leiddisk heyra] om. B, putting instead J)viat 
madrinn var baeSi vitr ok tungu mjukr. 8 ef fram kaemi, B. * en nii eru 

sottir at inir <oztu menn a Islandi, B. 5 nii] B ; en, Cd. 6 dyrstr, B. 

7 vili] vill, B. 8 meirr] om. B. 9 svorfu6usk] thus emend. ; suorduz, the 

vellum leaf, as well as Br., H ; en gialld sneyriz miok, B. 10 helzt, add. B. 

11 oxn, B. u Thus both vellum and B. 

1181-1183.] STURLU SAGA, 35, 36. 85 

[1. 106 : ii. 38.] 

gamli, ok k^s ek harm.' Pall maelti : ' f>at er ok vel ; fyrir Jw' at 
jafn-mikit hefir mik kosta& sja, ok hinir tveir.' Si6an dr6 hann 
gullhring a horn uxanum, 6k kva6 J)vi fylgja skyldu ok tfu 
hundru6 vaSmala. Jon J)akka9i honum vel slikar vingjafir. Ok 
skilSusk 6lu9ar-vinir. 

36. Sva er sagt: at ]pa er Sturla fre'tti andlat f>orbjargar konu 
Pals prestz, at hann Ieg5isk i rekkju; ok Jmt var honum opt titt 
J>a er hann var hugsjukr. Menn fre'ttu hann at, hvi J)at gegndi. 
Hann svarar : 'Ek hefi nii jpau ti3endi fre'tt 1 er mr J>ykkja at- 
huga-ver5 2 .' Menn svorudu: 'Ekki hug3u veV, at J)d mundir 
stn'3 um J>at bera, Ipott forbjorg vaeri ondu9.' Sturla svarar: 
' Annat berr til, J>vfat m^r er . . . alheg at 3 J)vfat ek vir8i sva, at 
aldri vaeri saklaust vi9 sonu Pals ok fcorbjargar meSan hon Iif3i ; 
en nii samir eigi vel, at veita J)eim agang er hon er ondu5.' M bj6 
Magnus prestr Palsson at Helgafelli, ok HallfriSr dottir forgils 
Ara sonar ins Fr65a, ok var hon skorungr mikill. 

Sturla anda5isk i elli sfnni i Hvammi, ok bjo Gu5n^ >ar eptir 
lengi sfdan. Einarr I>orgilsson andaSisk tveimr vetrum eptir J>at er 
Sturla andaSisk. Sem enn mun sagt ver6a si9arr. 

1 frtt] fregit, B. 2 ahuga ver9, B. 

3 J)viat mer er . . . alheg at] this is a very doubtful passage. B has Sturla 
svarar : annat berr ok til bvi at pau (thus as it seems) eru eigi allhaeig (!) at pvi 
at ek vir5i sva sem alldri veri saka laust vi6 seni Pals ok f>orb. ... In vellum A, 
when the paper transcripts were taken in the middle of the 1 7th century, this 
passage must, even then, have been faded and hard to read, as the transcripts show. 
What we now can read is ' Jwi at mer eru ... | allheg at ;' after ' eru,' at the end 
of the line, one word is blotted out, ' engin ' or the like. 


[1. 106, 107 : ii. 38.] 

MARGAR sogur ver8a hdr samtfda; ok md {)6 eigi allar senn 
rita: Saga Thorlaks biskups ins Heilaga 1 , ok GuQmundar ins 
G63a Arasonar, J>ar til er hann var vfgSr til prestz. Saga GuS- 
mundar ins d^ra hefzt jprem vetrum eptir andlat Sturlu, ok lykr 
J>a er Brandr biskup er anda6r, en Gu3mundr inn G664 er J>a 
vfg8r til biskups. Saga Hrafns Sveinbjarnar sonar ok fcorvallz 
Snorra sonar er samtfQa sogu GuSmundar ins G63a, ok lykzt hon 
eptir andlat Brandz biskups, sva sem Sturla f>6r8arson segir f 
f slendinga-sogu 2 . Flestar allar sogur, J)aer er gerz hofchi a f slandi 
aSr Brandr biskup Saemundarson andadiz, voru ritadar 3 ; en J>aer 
sogur, er sf6an hafa gerzt, v6ru Iftt ritadar, a9r Sturla skald fcdrSar- 
son sag3i fyrir f slendinga sogur 4 . Ok hafdi hann J)ar til vfsendi 
af fr68um monnum, peim er v6ru a ofanverQum 5 dogum bans; 
en sumt eptir breTum J>eim, er {>eir ritu6u, er t>eim v6ru samtiSa, 
er sogurnar em fra. Marga hluti matti hann sjalfr sja ok heyra 6 
J3a er gerSuz a hans dogum til st6r-ti5enda. Ok treystum 7 ve'r 
h6num bae6i vel til viz ok einarSar at segja fra ; J)vfat hann vissum 
ve'r 8 alvitraztan 9 ok h6fsamaztan. Lati Gu3 h6num raun lofi 

1 Thus Cd. ; helga, B. 2 Islendinga sogum, B. 

8 B erroneously transposes the words thus Flestar allar sogor baer er her hafa 
gorz a Islandi voru rita&ar aSr Brandr biskup Semundar son andaiz (sic). En 
baer sogur er siftan hafa gorz voru litt ritadar a&r Sturli (!) skalld f>ordar son sagdi 
fyrir Tslendinga sogor . . . 

4 sogur] thus the vellum (sog 00 ) ; there is a little hole in the vellum, but the 
abbreviation above the line () is clear; B has 'sogor.' 

8 ofanverdum] thus vellum ; avndverSum, B (and hence some paper transcripts, 
even of the A class, such as Br., H). 6 ok heyra] om. B. 7 treystumz, B. 

8 vissum ver] vissa ek, B. 9 Thus al-, not all-, vellum, B. 





A.D. Il6l - 1202. 

[1.107: ii.39.] 

1. ORGEIR HALLASON bj6 undir Hvassafelli i EyjafirSi. Hann 
atti Hallberu Einars dottur af Reykjanesi, Ara sonar, fcorgils sonar, 
Ara sonar, Mas sonar, fail I>orgeirr ok Hallbera attu tiu born, er 
6r barnsesku k6musk ; sonu fimm ok dsetr fimm. feirra sonr var 
Einarr; hann atti ekki barn. Hann fekk liflat a Grsenlandi i 
6byg9um. Ok eru tvennar frasagnir : Sii er onnur sogn Styrkars 
Sigmundar sonar af Graenlandi, ok var hann sagna-maSr mikill 
ok sannfr66r, at skip peirra faerisk f 6byg9um; en 116 peirra 
hafQi gengit f tva sta6i ; ok bserisk sva um pat, at a6ra praut fyrr 
vistir en a9ra ; ok komsk Einarr f brott me9 sdtta mann, ok vildi 
leita bygSar, ok gdkk a jokla upp, ok l^tu peir lifi l , er dagleid var 
til byg9a; ok fundusk vetri siQarr; ok var lik Einars heilt ok 
osakat; ok hvilir hann a Herjolfs-nesi. Annarr son torgeirs var 
forvarSr. Hann f6r utan J>a er hann var atjan vetra. Ok pegar 
er hann ste* a land fotum i Bjorgyn, pa laust hann hirSmann Inga 
konungs, pann er J6n h^t, sva at hann var3 aldri heill si6an, ok 
d6 um vetrinn eptir. En pat var fyrir pa sok, er pessi ma5r sigldi 
fra h6num i EyjafirSi, en f'orvarSr rzk pegar til annars skips ; ok 
k6mu peir prim nottum sf6arr [til Bjorgynjar] en J6ns skip. Pa. 
s6tti f'orvardr fund Ketils Kalfssonar, ok hafdi i sinni hvarri hendi 
oxina ok skepti5, er brotnad haf6i pa er hann laust Jon. En pvi 
mali lauk sva, at I>orvar3r gordisk hirdmadr Inga konungs ok vard 
honum kaerr. Nu er hsett frasogn um athafnir fcorvardz; pviat 

1 lifi] B, Gms. ; lif, Cd. 


[I. 108 : ii. 39-] 

J)ar eru meiri efni f, en ek vilja i >essa sogu rita. Hann kvang- 
adisk J)4 er hann \6t af siglingum, ok fe'kk Herdisar Sighvatz- 
d6ttur. Hann atti fimm daetr, >ser er 6r barnaesku k6musk: 
GuSnin var ein, er atti f>orgeirr sonr Brandz biskups, en siSarr 
Eirekr Hakonarson 6r Orkneyjum d6ttur-son SigurQar slembis ; 
onnur Gyrfdr, er atti Kolbeinn Tumason; en )ri8ja Gu8run, er 
atti Klaengr Kleppjarnsson ; fjorSa Hallbera, er atti I>6r8r Orn61fs- 
son 6r Onundarfir6i l ; fimta Ingibjorg, er atti Brandr. En a5r 
fcorvardr kvangaSisk, atti hann dottur vi6 Yngvildi d6ttur frorgils 
Oddasonar; h6n var gipt Hjalmi Asbjarnarsyni. A3ra d6ttur 
atti hann vi6 Herdfsi Klaengsd6ttur, ok su h6t Helga; h6n var 
gipt Teiti Oddzsyni i AustQordum. i'orvarQr atti son, er Ogmundr 
hdt, vid J)eirri konu er Helga 2 h^t. Ogmundr J)essi f<6kk SigriSar 
Eldjarnsdottur af Espih61i. En i elli sinni atti t'orvarSr d6ttur, er 
Berghildr hdt, vi9 Birnu Brandzdottur. H6n var gipt Eldjarni f 
Flj6tzdals-hdra5i. friSi son fcorgeirs h^t { > 6r6r 3 ; hann var munkr 
at tverd, ok anda6isk J)ar, ok atti ekki barn ; hann var prestr ok 
mikit gofug-menni. Ari hdt inn fimti son t'orgeirs; hann var 
mikill maSr ok sterkr. I>6ru J'orgeirsddttur atti H^6inn Eyj61fs- 
son er bj6 at H61um i EyjafirSi ; en si9an atti hana Eyj61fr 
Einarsson. Onnur dottir forgeirs var Ingibjorg; hana atti fyrst 
Helgi Eiriksson 6r Langa-hlf6, en sf6an Hvamm-Sturla. I*ri6ja 
hdt 6mf ; hana atti Grimr Snorrason at Hofi i SkagafirSi 4 
Hof8a-strond. Fj6r8a d6ttir ^orgeirs h^t Grima ; hana atti 
Brandr Tjorvason d Vf8ivollum. Fimta d6ttir t'orgeirs hdt Oddn^; 
hana dtti f>6rir I'orvarSz son. Gunnarr he*t ma8r, er kalla8r var 
Sleggju-Gunnarr ; hann var Helga son, ! > 6r8ar sonar, i > 6ris sonar, 
Arngeirs sonar, BoQvars sonar. Gunnarr atti Rannveigu tJlfhe'dins 
dottur, Kolla sonar, i > 6rm68s sonar, Kolla sonar, frorlaks sonar, 
br68ur SteinJ)6rs a Eyri, er Orbyggjar eru frd komnir. f > orm66r 
Kollason atti f > 6rn/ju Ara d6ttur af Reykjanesi. au Gunnarr ok 
Rannveig attu d6ttur er tJlfei8r h^t; hon var gipt nau5ig; en 
si8an lagdi JDokka a hana Ari i'orgeirsson, ok atti me8 henni born 
fjogur: Clemet hdt son J>eirra, ok andadisk ungr. I'au attu son 
annan, er Gudmundr hdt; hann var faeddr at Grj6ta f Horgar- 
dal. fe var J)a Steinunn f 3 orsteinsd6ttir, ok d6ttir Sigd5ar tJlf- 
h^8insd6ttur ; h6n var systrungr tJlfeiQar, ok var dstu8ugt med 

1 |>6r8r Onondarson, B. a Here ends the sixth vellum leaf. 3 |>6r6r] 

{>6rir, Gms. 

n6i, 1162.] GUDMUNDAR SAGA GODA, 2. 89 

[1. 109, no: ii. 40.] 

jpeim. i>at var J)rim n6ttum fyrir Michaels-messu ; er sveinninn 
var faeddr. i>ar var vitr maSr ok frodr, Gudmundr kar-hof6i l . 
Ok er sagt fra orda-tiltekju bans t>a er sveinninn kvaS vid n^- 
faeddr, at hann l^zk einskis barns rodd slika heyrt hafa ; ok kvaz 
vist vita, at J)at barn mundi afbragd verda annarra manna, ' ef lifi 
heldr ; ' ok kalladi seV bjoda 6tta mikinn, er hann heyrdi til. f>au 
attu dottur er Gudnin h^t, ok son er Gunnarr he"t, ok andadisk 
ungr. En >a er til t6k lag >eirra Ara ok tJlfeidar, J>a le*t h6n i 
hendr honum fimtan hundrud ]priggja alna aura til forrada ok 
me8fer8ar ; ok haf6i h6n J>a eptir gullhring ok marga gripi a3ra. 
En fyrir J>vi at Ari var ma3r storlyndr, J)a lagSisk J)eim f6 skj6tt 

2. Nii er Jmr til mals at taka : at f>orvardr f'orgeirsson kom ut 
eptir fall Inga konungs ; ok l^sti J)vi, at hann vildi ongum konungi 
J)j6na jar8neskum eptir Inga konung; J>viat honum J)6tti sem 
einginn mundi ver6a jafningi bans. Ok J)ess ba6 hann Ara 
br66ur sinn, ef hann kaemi litan-lendis, at hann skyldi eigi vi9 
J)ann flokk bindask, er fellt haf5i Inga konung. Kalla6i van, at 
flokkr mundi hefjask i Vik austr, at leita eptir hefndum ; ok bad 
hann at ra6ask i jpann flokk, ok setjask f rum sitt. Nii ferr Ari 
litan, en tJlfeiSr sitr eptir meS son sinn GuSmund. S6tti Ari a 
fund Erlings, ok hitti hann f Vik austr um varit eptir. Ok attu 
^>eir si9an bardaga i Tiinsbergi, Hakon her8i-brei6r ok Erlingr jarl. 
Faer Hdkon osigr ok fty8i. En litlu si3arr bor8usk {)eir fyrir 
Hrafna-bjorgum ; ok lagSisk Hakon enn a flotta. Inn J>ri8ja 
bardaga attu J)eir J>at sumar undir Sekk fyrir Raumsdal; ok J>ar 
fdll Hakon konungr, ok mart gofgra manna me9 h6num. En 
Erlingr jarl Iag8i miklar vir8ingar a Ara fyrir fylg9 sina. Um 
vetrinn f6r jarl ok Magnus konungr um Upplond ok Ari me8 
J)eim, ok mart hir8manna ; ok attu f>eir J>ar bardaga a Reyri skamt 
fra Hamar-kaupangi 2 , ok bordusk vi6 Sigur3 jarl; ok fell hann 
J>ar, ok mart lid me6 h6num. En er tidendi J)essi komu til 
fslandz, ok J)at, hverja virding Ari f<6kk af konungi ok jarli, J>a 
kvad torgeirr visu : 

Endr let synt 3 a sumri snar-fingr me5 Erlingi 
brodir minn und breiSar brand-^ls stadit randir : 
Vfg-gar9z hefir vardat ve5r-eggjandi beggja 
okkat riim bar er 4mir ungr bo5-koflar sprungu. 

1 Thus also B. 2 Hamar-kaupangi] B ; Hakaupangi, Cd. 3 synt] sunnr, B,. 


[I. 1 1 1 : ii. 40.] 

Ok urn varit eptir fystisk Ari lit hingat; ok gaf jarl h6num knorr 
med ra ok reida 1 . Hann vard vel reidfari, ok kom skipi sinu 
at Gasum i Eyjafjord. Skipit atti halft me& h6num Amundi 
Konradsson 2 . f>at sumar var kallat Grjotflaugar-sumar. M var 
barizt i Logre'ttu a AlJ)ingi 8 , ok vard mart manna sdrt; ok JDar 
fe'kk liflat Halld6rr prestr Snorrason; ok J)ar var sdrr fcorvardr 
torgeirsson. En er J)essi tidendi v6ru ordin, J)a J)6tti hofdingjum 
naudsyn at auka fcingit ; ok vaeri mal J)essi ]pa J)egar s6tt, ok saettir 
menn er hofdu bedit vansa af grj6t-flaug ok vapnum; ]:>vfat J>ar 
vard med sva miklum 61fkindum grj6ti kasta9, ok sannordir menn 
sog5u J>at, t>eir er J)ar v6ru, at eptir bardagann fengu menn J)eim 
steinum trautt af jordu lypt er kasta6 var i bardaganum. Ok er 
J)etta mal mjok kniat 4 at t>ing vaeri aukit. M ver3r til svara 
i'orgeirr Hallason, ok sag6i sva : ' tat er vist, at JDCSSU mali verfi 
ek eigi samj>ykkr, at gora ollum monnum svd mikit mein ok 
vanhag, at auka >ingit; ok uggi ek, at vi8 J>at muni aukask 
vandrae8i ok 6fri8r en jDverra eigi. Nu hafa J)at kennt enir vitrustu 
menn, at laegja skuli oil vandrae8i en aesa eigi. Nu hefir mfnn 
sonr or3it fyrir averka ; ok J)ykki mdr hann gildr ma8r fyrir s^r ; 
ok vil ek eigi J>ann hlut sja til handa h6num ok m^r, at gora 
almuganum vandrae8i ; ok heldr mun ek bfSa, ok leita m^r ra8s, 
ok fara heim at sinni/ Ok er hann haf8i J>etta upp kvedit, J)i 
svara allir hofdingjar, at J)iggja vildu J)etta ra6. Var J)a slitid 
J)inginu. Um hausti8 for Ari til Hvassa-fellz til fo8ur sins; ok 
J)angat f6r me8 h6num tJlfeidr ; ok v6ru J)au J>ar tva vetr. En 
J>angat var kominn Gu5mundr son J>eirra. En er Ari hafdi h^r 
verit tva vetr, ferr hann utan ok Ingimundr br63ir hans. Ok 
er J>eir k6mu m haf, fara J)eir til hirdvistar med Erlingi jarli, 
ok eru med h6num um vetrinn. A {>eim vetri h6fsk flokkr Olafs 
GuQbrandzsonar, d6ttur-sonar Haraldz gilla. Ari bjo skip sftt 
um varit til fslandz, ok v6ru albiinir til hafs. En J>eir er helzt 
v6ru ofundar-menn Ara, Iog5u h6num til ama&lis, at hann Ieg8i svd 
fylg8 sfna vi9 Erling jarl, at fara J)a frd h6num er hann >yrfti 
mest manna vi8, ok 6fri3ar at vdn. En er Ari vard varr f>essarar 
umraeSu, J)d laetr hann J>egar bera fot sfn af skipi, ok r<*zk J)a enn 
til hir6vistar med konungi ok jarli. En Ingimundr, svd ok adrir 

1 rei&i, B. 2 Thus also B ; Kodransson, Gms. 3 Logr^ttu a AlJ)ingi] B ; 
dr, Cd. 4 kniat] B, Gms. ; kolat, Cd. 

1163-1167.] GUDMUNDAR SAGA G(3DA, 2. 91 

[I. 112: ii. 40.] 

fslenzkir menn, h&du til Islandz, ok urdu vel reiSfara >at sumar. 
Fylgdi Ari jarli um hausti3 austr i Vik. En um nottina eptir 
Allra-heilagra-messu var jarl staddr a bae ]peim er a Rydjokli heitir 
meS 116 sftt ; ok reis upp um nottina at venju sfnni til ottu-songs ; 
ok ge*kk til kirkju, ok J>eir menn meS h6num, er honum v6ru 
kaerastir. En er lokit var 6ttu-song, sat jarl ok saung psalma. M 
heyrdu {)eir Iu3ra-song, ok pottusk j^at vita at ofricSr myndi fylgja. 
Jarl tykr psalmum sinum, ok gengr lit sidan ; ok ver3a >ess varir, 
at lid er komit at baenum, sva at baerinn var fullr af monnum. Ok 
vildi jarl leita heim til stofu sfnnar ok til H9s ok vapna. M tok 
til or5a Bjorn bukkr, at jarli vaeri einsaett undan at halda; ok 1 
J>eir hofSu ekki vapna, ok mattu eigi verja jarl J)6tt J)eir vildi. Ari 
svarar : ' Hdr erum v^r J>6 ; ok fylgjum jarli at betr, at eingi $6 
vapnin/ ^a taka J)eir undan, en 6fri6ar-menn eptir. Jarli fylg^i 
Bjorn bukkr ok fvarr gilli 2 , lendir menn, Bjorn stallari ok Ari. 
Er J)eir k6mu at skiSgardi nokkurum, J)a hljopu J)eir yfir garSinn 
Bjorn bukkr ok fvarr ; en jarl f^kk eigi yfir hlaupit, {)viat hann 
var t>ungr ma5r a sdr ; ok t6ku J)eir Bjorn ok fvarr a moti honum ; 
an Ari hljdp a milli jarls ok 6fri3ar-manna, sem hann setti sik 
skjold fyrir jarl ; ok sneri i moti hernum, ok gaf sva jarli Iff, at 
hann fann sik fyrir; f>vfat Ari var eigi sarr [a6r]. En J^a var 
hann skotinn gafloki f 6stinn, ok nistr sva vid garSinn; ok \6t 
hann J)ar Iff sftt. En jarl komsk undan, ok var skotinn i laerit a5r 
en hann komsk yfir gar3inn. En i J)essu athlaupi f&lu tfu menn 
a6rir en Ari. fessir menn f6\\u af Erlingi jarli, at sogn f>orkels 
haga: Ari {>orgeirsson, Einarr opin-sj66r, Bjorn skotzki 3 , J6n 
f]6si, fvarr daelski, Gunnarr 4 tjor-skinn 5 , f'oroddr J6rsala-ma9r. 
En er jarl komsk yfir gardinn, ok f nokkut hl^, J>a spur9i hann 
hvar Ari vaeri, fslendingr. En J>eir sog8u, at hann dvalSisk J)ar 
eptir vi5 garSinn liflatinn. Jarl maelti : * fat er vfst, at ar f6r sd 
ma9r, er oss hefir bezt fylgt; ok hofum veV ongan jafn-hvatan 
eptir ; ok vard hann einn buinn fyrstr at gefa sjdlf-viljandi sftt Iff 
fyrir mftt Iff. Nu mun ek hans fraendum eigi launat fa J>ann ska6a 
er t>eir hafa be8it fyrir mfnar sakar.' Nu kemr jarl til Ii9s sfns, ok 
samnar saman flokki sfnum, ok laetr greftra menn sina J>a er 
fallit hofSu. 

1 ok] J)viat, Gms. a gilli] thus also B, Gms. 3 skotzki] sterki, B, Gms. 

samr, B. 5 tjor-skinn] Cd. and B ; tiorstrond, Gms. 


[1.113: Hi. I.] 

TfQendi J)essi k6mu til fslandz um sumarit eptir. M yrkir 
f>orvar5r, br68ir bans, erfi-flokk um Ara ; ok Jx5ttisk hann J)ann 
veg helzt hyggja af Hfldti Ara, at lata hreysti bans koma f kvse5i 
J)au er vifla vseri borin. 

3. x Nu tek ek Jrar til frasagnar: er GuSmundr, son Ara, var 
faeddr at Grj6ta. f>at var allt a einum misserum ok fall Inga 
konungs, ok J>at at brendr var baer Sturlu f Hvammi. Pa. var 
Bjb'rn biskup at Holum, en Klaengr i Skala-holti. VigSr Eysteinn 
erkibiskup einum vetri aSr. M var liSit fra bur5i vars Herra 
GO. c. Ixi. 2 ar. Annat sumar eptir f6r Bjorn biskup nor8r til Kerar, 
at vfgja [til], ab6ta Bjorn brodur sfnn; ok i J>essari for biskupadi 
hann GuSmund Arason a Modru-vollum ; ok var J>at um var eptir 
Paska. tat sumar setlaSi Bjorn biskup til J)ings ; en Jm t6k hann 
s6tt, sva at hann matti eigi til t>ings rf8a. Hann stefnir J)a at s^r 
fraendum sfnum ok vinum, ok skipar J)eim hlutum er h6num f)6tti 
mest J)urfa ; sva at J>at fansk J^a, er si'6arr kom fram, at hann 
vissi hann skyldi vi8 bana sinum buask. Hann gefr hundrad 
hundraSa af sta5num til Munka-fverar ; ok s^ndi J)at tvennt i J)vf, 
at hann J)6ttisk hafa verit of 6veitull 3 af staSar-fjanum ; en hann 
tru8i J)at mesta styrking Kristninnar, at styrkja munklffi ; ok hand- 
salaSi Brandi fraenda sinum til heimtu, er naestr var biskup eptir 
hann. En J)at var forsjalegt, at hann handsaladi J>eim er sjdlfr 
hlaut at gjalda. En sf6an ferr hann heim til H61a ; ok liggr allt 
sumarit ; ok anda8isk um haustid naesta dag fyrir 4 Kolnis-meyja- 
messu. ta bau6 forgeirr Hallason heim til f6strs GuSmundi Ara- 
syni. Ok var sa annarr^vetr aldrs hans. au misseri f^ll Hakon 
konungr her6i-brei6r [undir Sekk] ; en h6fsk Magnus konungr. 
tau misseri andadisk Asgrfmr ab6ti ok torvardr au3gi ; ok J)au 
misseri borQusk menn at r^ttum i F16a su9r. Ok var vfgSr Hr6i 
biskup til Faereyja. On J)ri3ju misseri kom lit An torgeirsson. 
Ok J)at sumar var Logre'ttu-bardagi, sem fyrr var sagt. tat sumar 
var vfgQr til biskups Brandr Saemundarson, ok f6r litan. In fj6rflu 
misseri fjolmenntu ]peir mjok til J)ings, torgeirr ok synir hans ; ok 

1 Here is a large initial letter and a little blank space left in B (Arna-Magn. 
122. A). The paper transcripts, especially those of the B class, start here a fresh 
section or ' pattr ' (the third out of ten). a Thus V. ; m. c. lx., Cd. ; 'M.I. ij.,' B ; 
' piisund vetra ok c. ok 1. ok iiij.,' Gms. ; see the foot-note in Bisk. Sogur i. 414. 
8 B ; of orr, Cd. * naesta dag fyrir] Gms. ; vi5, Cd. ; fyrir, B. 

n6i-n6 9 .] GUDMUNDAR SAGA GODA, 3, 4. 93 

[1.114: iii. I.] 

hefir Ari Austmenn marga f flokki med seV, naer J>rja tigi ; ok var 
{>at kallat Skjalda-sumar. fa maeltu })eir fe8gar eptir averkum vi5 
f orvard vi5 Vatzfir8inga ; ok fylgdu J)vi mail sva, at sa varQ sekr, 
er vann; en Vatzfir8ingar, Pall ok Snorri, seldu forvar8i sjalf- 
daemi ; en f orkell Flosason, er sekr var gorr um sumarit, fser6i 
forvar8i hofu5 sitt Skirdags-kveld, ok lagSi a bord fyrir hann. 
Ok hann gaf honum hofud sitt, ok bad hann fara i fri6i hvert er 
hann vildi ; ok gaf h6num hest eptir Paska-viku ; ok skyldi hann 
JDCSS njota er hann kom a ]peim ti3um. In fimtu misseri kom 
Brandr biskup lit. Ok ur8u land-skjalptar i Grimsnesi [ok forusk 
atjan menn]. fa var Karls-hri'3 Gregorius-messu. In se'ttu misseri 
tell Ari f orgeirsson. fa kom b!66 [Christz] i Ni5ar6s. Ok J^ann 
vetr anda6isk Jon Sigmundarson inn fyrri. Hreinn aboti vfg6r. 

4. En fyrir J>at, at f^ J)at er Ari hafSi att, bar undan GuSmundi 
syni hans, J)a {)6tti fraendum hans ra9 fyrir honum at sja, at setja 
hann til bokar; ok tekr Ingimundr prestr vi6 honum at kenna 
honum. Ok fkk hann J>at t>a fyrst i fo6ur-bsetr, ok erf3, at hann 
var bar3r til bokar. Hann var 61atr mjok ; ok J)6tti J)at JDegar J)a 
au6 s^nt a athofn hans, at honum myndi i kyn kippa um odaelleika ; 
Jw'at hann vildi ra6a vi6 hvern sem hann atti. En fyrir J)at var 
fostri hans vi5 hann hardr. Sa vetr var kallaSr Kynja-vetr ; J)viat 
J>a ur3u margir undarlegir hlutir ; J)a v6ru s^nar tvser l s61ir i senn ; 
J>a v6ru s^nir alfar ok aSrir kynja-menn ri6a saman i flokki i 
SkagafirSi. [te] sa Ari Bodvarsson. fat var i Hegranesi, at J)ar 
hljop gyltr ein or hiisi sinu um nott, ok braut upp hur9ir, ok hljop 
at hvilu einni er kona hvfldi i me9 barni ; ok greip gyltrin barnit, 
ok beit til bana, ok hljop lit si6an; en barnit la eptir dautt; en 
gyltrin h!6p i hiis sitt. Onnur misseri eptir selr ]?orgeirr Hvassa- 
fell, ok r^zk til Munka-fcverar ; en forvarSr ok Ingimundr prestr 
t6ku vi6 biiinu. fau misseri eptir brann kirkja i Laufasi. Gu6- 
mundr var J)a atta vetra. fa foru J)eir Ingimundr prestr, fostri 
hans, nor6r a Hals til Brandz [Tjorvasonar] er atti GuSrunu for- 
geirsdottur ; ok v6ru me8 h6num a vist ^au misseri. M for 
forgeirr til Lj6sa-vatz at biia; en GuSmundr var niu vetra. fa 
atti Ingimundr bu vid Brand mag sinn a Halsi ; ok v6ru J)eir J>ar 
vetr annan. En a J)vi ari va forgeirr Hoskuld H^rason. Ok J)a 
var vig Kars Ko6rans-sonar 2 . Ok |)a var Karl aboti vigQr til 

1 tvaer] tvenar, B. a var sonar] emend., from Ann. Reg. and Gms. ; voru vig 
Ko3ranssona, Cd. 


[1.115: Hi. i.] 

fingeyra. M var GuSmundr tlu vetra. td f6r Ingimundr, f6stri 
bans, a Vagla at bua. Ok er peir brae5r byggja svd i stodrenni, pa 
attu peir GuSmundr ok Ogmundr barnleika saman, ok morg onnur 
ungmenni me5 peim. En til ins sama kom jafnan um atferli peirra 
ok leika at nest-lokum 1 , hvat sem fyrst var upp [tekit], at Gu8- 
mundi var gort mftr ok bagall ok messu-fot, kirkja ok altari ; ok 
skyldi hann vera biskup f leiknum ; en Ogmundi ox ok skjoldr ok 
vapn ; ok skyldi hann vera hermaSr. fcotti pat monnum vera fyrir- 
spa mikil, pa er pat kom fram um hvarn peirra er aetla8 var. i>au 
misseri forusk atta tigir manna i skridum ; ok var kalladr Bysna- 
vetr. f>au misseri fe*ll Thomas erkibiskup a Englandi. Ok pd 
andaQisk forgeirr munkr Hallason. t > at sumar bor5usk J>eir 
Einarr Helgason, ok Sk6gungar, Vilmundr Snorra son Kalfs 
sonar, i Saurbae ; ok f^llu sjau menn af Vilmundi ; en Einarr var5 
sarr, ok var borinn a skildi i brott; ok nokkurir menn ur8u sarir 
af Ii8i hans. Um varit eptir f6r Ingimundr bui sfnu a Mb'Qruvollu 
i8ri, ok Ieig8i landit tfu hundruSum. fcau misseri f^kk Ingimundr 
Sigri8ar Tumad6ttur. Ok pat haust bor8usk f>eir Sturla tdrdarson 
ok Einarr torgilsson d Saelingsdals-heiSi, um J)at er Einarr hafdi 
raentan Ingjald mag Sturlu. M er Gu6mundr var t61f vetra, brd 
Ingimundr bui. Ok reiQ vestr til Ass f Skagafjor8 til Tuma mags 
hans me9 SigriSi konu sfnni ; JDviat samfarar peirra v6ru eigi me8 
vaer8um. ^a f6r Gu8mundr a Hals til orgeirs. fat var andadisk 
Grundar-Ketill. Um haustid f6r Ingimundr brott 6r Asi, J)vfat J)au 
Sigri8r n^ttu eigi af samforum; ok bu8u margir gofgir menn 
honum heim ; en hann f6r & GrenjadarstaQi til Hrafns Hallzsonar. 
M r^zk pangat Gu8mundr, fraendi hans. Sa var kalla8r inn G63i 
vetr. M brann Bjb'rgyn um vetrinn. M var in heilaga Sunnifa 
faer8 6r Selju a8r um sumarit; ok sto8va8i pat eldz-ganginn, er 
skrm hennar var & moti borit. Veginn Einarr Grfmsson; ok 
brendr baer Einars Skaptasonar f Saurbae d Kjalarnesi. T6k log- 
sogu Styrkarr Oddason. 

5. Nii v6ru peir Ingimundr ok Gudmundr d Grenja8arsto8um. 
Var hann pa t61f 2 vetra. M t6k hann vigslur af Brandi biskupi til 
acolutatem. Vetri sfdarr vfg8i Brandr biskup hann til subdjakns ; 
en prettdn vetra til djakns. En in fyrstu misseri var3 pat til tfdenda, 
at pa var veginn Ingimundr J6nsson, br68ir Karls db6ta. Ok pau 

1 at nest-lokum] add. Gms. 2 tolf] J>rettan, B. 

ii7o-ii8o.] GUDMUNDAR SAGA G<5DA, 5, 6. 95 

[I. 116, 117: iii. 2.] 

misseri f6r Pall f>6r3arson 6r Vatzfirdi, ok Sveinn Sturluson med 
h6num, me9 fjolmenni miklu til Helga-fellz. Namu J)eir HallgerSi 
Run61fsd6ttur ok Valger5i dottur hennar J>a8an. En onnur mis- 
seri var veginn Helgi Skaptason a Aljringi fyrir ]pat er hann brendi 
kaupskip fyrir Pali Austmanni, er kalla3r var Brennu-Pall ; en eptir 
vfgit maelti forvardr forgeirsson ; ok fkk sjalfdaemi af Austmanni, 
ok fe"kk af J>vi virding mikla. fau misseri andaSisk Snorri Kalfs- 
son a Mel. In J>ridju misseri anda6isk Klaengr biskup. M fell 
Eysteinn konungr, ok Nichulas SigurSarson. fa voru skserur 
J)eirra Amors Tumasonar ok Sveins Sturlusonar ; ok haf5i Sveinn 
ridit at hitta konu Arn6rs J3a er Arnorr meinaSi ; ok rei8 Arn6rr 
eptir h6num vi6 sjaunda mann ok barSisk vi8 hann Mariu-messu- 
dag inn sfSara 1 hja Svina-vatni; en J)eir Sveinn v6ru tveir fyrir; 
ok var forunautr bans tekinn ok haldinn; en Sveinn hljop at 
Arnori, ok hjo a bond h6num sva at hann varS ovigr. En J)eir 
s6ttu at Sveini sex saman; ok ]p6ttusk J)eir ganga af honum 
dau8um; en Sveinn var5 heill sara sfnna; en Arnorr lifdi vi8 
orkymsl si8an. Af J)essum atburSum ma skilja, at Kolbeini var 
sett-gengt, at stilla eigi rei64 sma ok akef5 fyrir hatidar sakir 
Marfu dr6ttningar. In fjor9u misseri var vig8r til biskups forlakr 
inn helgi. Ok t6k Sverrir konungs-nafn. Var Gudmundr J>a 
sjautjan vetra. 

6. M r^8usk J)eir Ingimundr brott af Grenja8arsto8um, ok f6r 
Ingimundr til Sta3ar i Koldu-kinn at bui til t ) 6rarins, ok bjo J)ar 
tva vetr. En Gu8mundr f6r inn 1 Saurbae f EyjafjorQ til 6lafs 
forsteinssonar, ok var hann J)ar J>a tva vetr er Ingimundr f6stri 
hans var a Stad. En J)ann inn J)ri8ja vetr f^kk Gudmundr kar- 
hof3i vitran. tann vetr sat fyrstan at stoli forlakr biskup. fa fell 
Erlingr jarl um varit eptir. fa v6ru i log teknar Ambrosius-messa 
ok Ceceliu-messa ok Agnesar-messa ; en af teknir tveir dagar 
Hvitasunnu-viku. fau misseri eptir andaSisk Hallbera Einars- 
d6ttir. Ok J)a var gipt Gu8run forgeirsdottir forgeiri biskups- 
syni ; ok var bo8 {)eirra a Halsi ; ok voru fimm hundrud manna 
bo8nir. fau misseri var bardagi a fluvollum me5 Sverri ok Mag- 
niisi. Um varit er GuSmundr var nftjan vetra, J)a bregdr Ingi- 
mundr prestr til utan-ferdar ok Gudmundr fostri hans me3 honum. 
feir r^3u s^r far at Gasum me5 Hallsteini kulu-bak ; ok le"tu lit inn 

1 eptir h6num si&ara] add. Gms. 


[I. 118: Hi. 2.] 

naesta dag fyrir Michaels-messu. i>at var Dr6ttinsdag, ok leiddi 
vedr pa nor3r fyrir Niipa til Melrakka-sle'ttu ; [pa kom andvidri] 
ok leggja peir Ingimundr i r^tt, ok velkir sva viku, ok rekr pa at 
Horn-strondum. A einum aptni, er peir satu yfir mat, sprettr 
tjaldskor. Sa maSr er Asmundr hdt, hann var Austma3r, ok seV 
lit, ver8r petta at munni : ' Hviss piss ! af tjoldin ! upp menninir 
hart ok tftt ! boQar eru allt fyrir, hrindi bor3unum, hir8i eigi um 
matinn 1 !' f>a spretta menn upp allir saman, ok kasta af se'r 
tjoldum. HallvarSr st^rima6r kallar : ' Hvar er skips-prestr ! ' 
' Skamt er bans at leita ; ' sag6i Ingimundr, ' eda hvat vili pr 
honum?' 'VeV viljum ganga til skripta,' sogSu peir. Hann 
svarar : ' Eigi er mi betra til skripta at ganga en i haust, er ek hefi 
hvern Dr6ttinsdag bodit y6r til fyrir GuSs sakir, en pe*r vildut J)vf 
aldri hl^Sa. Nii ver3 ek biSja Gud at skripta ykkr, J)viat ekki er 
me*r saer naer 2 en y8r; verit mi hraustir ok 6hraeddir/ feir 
sog5u : ' M muntu vilja, prestr, heita med oss sudrgongu e8r 
63rum stor-heitum; JDviat nu mun eigi annat stoda/ 'Vist eigi/ 
segir prestr, ' ok mun [ek heita], ef ek rae6 hverju heita skal. En 
ella mun ek taka mali fyrir alia fslenzka menn er d skipi eru, at 
allz eingi mun i heitum me3 y6r vera ; J)viat ek vil mi eigi heldr 
y3ra forsja yfir m^r en jpe'r hafit viljat mina forsja i haust.' 
' Hverju viltii heita pa, prestr ? ' sog3u })eir. ' Ek vil heita a Allz- 
valdanda Gud ok helgan Kross, Fni Sanctam Mariam, ok alia 
Heilaga, at gefa tiunda hlut af ollu J>vi er a land kemsk til kirkna 
e3r fataekum monnum, eptir ra6i biskups.' teir svoruSu: ( Pu 
skalt ra3a, prestr ; pviat eigi megum ve*r mi missa J)ina forsja/ M 
ferr handtak um skip Jpeirra at jpessu heiti. Ok eru J)eir pa komnir 
mjok sva allt at boSunum. Er pa a praeta mikil hvert ra8 skal 
taka ; vill sitt hverr ; sumir vilja lata vinda segl upp ; ok er til pess 
prifit. M raadir Hallvar3r st^rima3r vid prest ; ef hann kynni nafn 
Gu8s it haesta. Hann svarar :. ' Kann ek nokkur nofn Gu3s ; ok 
tnii ek pat, er segir Pall postuli, at eigi s annat nafn GuSs aedra 
ok helgara en Jesus; en hitt veit ek eigi hvat pii kallar haest.' 
Hann svarar : ' Eigi kalla ek slikt vera presta, er eigi kunna nafn 
, Gu3s.' M kallar hann a HallvarQ, ok spyrr hann : ' Kantii nafn 
it haesta?' Hann segir: 'Veit Gu3, at ek aetla mik mi eigi muna 

1 hirdi eigi um matiun] Gms. ; hirdi menn eigi matinn, Cd. 2 saer naer] 

Gms. ; slikt fjaerri, Cd. 

ii8o.] GUDMUNDAR SAGA G(5DA, 6. 97 

[I. 119: iii. 2.] 

t>egar; ok er J)at J)6 ilia. Ok mun kunna f6r8r kraka.' <f6r8r 
kraka ! kantii nafnit?' Hann segir : ' fvi er verr, fe"lagi, at me'r er 
6r minni Ii5it; en ek veit annarr kunna mun; forbjorn humla 
mun kunna ! ' ' Ja, ja ! vel, vel ! forbjorn humla ! nefn nafnit, ef 
Jpu kannt/ Hann segir : ' Ek vilda gjarna kunna ; en ek setla, ek 
muna aldri heyrt hafa J)at nafn ; en visa mun ek JpeV til mannz er 
ek aetla at muni kunna, Einarr naepa 1 .' fa var reynt vi5 hann; 
ok nefnir hann nafnit. En er J)eir hof3u segl af biilka upp varla 
mann-hatt, J)a kemr afall mikit fyrir framan bulka ok aptan, ok 
dreif yfir bulkann. 2 En J>a belt maSr a reipi hverju, ok JDreif Ingi- 
mundr prestr hefil-skapt, ok vildi kippa ofan. En Gu5mundr 
fostri hans atti byg3 i bati, ok st65 i milli batzins ok seglsins ; ok 
skyldi grei6a seglit. En i J>vi kemr afall annat, sva mikit, at yfir 
ge*kk J^egar skipit, ok ofan drap flaugina, ok af vigin b6i; ok 
utan-bor3z allt J)at er laust var a biilkanum, nema menn ; ok lestisk 
mjok skipit ok sva batrinn. M hrindr J>eim fram af boSunum ; ok fa 
J)eir afall it J>ri9ja ; ok var {>at minnzt. M var hlaupit til austrar, bse6i 
fram ok aptr ; en segl var undit upp. M sja J)eir land ; ok rae5a um 
hvar {>eir mundi kommir ; sog5u sumir, at J)eir mundu vera komnir 
at Malmey ; en f'orarinn rosti, f slenzkr ma6r, kva6 ]pa seint rekit 
hafa at Jwi. fa segir Marr Eyjolfsson, ok le'zt kenna at J)eir voru 
komnir vestr at Strondum at Skjaldabjarnar-vik, ok kvazk J)ar hafa 
verit a8r um sumarit. Ba3u J>eir J)a, at hann myndi segja J)eim 
Iei3 til hafnar, ok vildu nor6r fyrir til aralatrs-fjar9ar; J)viat J)ar 
var orugg hofn. M var leitad um hvat til skaSa vseri or5it ; ok 
kemr Ingimundr at GuSmundi fraenda sinum. En afallit haf5i 
drepit hann inn i batinn ; en f6trinn hsegri h^kk lit af batz-bor3inu, 
ok var fastr i seglinu. Ingimundr spur6i hvi hann stseSi eigi upp. 
En hann kva6 sva hofugt a s^r, at hann matti eigi hrserask e6a 
upp komask. M var rota3 af honum; ok matti hann eigi upp 
standa. Ok spur3i Ingimundr hvi -hann matti eigi upp standa. 
Hann kva5 ser sva hofgan f6tinn, at hann matti hvergi hraera. 
' Mun f6trinn eigi brotinn?' kva6 Ingimundr. ' Eigi veit ek/ segir 
hann, ' ekki kenni ek til/ fa var at hugat ; ok var fotrinn brotinn a 
batz-bor9inu sva smatt sem skelja-moli ; ok horfdu J)angat tser sem 
haell skyldi. fa bjoggu {)eir J)ar um hann i batinum. fa sakna6i 
Ingimundr prestr boka-kistu sinnar ; ok var hon fyrir bor5 dottin. 

1 naepa] emend., as below ; vippa, Cd. ; nipa, B. 2 Here begins the seventh 

vellum leaf. 

VOL. I. H 


[I. 120: iii. 2.] 

d Jx5tti h6num hart um hoggva; J>vfat par var yn6i bans sem 
baekrnar v6ru ; en ma9r sa meiddr er hann unni bezt. Ok J)akka8i 
hann pat allt Gu8i ; ok J>6tti skj6tt hafa raest draum pann er hann 
dreymdi a8r um n6ttina : at hann p6ttisk koma til Ey steins erki- 
biskups ; ok J)6tti hann fagna se*r vel. En Gu5mundr f<6stri hans 
r3 sva drauminn, at par myndi koma erki-bysn 1 yfir pa. En um 
daginn, a3r peir sigldu i bodana, tekr til or3a Magnus Amundason, 
ok spyrr hvart peir vissi hvar bo8ar peir vaeri er fufu-boQar heita. 
En peir sog8u h6num, at peir v6ru fyrir Strondum. ' Sva hefir mik 
dreymt til/ segir hann, ' at par naer myndim veV komnir.' En litlu 
sfdarr er peir hof8u petta talat, pa ur3u peir varir vi8 bo3ana. Nu 
hefr jDa nor3r fyrir Reykja-f]6r8. M gengr eigi lengra; ok leggja 
segl, ok kasta akkeri ; ok hrifr vi3 linu-akkeri eitt um siSir ; ok 
liggja jpar vi3 um n6ttina. En at morni flytjask J)eir til landz me3 
vi6um af skipinu; ok hoggva tre* sitt ok strengi a bordi, ok \6t\i 
reka upp. M var um rsett hversu fara skyldi me3 GuSmund. Ok 
tekr til or8a sd ma8r er Bersi h^t, ok var kalladr valbra6, Jjvfat 
kinn hans onnur var kolbla ' Hvf munum ver fara me3 sjiikan 
mann ok f6t-brotinn, par sem v^r megum eigi bjarga sjalfum oss ? 
Ok skj6ti fyrir borS ! ' l ) 6rarinn rosti svarar : ' Msel J)ii allra 
manna armastr ; ok skyldi jpe'r fyrir bord skjota, ef vel vaeri ; en hdr 
munum v6r leita annars rads.' Hann hleypr J>egar fyrir bor6, ok 
Einarr naepa. M vikr skipit sva, at peir st68u grunn ; ok lata sfga 
GuSmund ofan i vaSmali fyrir bor3 ; en f ) 6rarinn ok Einarr taka 
vi8 h6num ; ok helt um sftt laer hvarr J)eirra ; en hann he*lt sfnni 
hendi um hals hverjum peirra. ^a gengu sumir eptir, ok hlifdu 
peim vi8 dfollum. Ok dr6gu[sk] sva til landz, at lit vildi draga at 
utsoginu ; en J)a skreiS d, er brimit hratt J)eim at upp. Ok k6musk 
at landi me6 hann. H hallar skipinu fra landi, ok skolar til hafs ut 
allt or skipinu. Ok braut skipit allt f span ; en litid kemr a land 
af fjar-hlutinum. ^ar b^r fyrir s ma8r er Snorri h^t, ok var 
Arngeirsson; hann var laeknir. Hann tekr vi8 Gu3mundi, ok 
faerir hann heim til sin, ok gorir vi6 hann sem hann kunni bezt ; en 
hann var J)6 fdlftill, ok vildi vel. Margir menn k6mu pangat 6r 
nsestum byg8um, ok vildu duga fjeim ok fe peirra. M h^t Ingi- 
mundr, at b6ka-kista hans skyldi koma d land ok baekr. En fam 
n6ttum sfdarr spurfiisk, at kistan vaeri d land komin at Drongum ; 

1 erki-bysn] thus Gins, (a pun on the words) ; bysn, Cd. 

n8o-ii82.] GUDMUNDAR SAGA G(3DA, 7. 99 

[I. 121: iii. 2.] 

ok allt J>at er van var ; ok hdlt ein hespa ; en tvaer v6ru af brotnar ; 
en allar a3rar kistur v6ru upp brotnar, Jpser er a land k6mu, ok allt 6r 
]pat er f var. fa for Ingimundr ]pangat, at J>urka baekr sinar ; ok var 
hann J>ar til Marteins-messu. fa for hann nor3r aptr at finna f6stra 
sfnn, ok vildi vita hvat lidi um f6t bans. En ]pa var festr fotr bans. 
7. fa rzk Ingimundr nor6an, ok til Brei5ab61staSar i Steingrfms- 
fjor5. far bjo J>a J6n Brandzson. Hann atti Steinunni Sturlu dottur 
ok Ingibjargar f orgeirsd6ttur, systur-d6ttur Ingimundar. Ok taka 
J)au vi6 honum baSum hondum. Ok er hann J>ar um vetrinn. 
Ok er {>rjar vikur v6ru til Paska, JDa kom norctan GuSmundr vi6 
{)at, at uti stoSi leggja-brotin ; ok ge*kk vi6 J>at norSan, ok kom til 
Brei5ab61sta9ar m Passione Domini^. Ok var5 Ingimundr fostri 
bans honum allfeginn. f*ar er hann fram yfir Paska-viku. En J>a 
J)6tti eigi lengr vera mega sva go'rt um fot bans, fa for hann 
su6r til Hola a Reykjanesi til Helga prestz Skeljungssonar. Hann 
var agaetr ma9r, ok inn mesti Iseknir. Hann tekr vi6 Gu6mundi 
ba5um hondum ; ok er hann {)ar til laekninga fram um Fardaga. 
En bratt er hann kemr J>angat, t>a bakar Helgi f6tinn mjok ; ok 
dr6gu tveir karlar beinit med tongu a6r brott gengi ; en J)a grseSir 
hann eptir ; ok ver8r Gu6mundr heill nser Fardogum. Eptir Far- 
daga ferr hann norSr a Brei6a-b61sta6. En vetr sa, er hann var 
a Strondum, var kallaSr Sottar-vetr. fa 6ndu3usk margir menn, 
{>eir er mikill ska6i var at : Bjorn ab6ti at fvera, ok Styrkarr 
Log[sogu] ma6r, Oddr Gizurarson, ok Arnorr Kolbeinsson. fa 
t6k Gizurr Hallzson logsogu. fa v6ru Deildar-tungu-mal. Ok er 
GuSmundr nu tvftogr. Um sumarit eptir ferr J6n Brandzson 
norSr til gildis til fingeyra; ok ferr ]pa me6 jpeim GuSmundr 
Arason ; J^viat Ingimundr prestr vildi at hann faeri a Hals til vistar 
til f orvarQz ; ok var sva, at hann var {>ar um vetrinn. fa ff stist 
hann vestr aptr til f6stra sfns; ok ferr hann til |)ings nor3an med 
f orvarfii. fat sumar var kallat Grasleysu-sumar. f 4 um vetrinn 
ddr anda8isk Valdimarr konungr i Danmork, sonr Kniitr konungs. 
Ok JDann vetr ur8u land-skjalptar miklir, ok t^ndusk ellifu menn 
af {>vi. fa haf6i GuSmundr vetr ok tuttugu. En af t>ingi um 
sumarit fylg3i hann vestr J6ni Brandzsyni. fat sumar f6r inn 
helgi forlakr biskup fyrsta sinn um Vest-fjor8u. En er hann 
kemr i SteingrimsfjorS J)a hefir hann gistingar-staQ f Kalfanesi; 

1 in Passione Domini] om. vellum ; add. B, Gms. 
H 2 


[I. 122: Hi. 3.] 

J>vfat {>ar var kirkja 6vig8 ok n^-gor. i>ar kemr g6tt mann-val ; ar 
var Ogmundr db6ti, f>orsteinn Tumason, er sfdarr var ab6ti. i>ar 
var {)d Ingimundr prestr ok GuSmundr f6stri bans. En Gu9- 
mundi J)6tti skemtilegra at eiga tal vi5 klerka biskups, en vera 
at ti'8um e8r kirkju-vfgslu. M gengr Ingimundr prestr eptir 
GuSmundi f6stra sinum, ok maelti vi6 hann : ' Far J>u til tfSa ok 
kirkju-vfgslu, ok hygg at vandlega; jpvfat eigi veit til hvers ]parf 
at taka; en ek hygg, sa er nema Jwf, at eigi muni faeri a gefa, 
at nema at betra manni en J)eim sem nil skal J>etta embaetti fremja 
heV Ok var J)etta tvi-falldr spaleikr ; j^vfat hvart-tveggja kom fram 
sfdan, J>at er f bans or8um bjo, at f>orldkr biskup var sann-heilagr 
ma8r, en GuSmundr J)urfti sjalfr J>etta embsetti at fremja si6arr. 

8. Urn haustiS eptir f6r Ingimundr prestr til Hvftar til skips, 
at kaupa varning til solu ok avaxtar ; {>vfat jafnan bjosk hann vid 
utan-fer8, sem sf5arr kom fram. Nii skil8usk J)eir fraendr i Dolum ; 
ok f^kk Sturla Gudmundi foruneyti nor8r a Hals ; J>vfat Ingimundr 
prestr sendi hann enn J)a {>angat. En >ar un8i hann eigi lengr 
en halfan manu8 ; ok ferr vestr aptr J)egar, ok er a BreiSab61stad 
um vetrinn. I'enna vetr var veginn GuQmundr Bjarnarson at 
Kleifum f Gilsfir8i; hann var vinr J6ns Brandzsonar; ok f6r hann 
til at maela eptir viginu. 

9. Nu stefnir Gudmundr Koll-Oddi, ok ssekir hann til sek8ar. 
Ok er hann var sekr or8inn, J^a tekr vi8 h6num J6n HunroQar- 
son. Gu5mundr ferr af J)ingi vestr f Saurbas at heyja f(6rans-d6ma 
d Sta6arh61i eptir Odd. fadan ferr hann d Brei3ab61sta8 at finna 
J6n fraenda sfnn; ok er {>ar d kynnis-vist. Hann ferr ]pa3an ; 
ok kemr f Hvamm; ok beiSir Sturlu mag sfnn at leita eptir 
skogar-manni sfnum. En J)at var J>a til tf8enda, at Sturla la f 
bana-s6tt ; ok Iif3i tvaer naetr J)a3an fra er GuSmundr kom J)agat. 
Ok bi6r hann J>ar til er Sturla var grafinn. Ok var J)d farit J)at 
traust er J>ar var van. En kapp hans var eigi farit. Ok leitaSisk 
hann J)d um f huga seV, hvert hann skyldi leita til fram-gongu sfns 
mals, J)ess er h6num yr3i eigi at svfvirSu, er hann haf8i mann 
sek6an ; enda Ieg8i hann eigi a sik J)d dbyrg8, -at hann t^ndi fyrir 
J)vi vigslum sfnum ok kennimannskap. Ok gefr sa h6num radit 
er h6num veitti flest, er almattigr Gu8 er. Ok snf r h6num {>vf 
i skap, at heita a almatkan GuS ; ok heitr hann vf, at gefa Gu8i 
allt J)at fd er hann tekr d sekdinni Oddz, ok yr8i saezt d mdl 
hans, at h6num yr8i eigi at salu-haska. 

n8 3 , n8 4 .] GUDMUNDAR SAGA GODA, 8, 0. 101 

[1.123: -Hi. 3.] 

Nu er t>ar komit f>essi sogu sem fra var horfit HeiSarvigs- 
sogu ; ok hafa J)ser lengi gengit jafn-fram. 

fessi misseri ur3u Baejar-Hogna-mal, er hann gipti Snselaugu 
d6ttur sina Mr8i Bo6varssyni me8 tvi-foldum meinum. fann 
ra6a-hag bannadi inn heilagi forlakr biskup me6 sva miklu Gu6s 
trausti, at hann gkk til Logbergs me8 klerka-sveit sina, ok le"t 
vinna ei3a, at sa rada-hagr var i moti Gu3s logum. M nefnir hann 
vatta at, ok segir f sundr raSa-hagnum, ok forbo3ar ]pa alia er 
ra9it hof8u f>essu, fetta sumar t^ndusk fimm hafskip; ok var 
kallat Ofara-sumar. fessi misseri atti Sverrir konungr enn bardaga 
d fluvollum. Nu hefir Gu6mundr tuttugu ok tva vetr. Eptir 
andlat Sturlu ferr Gu8mundr til f>ingeyra. M var J)ar fyrir fcorgrimr 
alikarl, vinr hans ok fostbr66ir. Hann bi3r Gu6mund fara 1 
me6 s^r til hesta-J)ings vestr til Vatzenda i Vestrhop. En hann 
svarar : * Ek veit eigi, hvat vel J)at mun haefa; J)viat J>ar munu koma 
J>eir menn er mdr er Ifti6 um, Oddr skogar-ma5r minn ok J)eir 
er halda hann ; en mdr er J)at skapraun, at sja J)a ; en J)6 skal ek 
fara ef J)U vill; en GuS mun til gaeta.' I'eir fara mi, ok em a 
manna-moti. I'ar kemr Jon HunrpSarson me9 mikla rseinga 2 
sveit ok gems mikit. ar var Koll-Oddr inn seki. far kemr ok 
l^rdr Masson fra forkels-hvali, ok me6 honum margir menn. 
ar kom Bjarni Kalfsson ok margir Mi8fir9ingar me6 honum. 
M skilr a, Koll-Odd ok Hunro3, systur son Jons, ok hlaupask 
t>eir i m6ti; ok hoggr HiinroSr til Oddz, ok ver6r hann sarr d 
hendi. f>a ver3r J6n 63r vi8, ok vill vinna a Hunrodi frsenda 
sinum. fa verdr J)rong mikil ; ok hoggr Hunrodr J)a annat sinn 
til Oddz, ok ver3r at mis-hoggum son J6ns er Eyj61fr hdt, ok f6kk 
]par bana. Ok J>ar vann J6n a hiiskarli forSar fvarssonar er 
6roddr hdt. Mart annarra manna var9 J>ar sart. Nu f6r Gu9- 
mundr vi3 })at af manna-moti, at GuS hefndi 6vinum hans, ok let 
J6n J>ar son sinn fyrir Oddz sakir ; en Oddr var3 sarr mjok ; ok 
hlutusk J)essi vandraeSi oil af Oddi. En Gud gsetti sva Gu9- 
mundar, at hann haf3i til ]pessa hvarki lagt ord n^ verk. Hann 
ferr si3an nor3r til StaSar til forgeirs biskups-sonar, ok er me9 
honum um vetrinn i godu yfirlaeti ; sva at hann vattadi J)at sidan, at 
honum hef3i einginn 6skyldr ma6r jafn-g66r J)6tt sem forgeirr. 
Um varit eptir voru borin mal d hendr Joni Hiinrodarsyni um 

1 fara] here ends the seventh vellum leaf. 2 raeinga] reinga, Cd. 


[1. 1 24, iii. 4 .] 

averka af I6r6i fvarssyni; ok verSr J6n sekr um sumarit. En 
at mdlum veita J)eir P6r6i, Brandr biskup ok forgeirr son bans, 
fraendr bans ok vinir ; ok fjb'lmenna J)eir nor3an til frdns-d6ma ; 
ok urSu J)au mdl logd undir gord Brandz biskups. En frorgeirr 
biskups-son kva5 J)at skyldu fyrir ssettum standa at eigi fylgdi t>ar 
mdl GuQmundar um sekQ Koll-Oddz ok bjargir; ok s^ndi svd 
mikla dst ok einord vi3 hann f Jpessu, at einginn kostr var ssetta 
ellar. Ok var J)d saezt d J)at mdl undir d6m biskups ok fcorgeirs. 
A J)essum misserum var Jmt tfSenda, at J>a fell Magnus konungr 
1 Sogni Erlingsson, ok J)d andaSisk Tumi Kolbeinsson. M brann 
baerinn d MoSruvollum ok d Bakka f Mi8fir6i. Pa. hafdi Gu6- 
mundr xxiii vetr. fetta sumar f6r Gu3mundr Arason til Al]pingis, 
ok af J)vi J)ingi su8r d Nes, til Magmiss Amundasonar ok 6rfinnz 
er sidarr var3 db6ti, at heimboQum, ok me6 honum Gellir prestr 
Hoskullzson; ok var hann >vi eigi staddr vid sattar-fundinn [at 
Asgeirs-d]. En er hann hafdi verit [at] kynnis-vist su3r J)ar, J)d ferr 
hann norSr til Sta5ar til forgeirs, ok er J>ar J)au misseri, ok svd 
Ingimundr prestr f6stri hans. Um varit eptir bregSr forgeirr bui 
sfnu, ok sn^r til utan-fer5ar; ok re'zk til skips f EyjafirSi. tat 
skip dtti Ogmundr rafa-kollr; hann var faSir Helga [prestz] er 
sidan var biskup a Grsenlandi. ^ar ferr til skips med h6num 
{ > 6r61fr prestr Snorrason, fcorsteinn ok {'orkell Eireks-synir, ok mart 
annat fslenzkra manna. M dtti bii at Sta8 sd ma6r er Hesthofdi 
h^t, Gunnars son, ok son GuSriinar Saemundar d6ttur systur 
Brandz biskups. fat sumar f6r litan f Eyjafirdi a 63ru skipi 
Karl db6ti ok Ingimundr prestr forgeirsson ok Ogmundr orvar8z- 
son, ok mart annat fslenzkra manna. enna vetr d3r anda6isk 
Einarr forgilsson at Sta8arh61i. fessi misseri h6fusk Kuflungar. 
T^ndisk Einarr kati ok mart g65ra drengja me8 honum Allra- 
Heilagra-messu-dag. Ok {)ann vetr hlj6p skri8a austr f Geitdal ; 
ok le*tusk dtjan menn. Ok hefir Gudmundr nu xxiv vetr. 

10. fetta var um Langa-fostu var Gu6mundr vig8r til prestz af 
Brandi biskupi fj6rum nottum eptir Gregorius-messu. En Ingi- 
mundr prestr gaf h6num baekr J)aer allar, er hann dtti beztar ok 
fr68astar, ok messu-fot, at skilnadi J>eirra. Ok skildisk svd vid 
hann, at hann var prestr, ok fullkominn i g68um si8um. Ok f6ru 
{)d i brott J)eir menn tveir er hann unni mest, Ingimundr ok 
fcorgeirr. Nu fara skip J)essi utan i EyjafirQi, ok taka N6reg, 
ok eru f frandheimi um vetrinn. forgeirr biskups-son er me8 

1184-1186.] GUDMUNDAR SAGA G(5DA, 1O, 11. 103 

[I. 125, 126: iii. 5.] 

Eysteini erkibiskupi ; en Ingimundr prestr haf9i baejar-setu; ok 
er h6num gefin J6ns-stuka at Kristz-kirkju til songs ; en var 
hati3ir, um J61 ok Paska, me6 erkibiskupi, ok hafSi g65a virSing 
af honum. Um varit eptir f6r forgeirr til fslandz ok felagar bans. 
En Ingimundr prestr er eptir i Noregi, ok tekr Manu-kirkju til 
songs a staSi \ ok er J)ar tva vetr. Ok er J>at til marks, hve vel 
erkibiskupi reyndisk bans klerkdomr, at J)a er Jon biskup inn fyrri, 
er Knutr var kallacSr, andaSisk a Graenlandi, ]pa vildi Eysteinn 
erkibiskup vigja hann J)angat til biskups ; ok i J)vi matti metnadar- 
leysi bans vita ok varud, at ]pat fdkksk eigi af honum. ann vetr 
inn fyrsta, er Ingimundr prestr er utan, var Gu6mundr vistum at 
Hofi hja Grimi magi sinum, jpinga-prestr JDar. f>enna vetr anda6isk 
BoSvarr fcorSarson ok ^orvarSr au6gi. Nii er GuSmundr half- 
J)ritogr. Um sumarit i hafi tekr sott torgeirr biskups-son, ok 
liggr J>ar til er jpeir voru landfastir. M vex s6tt bans, er hann 
kemr a land, ok andaSisk tveim n6ttum fyrir Mariu-messu fyrri; 
ok var Ifk bans faert til Hola. Ok spyrr biskup eigi fyrr andlat 
bans, en >eir komu f>ar me9 likinu. I'au tiSendi J)6ttu mikil 
fraendum bans ok vinum, ok 1p6 biskupi mest. Ok sva [segir] 
Gu6mundr Arason, at hann hefSi einskis mannz J>ess misst er 
honum J)aatti jafn-mikit at missa; ok f^ll J>at honum sva nser, at 
nalega matti kalla, at hann skiptisk i allan annan mann. Hann var 
t>a enn at Hofi 2 . 

11. Gu5mundr prestr gor6isk t>a sva mikill trumaSr i ti3a-haldi 
ok baena-gor9, orlasti ok harSlifi, at sumum monnum J)6tti halda 
vid vanstilli ; ok aetluQu, at hann myndi eigi bera mega allt-saman, 
harSlifi sitt, ok 6yn6i af andlati forgeirs. Hann t6k heim til 
kenslu prestlinga; ok var ]pat athofn bans hversdaglega ti5a i 
millum, at kerina ok at rita. Hann var ok at kirkju mikinn hlut 
natta, baedi ondverQar naetr ok ofanverdar; en g^kk til skripta 
jafnan er hann na6i kennimonnum. Hann sko6a6i ok rannsaka6i 
baekr manna, J)ar sem hann kom ; ok hendi af hvers bokum J>at 
er hann hafQi eigi a3r 3 . Ollum monnum JDotti mikils vert um 
trii bans, ok J>eim ollum mest er vitrastir v6ru. Marga hluti tok 
hann J>a upp til triiar ST, at eingi ma5r vissi a6r, at n^ einn ma6r 

1 so also B, Gms. (or ' at stafti'). 2 lik |>orgeirs biskups sonar var grafit 

virSuliga at Holum, add. B (and edition). 3 hann skodaSi aSr] thus Gms. ; 

hann ranns. bsekr manna ok hvers manns hendur a beim bar sem hann kemr slikt er 
hann haf&i eigi adr, Cd. 


[I. 126, 127: iii. 6.] 

hefdi nennt l a6r \\6r a landi. En f annat sinn J)6ttusk menn hafa 
mestan mun a fundit, at skap hans hef6i skipask vetr J>ann er hann 
la eptir skipbroti6 a Strondum ; ]pvfat pa un6i hann seV hvergi n6tt 
n6 dag, par til er hann hitti f6stra sinn; ok kom pa3an fra vid 
nokkut a hverjum misserum til siSbotar h6num; ok par kom, at 
naer p6tti hann vera allr annarr ma5r i atfer3 sinni, en fyrst p6tti 
til horfask er hann var ungr. t>at fylg3i ok pessu, at morg merki 
urdu at vatz-vigslum hans ok yfirsongum, sva at monnum potti pa 
pegar mikils um vert ; ok pat matti at finnask, at Gudi Iika5i atferd 
hans. En alp^Su manna s^ndisk pat f pvi, hvers efni f potti vera 
um athofn hans, at honum var J)at gefit kenningar-nafn, at hann 
var kalladr GuQmundr inn G66i. En ]pat var3, sem jafnan er 
vant, at eigi lagSi jafnt i J)5kk vi3 alia, J)6tt g66u vseri til varit. 
Sumir J)5kku5u [Gu6i] J)eir er J)urfendr v6ru, ok bse5i hofSu gagn 
af honum andlegt ok likamlegt ; en sumir 6fundu6u JDat er J)eir 
voru minni nytja-menn af meirum efnum en hann var. Ok J>at 
for fram hvert ar, at eytt var kaupi J)vi ollu er hann tok a vetrinn ; 
ok gaf hann J>at til matar ok klae9a fatsekum monnum ok frsendum 
sinum ; ok v6ru J)at sjau 6magar er hann faeddi me5 J)essu. Nu 
var baeQi JDCSS Ieita3, at h6num vaeri J)at 6haegt, ok msetti hann 
minna at hafask til jpurftar o3rum, af J>eim er hann ofunduQu, at 
skipt var Jnngum vi6 hann, ok skyldi hann J>au hafa er f<-minni 
vaeri. Ok J)a kalladi Brandr biskup til b6ka ok messa-fata i hendr 
honum, ok kallaSi staQinn eiga at H61um arf eptir Ingimund prest. 
En J)eir fenga hvarigu hnekkt, orlsetum hans n meinlsetum ; J>viat 
nokkut bar til J)ess jafnan, af tilstuSningi g66ra manna, at hann 
fe'kk J)vf haldit er hann hafdi upp tekit. tessi misseri var3 mart 
tfdenda : a var Jorsala-borg unnin af Serkjum ; sva at allir 
Kristnir menn sem J)ar v6ru a6r, J)a var annat-tveggja, er J)eir ur6u 
at fl^ja, ella v6ru drepnir; ok allr Kristinn domr ni6r brotinn. 
t*a dr6 myrkr fyrir sol um miSdegi, sva at margir vitrir menn aet- 
luQu at ver5a mundu heims-slit. M var kallaSr Felli-vetr. Kom 
grasleysa mikil ok 6aran um varit, ok kom ekki skip til Islandz af 
Noregi. l>a haf6i GuQmundr xxvi vetr. 

12. Um varit eptir f6r GuSmundr a Miklabae at vista-fari til 
Bjarnar, er Au5-Bjorn var kallaSr ; ok var J>ar tva vetr. Ok in 
fyrri misseri er hann var par, andaSisk Eysteinn erkibiskup; J)d 
hafdi hann aSr vigdan Jon til biskups Sverris-f6stra til Grsenlandz. 

1 nennt] kent, B (and edition). 

ii86-n88.] GUDMUNDAR SAGA GODA, 12. 105 

[I. 128: iii. 6.] 

M hafdi GuSmundr xxvii vetr. En in si9ari andaSisk Heinrekr 
konungr a Englandi. ann vetr var Jon Graenlendinga-biskup a 
fslandi i AustfjorSum. M druknaSi Ogmundr aboti um varit. Ok 
J)a andadisk Kari ab6ti. fessi misseri var Ingimundr prestr f 
Bjorgyn; ok reyndisk inum vitrustum monnum ok gofgum J>ess 
merkilegri bans atferd er hann vard kunnari; ok fe'kk hann J)ar 
virSing mikla af Joni kuflungi ok hans monnum. at bar ok sva 
til, at J)ar var J>a fyrir Ogmundr fcorvarfeon, ok hafcSi Jmr vir3ing 
mikla ; ok tekr hann ba6um hondum vi9 Ingimundi fo5ur-br69ur 
smum; ok bau3 honum allt sitt fullting }>at er hann maetti til 
leggja. En um varit a6r, J)a haf6i Ingimundr prestr farit vestr til 
Englandz kaupferd, ok kom vestan um haustiS til Bjorgynjar. 
En er J)eir koma me6 mikil gae3i af Englandi, vins ok hunangs, 
hveitis ok klae6a, ok margs annars, ]pa vilja menn Jons kuflungs 
taka upp fyrir {)eim ok raena J)a. fa gengr Ogmundr fyrir J6n 
kuflung ok maelti sva : ' fat mundi satt vera, ef Ingi konungr vaeri 
a lifi, J)a mundi hann eigi rsena lata br66ur f'orvardz ^orgeirssonar, 
ef hann kaemi a vald J)eirra, ok sva Magnus konungr fyrir sakir 
Ara. Nu vaenti ek ]pess af y6r, at J)6r munit gora fyrir J)eirra sakir 
ok minar baenir, at lata fd hans fri3 hafa/ Jon svarar : ' Vel segir 
\>u ; ok skal J>at satt vera, at hverr penningr skal sa fri9 hafa sem 
hann a ; ok gakk til sjalfr me6 fraenda J)inum ; ok skal hann Gu3i 
vel kominn ok oss.' Nii gengr Ogmundr til skips, ok segir 
ummaeli Jons. M gengu menn Jons at sex vin-tunnum storum, 
er kaupmenn attu, ok spur3u hverr astti tunnurnar. En Ingimundr 
prestr kenndi sdr fimm e3r fjorar, ok sva annat mart er Jjeir spurdu 
eptir ; J)ar til er J)a grunadi, at hann mundi eigi sva au9igr ma5r 
vera sem hann sagSi ; ok maeltu vi3 hann : ' Nu sjam v^r, prestr, 
at J)ii munt kenna \>6r J)at er a9rir eigu ; ok nennum vdr eigi at 
missa allz.' Ok taka ]?eir si3an tunnu eina ; ok hlauzk sva til, at 
J>a atti Ingimundr prestr. Ok enn t6ku feir sextan dinar klseSis 
raud-brunad er hann atti; J>at var allgott klae6i. En J)at vildi 
hann eigi segja ; ok vildi heldr missa en J)a skil6i a. Eptir J>etta 
leitar Ingimundr prestr se'r herbergis ; ok er J)ar um vetrinn. En 
er a leid, J>a berr J)at vid, at hann kennir klseSi J)at f kyrtlum sumra 
hirQ-manna er hann hafdi raent[r verit] um haustid. Honum ver3r 
raett um fyrir Ogmundi, at hann kennir klaeSit ; ok bad hann J)6 
lata vera kyrrt ; ok kvazk eigi vilja at nokkut hark gorSizk af J)vi; 
.ok kva6 at sik mundi eigi fd skorta. Bjorn brikar-nef gesta- 


[I. 129: in. 7.] 

hof3ingi hafdi ra8it fyrir rani vi3 Ingimund prest, J)a er hir8menn 
vildu upp gefa. 

13. fat bar til einn dag, at Ogmundi berr fyrir augu menn J)a 
er gengu f kyrtlum J)eim er gorvir v6ru af klae5i Ingimundar ; ok 
sagSi hann frd vinum smum, Bar6i salu ok Pe*tri glufsu 1 ok 
EindriSa, ok maelti vi8 ]pa : ' Eigi eru mi goS efni i ; m^r bar J)at 
fyrir augu, at Bjorn brfkar-nef ok sveitungar hans gengu f klaedum 
t>eim er raentr var Ingimundr frsendi mfnn a hausti/ EindriSi 
svarar : ' Hvf teztii ]?at kyrrt vera, ok kalladir eigi til ?' Ogmundr 
svarar : ' Eigi vill hann sjalfr heimta lata ; ok vill hann at ekki flit 
gorisk af.' EindriSi sagSi : ' l>at skal aldri ver5a, at sva vdndir 
menn gangi yfir oss, ok gori vinum varum slfkar skapraunir ; ok 
skulum v^r vfst til leita, J)6tt hann vili eigi ]Dat, fraendi J)inn.' 
Spretta upp t>egar, ok taka oxar i hond s^r, J)eir Austmenninir ; 
ganga til drykkju-stofu, ok Ogmundr med f>eim, J)ar er Bjorn 
brfkar-nef drakk inni, ok gesta-sveit me6 h6num 5 naer fjorir tigir 
manna. Ok vildi Eindri3i ganga inn J>egar at J)eim; en Bardr 
kva6 J>at eigi hsefa, J)ar sem fyrir v6ru fj6rir tigir manna, en J)eir 
fjdrir einir, ok bad ]pa bi6a J)ess er J>eir gengu lit. Ok hefir J>at svd 
til haefis, at J>eir ganga lit fj6rir, sem J>eir vaeri valSir til, sem klae3in 
hof5u J)essi. Ok hoggr Eindri3i Bjorn J>egar bana-hogg, en J)eir 
Bar8r ok Ogmundr v6gu 2 J)a J)rja, sva at eigi vard vi5r-nam. M 
kvaQ vi6 gesta-lu9r, ok samnask saman nserri fjogur hundrud. fd 
koma J)essi tidendi fyrir J6n kuflung ; ok kvad t>a vi3 hir3manna- 
Iii8r ; ok sog8u hvarir-tveggju J6ni kuflungi sogu sfna. En J>eir 
Bar5r ok Pe'tr v6ru na-fraendr erkibiskups. Ok vir3i J6n J)a [sva] 
mikils f J>essu mali, at hann gorir 1 brott sveit J)a alia fra fylgd vi3 
sik. En J)eir Ogmundr toku kla5$i til sin. Ok er kyrt um mdl 
jpetta h^San f fra. Um varit eptir rdzk Ingimundr prestr til skips 
J)ess, er kallat var Stangar-foli 3 , ok bj6sk til t slandz. far var a 
skipi BergJ)6rr, son fordar Einarssonar *, ok mart fslenzkra manna 
ok Norsenna, g63ra drengja. Skip J)etta kemr f 6byg8ir i 
Graenlandi. Ok tykr J>vi mali sva, at J)ar t^nask menn allir. En 
J)at ver3r svd vfst, at fjortan arum si6arr fansk skip J)eirra, ok J>a 
fundusk menn sjau f hellis-skiita einum. far var Ingimundr 
prestr. Hann var heill ok 6fiiinn, ok sva klaeSi hans ; en sex 
manna bein v6ru J)ar hja h6num. Vax var ok hja J>eim ok riinar 

1 glufsu] Cms. ; glipslu, Cd. ; glyfsu, B. 2 B ; en t>eir Bar9r ok Ogmundr ok 
vogu, Cd. 3 Stangar bolli, B. 4 Ivarssonar, B. 

n88-n 9 2.] GUDMUNDAR SAGA G(3DA, 13-15. 107 

[I. 130, 182 : iii. 8, 32.] 

JDaer er sog5u atbur3 um liflat ]peirra. En J)etta {>6tti monnum 
mikil merki, hve Gu3i haf5i likat atferd Ingimundar prestz, er hann 
skyldi sva lengi legit hafa liti me6 heilum likama ok 6skoddum. 
at sumar er t^ndisk Stangar-foli kom af Graenlandi Asmundr 
kastan-razi. Nu hefir Gu8mundr xxviii vetr. 

14.^M er Gu8mundr prestr var a Miklabae J)d atti hann brott- 
song a JDann bae er a Marbaeli heitir. f>angat song hann einn 
hdticSar-dag. f>ar var a vist g68 kona ok skynsom er HallfricSr het, 
ok var (5feigsdottir. Hon var stodd hjd messo GuSmundar prestz, 
ok hugSi at seV vel um messuna, sem jafnan var hon von; ok 
horf8i h6n jafnan a hann um messuna. En er lesit var Gu5spjall, 
ok hann snerisk litarr ok sagSi : Dominus vobtscum, J)a sa hon eld 
fram 6r munni hans fara f lopt upp bjartara miklu en h6n hafdi 
fyrir slikan sd8. Eptir J)etta ferr hann af Miklabae ok f Vidvfk ; 
ok er hann J)ar um vetrinn meS Mavi Finnz-syni. f'at var eitt sinn, 
J)a er Gudmundr prestr var f kirkju uti at baen sinni, J>a kemr Mar 
bondi i kirkju. En er hann kemr i kirkju-dyrr, J)a sa hann, at fugl 
litill flo upp af oxlum Gudmundar i loptiS, ok hverfr J>ar. {'au 
misseri t/ndisk skip Asmundar kastan-raza, ok forusk J>ar margir 
fslendzkir menn, J)eir er mikill var ska3i at. M andaSisk Hallr 
ab6ti ok Eirekr jarl. Ok J)a var bardagi i Vik austr. Nu er Gu3- 
mundr vetri mi6r en J>rit6gr. 

15. l M er GuSmundr prestr inn g68i Arason var d Miklabae, ok 
var vetri mi8r en J)rftogr at aldri, J>a r^zk hann a Vollu f Svarfa3ar- 
dal, J)viat J>ess beiddisk ArnJ)ru8r Fornadottir er J)ar bjo, fraend- 
kona hans ; hon var ekkja ; bondi hennar h^t Eyjulfr, sa er h6n atti 
sf3arr, ok attu J)au sonu tva, Brand ok Klgeng. Sd h^t Snorri er 
hana dtti fyrr. f>au dttu ok tvd sonu, forstein ok Snorra. En 
Austma8r va Snorra b6anda 2 hennar, er hann vildi eigi luka skuld 3 
fyrir hiiskarl sfnn; en huskarl hafdi ekki til. M t6k vi6 Aust- 
manninum Onundr ^orkelssori, ok kom h6num utan. Ok var 
t>etta upphaf saka JDeirra er Arn])ru9arsynir v6ru at brennu On- 
undar. Ok 6'nnur misseri er Gu3mundr prestr var a Vollum, um 
haustid, var veginn at tjoldum SumarliSi Onundarsson; en void 
vfgs J)ess v6ru kennd Snorra Grfmssyni, braedrungi Gu8mundar 
prestz Arasonar. En til lidveizlu um eptir-malit gorisk Brandr 

1 This and the following chapter are contained in the ninth vellum leaf. 
2 boanda] br66ur, vellum (badly). 3 skuld] skyld, B. 


[1.183: iii. 32, 33.] 

biskup, ok vildi lata bera kvi3u a Snorra a AlJ)ingi um fjorraS o k 
vetvangs-bjorg vi8 Brand er va vfgit. En af or6um Gu5mundar 
Arasonar ok margra annarra merkra manna, J)eirra er Snorra veittu 
113, J)a \6t torlakr biskup bera kviS 1 af Snorra um fjorraS. Nu hefir 
GuSmundr vetr um J>rja tigi. Ok J>a er Gudmundr hafdi tva vetr 
um J)rja tigi, annan vetrinn tveim nottum fyrir J61, anda&sk or- 
lakr biskup inn Heilagi i Skalaholti. HafSi hann nokkuru a3r 
bo6it J>angat til vistar Gizuri Hallzsyni, J)a er h6num t6k rada-hagr 
sfnn at {>yngjask. Ok var Gizurr {)ar me8an hann lifQi. rja 
menn virdi l>orlakr biskup mest, ok hafa f>eir trautt ordit all-lfkir 
66rum monnum vel-flestum: Einn var Pall systur-son bans, er 
siSan var inn naesti biskup eptir hann i Skalaholti. Annarr var 
f>orvaldr Gizurarson, er si3an var inn mesti hof6ingi; ok v6ru 
honum flestir hlutir betr gefnir en J>eim 65rum er h6num v6ru 
samtf3a. Enn J>ri6i var Gudmundr griss, er fleira veitti fyrir Gu3s 
sakir en flestir menn a8rir; en gor8i sidan eptir Gu8spjalla bo9- 
or8um, skildisk vid a einum degi allt fe sftt ok astmenn, ok gekk J)a f 
munklffi 2 . Alia virSi torlakr biskup mikils sonu Gizurar ; hann veitti 
astsamlegt fostr Magnusi me3an hann vildi {)ar verit hafa. Hafdi 
inn saeli forlakr biskup mjok tfrar-hendi 3 a h6num tekit ; af J)vfat 
hann var baedi forvitri ok vel laerdr ok inn mal-snjallasti. f'orlakr 
biskup vfg3i J)a til presta, i>orvald ok Magnus, ^orlakr biskup r^5 
ok staSfestu undir Orm, systur-son sfnn, Jonsson, [a] Brei8a-bolsta9 
i Flj6tz-hlf3, J)a stadfestu er h6num J)6tti bezt J>eirra er hann setti 
forrad. tat sumar eptir er torlakr biskup andadisk um vetrinn 
a8r, andaSisk Snorri I^rftarson Vatzfir8ingr Remigius-messu. 

16. Nii er at segja fra GuSmundi Arasyni : at J>a er hann haf3i 
verit a Vollum nokkura vetr, ok ArnJ)ru3r husfreyja var komin til 
Sokku i SvarfaSardal, ok synir hennar, Brandr ok Klaengr, J>a 

1 kviS] kvi&u, B. 

3 ok hafa munklifi] abridged in B var einn Pall systur son bans er siSan var3 
bp. annarr f>orvalldr G. s. bri6i Gu6mundr griss. After which B adds the follow- 
ing passage : 

' Sun GuSmundar griss var Magnus go&i ; annarr {>orlakr, fa6ir Arna biskups 
hins fyrra, er einnhverr hefir mestr merkiss-maSr verit a Islandi. Jiessir voru enn 
synir |>orlaks GuSmundar sonar, Ormr prestr kann[oki] i f>ykkvabae, ok Magnus 
er anda&iz kann[oki] i ViSey. Daetr {>orlaks voru paer Asbjorg nunna, m65ir Arna 
biskups hins sioara ok Agathu abbadisar ; f>orger9r ok Gu8run systr i Kirkjubae.' 
The paper transcripts of the A as well as those of the B class have all copied this 
passage from B. 

3 tirar-hendi] thus both, vellum and B. 

1193-1198-] GUDMUNDAR SAGA GC DA, 16, 17. 109 

[I.i8 4 : Hi. 33.] 

var J)at eitt sumar a {)ingi, at Halld6ra abbadis Eyjolfsdottir 6r 
Kirkjubse bad Gudmund prest, at hann skyldi radask austr J>angat 
til forvistu med henni. Ok jatti hann Jwf, ok skyldi hon senda 
menn f moti honum um sumarit. En eptir Olafs-messu kom skip 
ut at Gasum, ok var Jmr a Pall biskup. f>a reid Brandr biskup a 
Grund ; ok fundusk J)eir Pall biskup J)ar. tar kom ok Gudmundr 
prestr ; ok t6k J>a leyfi af J)eim badum biskupunum at radask f 
Kirkjubse. En er sveitar-menn urdu J)essa varir, ]3a fara J)eir til 
fundar vid Brand biskup, ok bidja, at hann banni Gudmundi presti 
f brott at radask. Ok hann gordi sva. Ok er sveitar-menn fundu 
Gudmund, ok segja h6num ord biskups, J>a hittir hann biskup 
J)egar, ok segir biskup at hann bannadi honum f brott at fara. 
Reid Gu9mundr J>a a Vollu, ok var J)ar um vetrinn. i>enna atburd 
vir6i Brandr biskup sva mikils, at honum jpotti ]pat fara likt ok um 
Gregorium pafa. Um vetrinn eptir gorisk t>veru6 mikil milli Gu3- 
mundar prestz ok forsteins fraslaugarsonar er bjo a Vollum, ^vfat 
sveitar-menn baru f6 J^eirra f hendr Gu5mundi, er J)eir he'tu a helga 
menn. En jpat fe kallaSi forsteinn at hann tseki. tat var van6i 
GuSmundar prestz, at opt um hatiSir lata menn kyssa a helga 
doma ; en forsteinn kvazk eigi vita, hvart J^at voru heilagra manna 
bein e5r hrossa-bein. Nu gorSisk af J)essu 6J)ykt mikil me8 {)eim, 
sva at torsteinn s6tti at J)vf Brand biskup, at hann skyldi koma 
Gudmundi presti a brott Jjadan. Um varit eptir ferr Brandr 
biskup nordr a Vollu ; ok kannadisk J>at af aljp^du manna nordr 
J)ar, at J)eir vildu Gudmund prest fyrir ongan mun f brott. M 
b^6r biskup h6num stadinn a Vollum til varSveizlu ; en hann vildi 
J>at eigi. ta r^6 biskup annan prest Jjangat. M stefnir Gu6mundr 
prestr torsteini tveim stefnum um vaiit; annarri, er hann kendi 
honum stul6 um heit-fd manna ; en annarri um gudlastan, er hann 
kalladi bein helgra manna hrossa-bein. Ok reid i brott at Far- 
dogum ok til Upsa. Ok um sumarit rfdr Gudmundr til })ings ; ok 
var um mal hans selt h6num sjalfdaemi. Af J)ingi b^5r h6num 
heim Sigurdr Ormsson til Svfna-fellz ; ok ferr hann af JMngi sudr f 
Haukadal, ok sva austr yfir til Svfna-fellz. tadan austr f Fjordu. 
Sva f Fljotzdals-he'rad ok til Vapnafjardar, ok til Oxarfjardar, ok 
sva nordan til Eyjafjardar ; ok komr heim til Upsa naer vetr-nattum. 
En a farlengd hans J>essi urdu fleiri hlutir merkilegir, en ek kunna 
telja, af yfirsongum hans ok vatz-vfgslum. 

17. It nsesta var adr er J>eir v6ru vegnir um haustit i Laufasi 


[1.187,188: iii.35-] 

f>6rdar-synir ok Arn^riidar-synir, f6r GuSmundr prestr Arason 
til vistar til StaQar f SkagafjorcS, J)vfat Kolbeinn Arn6rsson baud 
h6num ]Dangat. Ok eptir J)ing sendi Pall biskup menn sunnan 
eptir Brand! biskupi ok Gu8mundi presti Arasyni, at J>eir skyldi 
koma su8r f Skalaholt ]?egar eptir t>ingit. En J)at hafdi ra8it verit 
a J)inginu, at taka upp helgan d6m f>orlaks biskups 6r jorQu. Ok 
fara J)eir eptir J)ingit, ok koma f Skalaholt Margre'tar-messu. En i 
{)j6nostu J>eirri, er J)ar var gor Gu8i til d/r8ar ok inum saela f>orlaki 
biskupi, J)d setti Pall biskup Gu8mund prest Arason nsesta fyeim 
biskupum i allri J>eirri J)j6nostu ; ok Idtu hann J)erra l kistunni me8 
s^r, er h6n var I kirkju borin ; ok hann re*3 mjok fyrir hvat sungit 
var er heilagr d6mrinn var upp tekinn. 

18. Eptir J>etta f6r Gu8mundr heim ; ok var at StaS me8 Kol- 
beini J)au misseri. En um varit eptir rdzk hann a Vfdim^ri til 
Kolbeins Tumasonar. fat sumar f6r Gu8mundr prestr til J)ings ; 
en af J)ingi ferr hann vestr til BorgarQar3ar ; ok bj68a h6num J>a 
heim margir menn um allt h^ra6. taSan f6r hann vestr i Hvamm ; 
ok var {>ar at brullaupi Snorra Sturlusonar. faSan f6r hann i 
Fagradal, ok J^aQan til H61a 2 ; ok vig8i J)ar brunn J)ann er J>eir 
migu f si8an, ok gor9u J)at til hd8s vi5 hann ; ok batnaSi >a eigi 
si8r en a8r vi8 J)at vatn. {>a8an f6r hann til SteingrfmsfjarSar, ok 
sva til Mi5fjar8ar; ok sva heim um hausti8 d Vfdim^ri; ok var 
J>ar um vetrinn f g68u yfirlaeti. Ok Iag8i Kolbeinn sva mikla 
virding d hann ok dstu8, at hann kalla8i hann sann-helgan mann ; 
ok sagdi sjdlfan sik margar raunir d J)vi hafa. Um sumarit a6r 
var forldks-messa f log leidd. ann vetr er biskup var d Vfdim^ri, 
var vetr mikill, ok horfSi morgum monnum Jjunglega. fd berr f 
drauma um helgi J6ns biskups; at hann vitradi J)at, at veSratta 
mundi batna, ef heilagr d6mr hans mundi upp tekinn. M var 
J>at rdQit af Brandi biskupi, ok sendi hann or8 GuSmundi presti, at 
hann skyldi til koma, ok vera forrdds-maftr fyrir J>eirri J)j6nostu; 
J)vfat biskup Id f rekkju sjalfr. Stefnir biskup at sdr monnum ; ok 
v6ru svd hor3 ve8r, at GuSmundr prestr kom n6tt sfSarr en dkveSit 
var ; ok var hans J)6 be8it. En er hann kom, J)d var upp tekinn 
helgr d6mr J6ns biskups me8 st6r-jarteignir, sjau n6ttum eptir 

Um varit for Gu5mundr prestr nor9r f EyjafjorQ. En medan 

1 {>erra] thus both Cd. and B. 2 Reykjahola, B. 

1198-1200.] GUDMUNDAR SAGA G<5DA, 18,10. in 

[I. 189 : iii. 3 6 

hann var heiman, andaSizk tJlfeidr, m66ir bans ; ok var Ifki hennar 
fylgt til H61a; ok tok biskup vi5 liki hennar me6 astud. Nu 
kemr Gu5mundr heim, ok ... 1 enn heiman. Hann ferr til lyings 
um sumarit. M var leidd f log Jens messa biskups af baen 
Brandz biskups, ok af tolu GuSmundar prestz er hann taladi i 
Logrdttu. Af J)ingi buSu honum heim VestfirSingar ; ok for hann 
fyrst til Borgarfjar5ar, ok J)a9an til BreiSafjarSar. Af Reykjanesi 
var hann fluttr til Flateyjar, ok gistu a leiSinni 2 . forgils Gunn- 
steinsson let sonu sfna fylgja GuSmundi presti ok einn huskarl. 
Hann ba6 GuQmund prest at gefa sveinunum byr er jpeir fseri aptr ; 
't)vfat J>eir eru 6kroptulegir/ segir hann 3 . 'Bidja skal ek Gu6/ 
sag8i prestr, ' at hann gefi J)eim byr.' M var logn er jpeir k6mu f 
Flatey. Nu biiask synir f>orgils J)egar f brott ; ok gengu til skips, 
ok bua til segl-rei5a sfnn, ok ba9u prest efna vid sik um byrinn. 
En hann gkk til kirkju. En er jpeir voru biinir draga J)eir upp segl, 
ok kastar J)egar vindi eptir J)eim ; ok leggja eigi fyrr segl en heima. 
Ok hof3u J)vi betra byr er eir hof6u lengra siglt. 

19. Nii ferr GuSmundr prestr vestr i Fjor3u. Ok er hann var f 
SauSlaus-dal, J)a vfgSi hann vatn [er] kona [bar] heim f hiifu sinni. 
tadan f6r hann nor5r i FjorSu, f>ar til er hann kemr i Keldudal 
til f>6r3ar Arasonar ; hann haf5i hond visna5a, ok la verkr f 4 sva 
at hann matti eigi skera mat fyrir sik. En um n6ttina, er hann 
J)6ttisk eigi mega Hggja, gkk hann ut. En er hann kom inn, sa 
hann a rekkju GuSmundar prestz Ijos mikit, sem skini ofan geisli. 
Hann rtti hondina {)a ina van-megnu f Ij6sit, ok var J)a Ij6sit 
jafn-bjart a hondinni sem a6r. En eptir |>at var h6n or8in heil 
ok verklaus ; ok Ii8r J)a af Ij6sit. faSan f6r hann f Haukadal til 
Arna rau8skeggs. Ok um kveldit, er hann var kominn i hvflu, var 
fengin til kona at kla honum f6t sfnn. H6n var handholt, sva at 
fj6rir fingr lagu i 16fa. En er h6num {)6tti klegit of kyrrt J)a spyrnir 
hann vi8 fsetinum ok mjok hart, ok kemr hsellinn i bug fingranna 
t)eirra er kreptir v6ru ; ok spyrnir hann ]par i, sva at henni ver3r sart 
vid nokkut. En fam n6ttum sfdarr kom h6n a fund hans, ok 
s^ndi h6n hond sfna heila. Ok J)6kku8u allir Gu8i J)eir er sd. M 
f6r hann til f safjardar ; ok kemr at Matheus-messu f SuSavfk, ok 
gefr hann J>rja tigi hundra8a voru Bar8i frsenda sfnum til kvanar- 

1 Here is a blank for a word ; B omits the passage. 2 Thus Cd., cp. Gms. 

1. c. in Bisk. s. i. 460. 3 er peir segir hann] add. B. * ok la verkr i] B ; 

ok la veikr, Cd. 


[I. 190: Hi. 36.] 

mundar, ok var h6num fest d6ttir Steinp6rs prestz Bjarnarsonar. 
Ok kemr kona su hlaupandi er f>6rf5r hdt, er fylgt haf6i Arna 
rauSskegg a8r i banni Pals biskups ; ok fekk hann eigi skilit pau. 
En er h6n heyrSi sagSar kenningar GuSmundar prestz, pa gor6izk 
h6n einskis jafn-fus sem at finna hann ; ok verSr at leynask i brott 
fra Arna, pvfat hann unni henni mikit. Attu pau ok barn saman. 
H6n var fri9 s^num. Hon komsk nu a fund GuSmundar prestz 
Matheus-messu, ok ba5 hann me9 i6ranar-grati seV miskunnar ok 
vidtoku, at h6n maetti skiljask vi8 vandrae&i sin. Ok hlaut h<5n sva 
mikit g6tt af fundi hans, at h6n vitja6i aldri aptr til ins sama vand- 
rae8is ; ok fylgdi h6num jafnan si5an, pa er J)au skilSi eigi 6fri9r 
manna, f>a5an for hann til Vatzfjardar, ok sva til Steingrimsfjardar 
til Jons Brandzsonar ; ok var par lid mikit f for me6 honum ; ok 
var maelt, at sendir mundu menn fyrir at segja, at peir ksemi eigi 
a 6vart. En hann kveSr eigi purfa mundu, ' Ok mun gu3 gefa 
fyrir oss, ok senda peim hval, a6r v^r farim a brott/ En pessi ord 
hans fylldusk sva, at penna sama dag kom reydr d reka J6ns, par er 
hann einn atti, ok var sogd hval-kvaman um myrgininn eptir. J6n 
gaf GuSmundi presti bok pa, er gersemi var f, ok Pall biskup haf&i 
gefit J6ni. I'aSan ferr hann d Broddanes, ok sva nor5r um Floa 
til Mi6fjar6ar, ok sva til Vatzdals. Ok er hann var at Hofi petta 
haust, bar sva til, at hann song yfir sjukum karar-manni, ok bar 
yfir hann helga doma sina. Hann la i bekk hja inum sjuka manni, 
ok sofna6i hann d bseninni; at pvi er peim p6tti er vi8 v6ru. 
Djakn hans la i bekk hja h6num, ok hnd GuSmundr prestr a hann 
ofan, djakninn^ er hann sofnaQi. En er hann haf5i skamma stund 
legit, pa kenndi djakninn eigi, at hann legi a h6num ; en hann sa, ok 
sva a6rir, at hann la par. i*at var mjok langa stund. En er hann 
vakna5i, spur3i djakninn, hvf hann kenndi hans eigi, er hann Id d 
brjost h6num. En hann vildi eigi fra segja. f*a kemr su saga vestan 
6r FjorSum um vetrinn, at ma5r sa er Snorri h^t, austr f Skalavik, 
hann var leikinn af flag9i einu ; ok s6tti hann trollkona mjok, sva 
at hann hugdisk eigi mundu undan komask. En pessa n6tt ina 
somu, er fyrr var fra sagt, pat var Laugar-n6tt, pa f6r hann Snorri 
einn saman til tffla, ok var mjok langt at fara. Pa. kemr at h6num 
trollkonan, ok ssekir hann, ok bsegir h6num til fjallz. M bi9r 
hann, at GuSmundr prestr skyldi duga h6num, ef hann vaeri svd 
mikils rdSandi vi5 Gu5, sem hann hyg6i, ok leysa hann af flagSi 
pessu. En i pvi s^ndisk h6num sem Ij6s kaemi yfir hann; en 

i2oi.] GUDMUNDAR SAGA GCDA, 20. 113 

[I. 191, 208: iii. 36, *iii. 8.] 

Ijosinu fylg3i ma9r i k6r-kapu \ ok hafdi vatz-stokkul f hendi, ok 
stokdi a hana. En J)a hvarf [hon] trollkonan sem h6n sykki ni9r. 
En honum fylgSi Ijosit heim til bsejar, ok J)6ttisk hann gorla kenna 
at Ijosinu fylg9i Gu5mundr prestr Arason. Nu bar ]pat saman, at a 
einni stundu vitraoHsk hann Snorra, ok djakninn kenndi eigi jpunga 
af honum. Sa inn sami djakn haf3i sull f hof6i ser. Ok eitt sinn 
er hann stoS undir [ho'ndum] Gu3mundi presti f messu, ok la oln- 
bogi hans a sullinum, ok var6 h6num sart vi5 mjok. En er lokit 
var messunni kenndi hann hvergi sullzins. Sf6an foru jpeir til 
fingeyra, ok kom J)angat fyrir Allra-heilagra-messu. far var fyrir 
Karl aboti ok Gunnlaugr munkr. feir gor3u processio f m6t 
honum um daginn; ok var hann J)a prestr, ok sungu J)eir f mot 
honum R[esponsorium], Vir iste in populo suo mitissimus apparuit 
sanctitate et gratid plenus. Nu bar J)etta [allt] saman mikit vitni 
um, hviliks menn vir3u hans ra9, a3r J)eir ur6u af metnaSi blindir. 
M predica3i hann lengi Allra-heilagra-messu. faSan ferr hann lit a 
Blondu-bakka ; ok er hann J)ar mjok lengi. M var hann ekinn 
jpaSan upp eptir Langadal ; ok voru menn sendir eptir hesti ]peim 
er styrkvastr var f dalnum ok feitastr; ok var eigi le'6. En um 
nottina gengr hestrinn f heima-brunn, ok d6 J)ar. Nu ferr Gu9- 
mundr prestr ]par til er hann kemr heim a Vi6im^ri [at] Nicholaus- 
messu ; ok var9 Kolbeinn h6num allz-hugar-feginn. Ok er hann 
heima um vetrinn f g63u yfirlaeti ; en for um varit nor5r at heim- 
bo5um um he'raS, um Eyjafj6r3 ok f Flatey ; ok nor9an at AlJDingi ; 
ok rei6 til J)ings. Af t)ingi buSu honum margir menn heim, Sunn- 
lendingar ok AustfirQingar. Sem enn mun si3arr sagt verda. 

20. fetta sumar for GuSmundr prestr inn g68i til J)ings. En 
af jpingi bu5u h6num heim Sunnlendingar ok AustfirSingar, ok f6r 
hann af f>inginu su5r f Skalaholt. M n6tt er hann var J)ar, anda- 
9isk Ketilbjorg nunna, ok 1& Pall biskup GuQmund prest syngja 
yfir Ifki hennar; en biskup st66 yfir, ok Gizurr Hallzson; ok var 
su J)j6nosta sva merkileg, at Gizurr vattaSi t>at f tolu sfnni yfir 
greptrinum, at J>eir JDottusk eigi slikan liksong heyrt hafa ; ok virSi 
henni til heilagleiks, er henni [skyldi] sliks liksongs au9it ver6a. 
! 3 a6an ferr hann austr yfir &r. M b^5r h6num heim Ami prestr 
a SkumsstoSum. far var fall mikit, sva at sjau menn v6ru fallnir, 
ok baeQi naut ok hross. Hann gistir J>ar, ok vigir vatn, ok stokkvir 

1 kdpu dokkri, B. 
VOL. I. I 


[1.209: *iii.8.] 

sjalfr vatninu um akra bans ok tun, ok vida um engjar. Ok t6k af 
siQan fall allt. a8an for hann austr undir Eyjafjoll, ok svd austr 
d Si3u, ok i Ver austr. Ok J)d komr hann a ]?ann bae er a L6ma- 
gnupi heitir. far var ]?d hlaup i anni L6magnups-d, sva mikit, at 
Ami l b6ndi komsk viS fllan leik af ; ok druknaSi ma9r fyrir h6num 
af hlaupi arinnar; ok braut hon land vf5a. Menn satu vi6 ana 
fyrir austan, ok mattu eigi yfir komask, J)vfat ain var berlega 6faer. 
En er GuSmundr prestr kom til arinnar, Jpa stiga j^eir af baki. M 
sja J)eir, at ain fellr fram. En er J>eir hofdu langa stund seti6 vid 
dna, ok treystusk eigi a at rf3a, ]pa sa J>eir er fyrir austan satu, at 
din fll fram ; ok ra9a til at ri6a. M ri6u J>eir GuSmundr prestr 
ok sveit hans a ana ; ok hittask a anni naer midri ok J)eir er austan 
komu at, ok f6rsk hvarum-tveggjum vel. En er hvarir-tveggju 
k6mu yfir ana, t>a vex h6n ]pegar, ok var 6fser nokkora daga 2 

21. I'aSan ferr GuSmundr prestr til Svfnafjallz til SigurSar 
Ormssonar. fe var J>a kominn Kolbeinn Tumason til heimboQs. 
Ok v6ru J)eir J)ar allir samt t>rjar naetr. ^a ferr Kolbeinn i brott ; 
ok n'Sa J>eir SigurSr ok GuSmundr prestr a Iei5 me9 h6num. En 
er J>eir v6ru skilSir, J>a ri6a J)eir GuSmundr prestr ok SigurSr tveir 
saman ; J>vfat SigurSr vildi tala vi5 hann einslega um vandrseSi sin 
J>au er leiddi af malum jDeirra Saemundar, at hann l^zk varla J>ola 
mega vansa J)ann ok amaeli er leiddi af malum eirra ; ok leitaQi 
rdds undir Gu8mund prest; kvazt einskis jam-fuss en leita til 
hefnda vi6 Ssemund. En GuSmundr prestr ba8 hann J>at varask 
mest, ' lvfat J)ii matt vi3 J)at vel una, at {m hafir af t>vf amseli er J)u 
hefir vel gort. Nu mun ek bi6ja Gu5, at hann styrki J)ik ok gseti 
J)fn/ ' Hins vil ek Jpik bifija/ segir SigurSr, ' at J)ii bei5ir J>ess Gu6, 
at hann Idti J)ik J>ess radanda, at J)ii maettir s^sla mdr nokkura 
staSfestu nor8r J)ar i sveitum, {)a er hofuS-burQr vaeri at ; J)viat me'r 
s^nisk sva mikit yfir J)^r, at m^r b^3r J)at i skap, at JDU verSir meira 
raSandi en mi ertii raSandi. En ek vilda J)essa staSfestu selja f 
hendr J6ni Sigmundarsyni, fraenda minum. Nii man ek annat- 
hvart leita undan, ef J)ii vilt m^r pessu heita ; e6r ella mun ek eptir 
leita vi6 Saemund hvern veg sem ferr.' En Gudmundr prestr 
kvezk heldr vilja J)essu heita, at bi3ja, at Gud l^ti hann J)essa ver3a 
radanda. Ok J)ann inn sama dag er jpeir rsedduzk J)etta vi9, J)d 

1 Ami] 6rn, Gms. 2 nokkora daga] B, Gms. ; nottina, Cd. 

i2oi.] GUDMUNDAR SAGA G6DA, 21, 22. 115 

[I. 210: *iii. 9.] 

anda6isk Brandr biskup. Ok fylldusk nu beggja >eirra or5 um 
yfirbrag3 J)at er Sigurdr J)6ttisk sja a h6num, ok g69vilja-heit >at, 
er GuSmundr prestr ht Sigur3i, ef hann maetti sto8va missaetti 
Jjeirra Saemundar, at s^sla honum staSfestu; en J>enna dag bar 
undir hann ra6 biskupsdaemis, J)6tt hann vissi J)at eigi. 

22. Sa atburdr var3 ]par, at Steinn prestr ba5 GuSmund prest 
gefa seV helga d6ma ; ok sva gor8i hann. Ok er hann gaf h6num 
af beini J6ns biskups, segir Steinn prestr, at se*r J)3etti eigi vel litt 
beinit ok oheilaglegt. En GuSmundr prestr spyrr mjuklega hvart 
hann tr/Si eigi. Steinn prestr svarar, ok kva5 se'r eigi J)ykkja J6n 
biskup taka fcorlaki biskupi haera en Ji miSjar siSur. GuSmundr 
prestr maelti J)a : ' Bi6jum v^r allir Gu6 ok inn helga Jon biskup, 
at hann s^ni helgi sina f nokkuri jartein 1 . > ^a f^llu allir menn d 
knd me5 GuSmundi presti ; en eptir J)at \6t hann alia menn kyssa 
d beinit. far kenndu a allir sva ssetan ilm af beininu sem reykelsi 
vaeri, nema Steinn prestr, hann kenndi engan ilm. M skammaSisk 
hann sin, ok sa J)d rei6i GuSs ok ins heilaga Jons biskups vi8 sik, 
er hann var mi gorr fra-skila J>essari d/rS ; ok ba9 {)a Gu6, ok inn 
heilaga Jon biskup [me8 tdrum s^r] fyrirgefningar. M ba9 Gu8- 
mundr prestr at gefa Steini presti af beini Jons biskups, ef hann 
vildi af ollu hjarta d^rka hann. Hann kvazk vilja feginn, ok var 
hrseddr um hvart Jon biskup vildi {>iggja dyrkun hans. M segir 
GuSmundr prestr, at allir skyldi bi8ja fyrir h6num; ok svd var 
gort. Ok J)a kenndi hann sva saetan ilm, sem a8rir. M J)6kku8u 
allir Gu6i ok inum heilaga J6ni biskupi. Var f)a hringt ollum 
klokkum ok sungit Te Deum laudamus. Ok 1/sa sva jpessari jartegn. 

Sa atburSr varQ enn t>ar, at hlaup kom f a J)d er J>ar fellr vid 
bseinn, ok braut akr ok tun, svd at st6rum skodum gegndi. M 
bad SigurSr GuSmund prest fara til ok syngja yfir anni. Hann 
f6r me3 helga d6ma sfna ok klerka, ok song lengi yfir anni. En 
um morguninn eptir, ]?a var h6n horfin 6r J)eim farveg, ok haf6i 
broti6 s^r njan farveg austr um sandana. 

Kerling ein var J>ar at Svfnafelli, ok sva sem komin at bana. 
H6n haf3i sjau naetr mdllaus verit, ok ongum mat bergt, ok ekki 
hrsert a s^r nema framan-ver6a fingr ok tser; en {>6 skilSisk eigi 
ond vi6 hana. En ]p6 hafQi henni gor verit 611 J)j6nosta ; h6n var 
g6Qmenni. En er GuSmundr prestr var brott biiinn frd SvjCnafelli 

1 at svefja 6tr\i Steini prestz, add. B. 
I 2 


[I. 211 : *iii. 10.] 

ok kominn til hestz sfns, maelti hann : ' l>at er satt/ segir hann, ' at 
ek hefi eigi gad 1 a3 kve3ja kerlinguna saelu 2 inni; J>at skal \>6 
eigi,' segir hann. Ok sva gengr hann inn, ok aljp^Sa manna med 
h6num. Hann kemr i stofu J)ar sem kerling liggr. M var h6n 
naer andlati. Hann [kysti hana ok] maelti : ' Ver nu heil ok sael, 
kerling min, ok mantu nu fara til Gu3s 3 , ok heilsa fra m^r Marf u 
Gu5s m63ur ok Michaeli [yfir]-engli, J6ni Baptista, Pe'tro ok Pali 
postula, [ konungi] ok Ambrosio biskupi vin minum.' M segir 
kerling, sva hatt at jafnvel heyr5u JDeir er langt v6ru fram fra : ' J&, 
ja!' sag5i h6n. Sag3i h6n ]petta at middegi, en anda3isk at n6ni 
J)ann sama dag. 

23. M ferr Gudmundr prestr til Austfjar6a ok foru-neyti hans ; 
ok kemr at Bartholomeus-messu til Stafafellz. I'ar spyrr hann Jpau 
tidendi um 6ttu-song, andlat Brandz biskups Saemundarsonar. En 
vi5 tiSendi J)essi var6 h6num sva 6svipt sem hann voeri steinp] 
lostinn. M l^t hann J)egar syngja salu-messu ; en um daginn eptir 
salu-tf5ir ok liksong me9 allri vandvirkt ok ast. Si5an f6ru J)eir 
ok k6mu i Flj6tzdals-he'ra8 til ValJ)jofssta6ar til J6ns Sigmundar- 
sonar at Egidius-messu ; J)a var J)ar kirkju-dagr ; J>ar v6ru vidtokur 
g63ar. En er J6n leiddi GuSmund prest inn fra kirkju um kveldit, 
{>a spyrr GuSmundr hann ti9enda. J6n segir: ' TiSendi mikil 
ok g69, hdra6s-menn f SkagafirQi eigu fund a morgin, ok kj6sa 
biskup, ok mantii kosinn vera; J)viat Gu5 mun J)at vilja.' En 
t)a8an fra var h6num sva mikil hraezla i brj6sti, at hann matti 
hvarkis me6 hallkvaemd nj6ta, svefns n matar, fyrir ugg ok 6tta 
slikra hluta. En aptaninn fyrir Kross-messu kom Gu6mundr 4 
{)ann bae er f Hli3 heitir i Flj6tzdals-he'ra3i. M dreymQi hann um 
n6ttina, at hann J)6ttisk koma i kirkju a Vollum f Svarfa3ardal ; ok 
J>6tti h6num altarit falla i fang s^r, ok vera skr^tt inum bezta 
skni5a. Um daginn eptir fara J>eir nor3r yfir hei5i til Vapna- 
^ar3ar^ ok koma i Krossavik um aptaninn. En er J)eir v6ru undir 
bor6i, J)a koma t>ar sendimenn Kolbeins Tumasonar; ok gengr 
Einarr forkr innar fyrir Gudmund prest, ok kvaddi hann vel. Hann 
spurSi tf6enda. Einarr svarar: 'G6d tiSendi; J)u ert kosinn til 
biskups af Kolbeini ok ollum he'raSs-monnum ; nu ferr ek med 
brdfum ok J>eirri orSsendingu, at J)ii skulir sem flj6tast heim koma/ 

1 at er ga&] B ; at hann hefti eigi, Cd. ; J>at er sattna, Gms. 2 saelu] Gms. 
sjiiku, Cd. 3 ok mantu Gu6s] add. B, 

i2oi.] GUDMUNDAR SAGA G(5DA, 23-25. 117 

[I. 212, 213: *iii. II, 12.] 

En viS f>essi tiSendi varS h6num sva 6svipt, at hann matti langa 
stund ekki maela. f>a bad hann Gu6, at lata J>at upp koma er 
6'llum gegndi bezt. 

24. Um daginn eptir ferr GuSmundr prestr til Hofs til Teitz 
Oddzsonar. f>ar var ]pa vistum Halld6rr prestr Hallvar8zson. f>a 
raezk GuSmundr prestr [um] vi6 Halldor prest, ef nokkur van vaeri 
a, at hann leysti hann 6r ]pessum vanda, ok gengi sjalfr undir. En 
hann talSisk undan, ok kvazk mjok aldri farinn, ok J)6 at 68ru eigi 
til felldr; kvazk vita Jtikkjask, at h6num mun eigi tjoa undan at 
maelask, ' Mun J>at bae3i Gu8s vili ok manna, at J)u seV biskup ; en 
ek vil beina til me5 1p6r bsenum mmum, ok ollu J>vf er ek ma, J)^r 
til fulltings/ faQan ferr hann nor6r f Oxarfjor5 um MoSrudals- 
hei6i ; ok kemr a fyrir ]peim ve5r mikit ok hart, ok kafa-hrf6 ; ok 
skilzk H6 {)eirra, J)ar til er Gu6mundr prestr raknar vi6 at J)eir 
mundu eigi rdtt fara. Kemr hann fyrst til hiiss, ok me9 h6num 
djaknar tveir, Sturla BarSarson, ok Lambkarr torgilsson ; ok fleiri 
a9rir komu miklu sfQarr. Nii fara J)eir norSan, ok koma a Gren- 
ja8arsta6. i'ar bjo J)a Eyj61fr Hallzson. ^a talar GuSmundr prestr 
vi6 Eyjolf, ef hann vildi gangast undir ok ver5a biskup. En hann 
kva8 eigi J)ar um at leitask; kva5 Skagfir6inga ok EyfirSinga 
ongan annan vilja en Gu6mund. Nii fara J)eir nor6an, ok koma a 
Hals at Michaelis-messu til Ogmundar torvar^zsonar ; ok spyrr 
Ogmundr hvart J>at s6 satt at hann telisk undan at vera biskup. 
Hann kvaS {mt satt vera. ' Hvf saetir J)at/ segir Ogmundr. Hann 
svarar: 'viat m^r J)ykkir vandi mikill at eiga vi3 marga menu 
6hty8na ok ofundfulla ok rikja; E6a mantu, fraendi, vera oss 
hty5inn ef v^r vondum um ra6it J)ftt ! ' Ogmundr svarar : ' Hvers 
vandreedi skaltii heldr abyrgjask en mm; en sva sem ek em JDeV 
6hl^8inn, J)a man ek morgum o8rum [6hl^6nari] ; ok ongum mun 
sto5a um at vanda. Ok J)^r mun eigi tj6a undan at teljask J)vfat 
J)dr mun fara sem Ambrosio biskupi; Jpvfat jpe'r spa6u barnleikar 
fyrir sem h6num, at J>u mundir biskup ver8a. Nu tja6i honum eigi 
undan at teljask, enda mun J)^r sva ; ok viljum vdr ongan annan 
biskup en ]pik.' Nii ferr Gu6mundr prestr vestr ok heim i. Vf6i- 
m^ri, ok er J>ar at vetr-nattum; ok ur6u allir menn fegnir heim- 
kvamu h^ns. 

25. Laugardaginn gengr frorvarSr ^orgeirsson til mals vi8 Gu6- 
mund prest einn saman ; ok spyrr hvart J)at vaeri satt, at hann vildi 
gorask einhverfr f Jpvi at teljask undan biskups-vigslu, ok hlfta eigi 


[I. 214: *iii. 12.] 

bans forsja ok annarra vitra manna. En hann kva9 {>at vera. 
fcorvarSr svarar : * Ek JDikkjumk eiga at vera forsja-maSr y6arr ; ok 
vil ek raSa/ GuSmundr svarar : ' Hvi man J)at saeta, at ek muna 
[eigi] eiga at rack fyrir me'r!' f>d maelti f>orvar3r: 'Veiztii J)at, 
fraendi, at ek hefir verit hofdingi fyrir aett vdrri, ok minn fa3ir fyrir 
mik. Nii hlftti J)inn fa5ir mfnni forsja; svd ok a6rir fraendr mmir; 
enda rae6 ek J)dr J>at. Nu man \>6r aetla5r hofSingskapr eptir mik/ 
GuSmundr svarar : * Eigi bau3tii me'r at taka f6 eptir fo3ur minn ; 
ok Iftillar vir6ingar hefir \>u me'r Ieita6 h^r til, nema lata berja mik 
til baekr ; enda s^nisk me'r sem JDii vilir heldr koma me'r f vanda en 
i vir8ing.' torvarQr svarar : ' Hvat x hefir ek slfkt heyrt ! at drepa 
hendi vid virSingu sinni; enda man ekki sto3a; J>vfat J)ii munt 
biskup ver6a, ok mik hefir sva dreymt.' ' Hvat hefir J)ik dreymt ? ' 
segir Gu5mundr. 'Mik dreymSi/ segir torvarSr, 'at ek skylda 
ganga inn i hus mikit ok hatt ; en ek hafSa eigi jafn-mikit s^t ; ok 
sva miklar dyrr a, at {)at var eigi me6 minna m6ti. En er hofu6 
mitt kom inn f dyrrin, ]pa nam vi6 her8unum, ok ge*kk eigi lengra. 
En ek rse5 J^ann draum svd, at vegr J)fnn mun verSa sva mikill, at 
oil Kristni mun eigi hyggja mega sva mikla virSing J^lna sem ver3a 
mun. M dreymSi mik enn annan draum ; at ek J)6ttumk vera 
kominn nor6r i Nf5ar6s f holl 6lafs konungs, ok >6tti m^r hann 
sitja f hasaeti, ok alskipuS holl hans. Me'r J)6tti hann standa upp i 
m6t m^r, ok breida 2 faSminn, ok kveSja mik : " Kom J)ii heill ok 
saell, f'orvardr minn, J>ii mant bleza6r um oil Nor5rlond." Nii veit 
ek at IDU att J)essa drauma. Vili Gu8 at JDU s^r vigSr f holl (5lafs 
konungs, t>at er f Kristz-kirkju ; J)ar mantii vfg8r til biskups. Nii 
man ]petta fram ganga hvdrt er ]pu vfll e6r eigi/ M skilr med 
J)eim; ok segir orvar8r Kolbeini vi6tal J>eirra; ok gengr Kol- 
beinn til hans, ok segir h6num, at J)eir attu fund Egidf-messu d 
VlSivollum ; ' Ok J>ar v6ru d fundinum dbotar fra ftngeyrum ok frd 
I'verd; ok Jpar var Gizurr Hallzson ok Gu6mundr inn d^ri, ok 
mart he'raQs-manna ; ok var latinn i kosningi ]DU ok Magnus 
Gizurarson ; ok dr6 Gizurr fram mal sonar sfns ; ok ]p6ttu meiri 
sto8ar rfsa 3 at me3 h6num til fulltings, ok meirr reynd fjar-var9- 
veizla hans en J>m; en ek \6t m^r vel Ifka hvdrr ykkarr til vaeri 
korinn. En t>d segir Hjalmr Asbjarnarson, at seV vaeri Hti8 um at 

1 hvat] B, Gms. ; hvar, Cd. 3 breifta] B, Gms. ; bjofta, Cd. 3 risa] B, 

Gins. ; renna, Cd. 

1202.] GUDMUNDAR SAGA G(5DA, 26. 119 

[1.215: *iii.i3.] 

6r 66rum fjorSungi vseri ma6r korinn 1 . Slikt sag5i ok Hafr, ok 
margir a8rir ; enda ]p6tti ]petta ollum sva vel, at eingi var6 til m6t- 
maela, ok samj)yktu J>at ]pvf J)a allir ; ok ertii ]pvi mi korinn fastlega 
at Gu9s kori ok manna. Nu vsentum vdr, at JDU munir bae6i vilja 
gora Gu9s vilja ok varn, ok skorask eigi undan/ Hann svarar : 
' f>at vil ek vita ok heyra, hvart sva er o5rum he'raoVmonnum gefit 
sem J)^r ; J)vfat meY J)ykkir st6rr vandi vi6 liggja ; ok em ek ]pvi 
tregr undir at jattask.' 

26. M var stefndr fundr Dr6ttinsdag a ViSim^ri, ok k6mu J3ar 
{)a he'raSs-menn, ok Iog3u J)a af nju til umrse6u ; ok kom ]par J)a 
f sama stad ni6r. Senda J)a eptir GuSmundi presti; ok segir 
Kolbeinn h6num, at J)eir bi5ja hann til samtykkis ok jayrSis, at 
ganga undir vanda J)ann er J)eir hof9u hann til korit, at vera 
biskup. En er hann sa hve horf3i af Kolbeini, at hann vildi ekki 
annat, ok hug9i seY verda mundu J>etta daelst, J)a svarar hann: 
' Heldr vil ek haetta a Gu3s miskunn urn J)at, at jata J)essum vanda, 
en abyrgjask J>at, at enginn s6 til korinn, ok ]pykki y9r eigi ollum 
eitt.' M svarar Kolbeinn : ' Mael J)ii allra manna heilastr.' Pok- 
ku5u h6num J)a allir af n^ju ; ok fara menn heim. Ok um kveldit 
er h6num J)ar biiit bor6 ok hasaeti, ok bar Kolbeinn sjalfr mat fyrir 
hann, ok breiddi diik a bor5. En er skjott J)urfti til at taka, J>a 
var diikrinn slitinn mjok, ok raeddi Kolbeinn um : ' Mjok kennir mi 
daelleiks af varri hendi, meirr en verSleiks y9vars, er sva vandr 
dukr er a bor6i ySru.' Hann svarar : ' Ekki sakar um dukinn ; ar 
eptir mun fara biskups-domr minn ; sva mun hann slitinn vera sem 
dukrinn/ Kolbeinn ro5na6i vi6, ok svara5i ongu. Um morguninn 
eptir ri5u J)eir til H61a med biskups-efni, Kolbeinn ok orvar9r ok 
klerkar hans sjalfs. Kolbeinn gaf h6num uxa gamlan um morguninn 
er ]peir f6ru, ok kvazk vilja hefja upp gjafar vi9 hann 2 . Fara sf5an 
um daginn tit til Hola ; ok k6mu lit um aptaninn fyrir Kolnis-meyja- 
messu ; ok er J)a gor processio i m6t h6num. En er J)eir eru J)ar 
komnir, JDa tekr Kolbeinn J>egar oil ra9 undir sik ok bus-far, at 
ongu loforSi biskups-efnis. M var J>ar fyrir Kygri-Bjorn at H61um. 
En a6r J)eir ksemi til Hola, J)a haf5i Lambkarr djakn rita-gor3ir 
Kolbeins allar jafnlega J)a er hann var heima. En >egar er hann 
kom til H61a, J)a var hann at vi3sja haf6r um rita-gor3 alia, en 
Kygri-Bjorn er tekinn til breTa-gorSar f staSinn ; ok gorSi Kolbeinn 

1 korinn] B ; kosinn, Cd. 2 en hann cackafti (!) fim vel, add. B. 


[1. 216: *iii. 14.] 

[seV vi8] ongan mann kaerra en Bjorn. En Bjorn slo t>egar fae3 a 
vi8 biskups-efni ; J)vfat hann ]}6ttisk of Htils metinn af honum. 
Ok spd8i J)at J)egar fyrir, er sf8ar fram kom um Bjorn ; J)viat sja 
ofund faeddisk me8 h6num, ok var JDCSS meiri sem h6n hafSi lengr 
sta8it. Nu ferr J)at fram um vetrinn, at Kolbeinn r8 J>ar einn ollu, 
en biskups-efni var sva ra8um borinn, at hann skyldi eigi na, at J)ar 
vaeri br63ur-synir bans ; ok gorSi hann {>eim bii a KalfsstoSum af 
J)vf er h6num var gefit um sumarit. En Kolbeinn gorSi seV 
heimolt at setjask vi3 sjaunda mann a staSinn. Biskups-efni vildi 
ok lata fa fataekum monnum mat f tvau mal ; en Kolbeinn rak ]?a i 
gesta-hus, ok \6t gefa i eitt mal l . En er J61 liSu af hondum, ]Da 
kom ^rarinn bryti Geisladags-aptan til mals vi8 biskups-efni, ok 
segir sva: 'Eigi ertu forvitinn um bufar J>at er vser hofum med 
hondum/ Gu5mundr svarar : ' Eigi J)ykki m^r sa beztr, at hlutask 
til, ok ra3a ongu.' ' Ek vil J>6 segja t>^r deili a/ segir forarinn, 
' ek hefi slfkan orkost 33tla8 til J61a-vistar monnum sem h^r hefir 
lengi vant verit; ok hvern vetr fyrr, krepti 2 at sj6Sa til J61a; en 
mi hefir endzt viku lengr ; ok hefir aldri verit fjolmennara um J61in 
en nu/ {>at er s^nt/ segir biskups-efni, ' at Marfu Jjykkir betra at 
veitt s6 en Kolbeini.' Kolbeinn sat hja, ok J>ag6i. l^a ge*kk bryti 
i brott; ok kemr nauta-ma5r t>egar, at segja fra fjar-f68ri J>vi er 
hann hafdi hendr yfir ; at J>at haf6i aldri or8it jafn-drjugt sem J>a. 
En biskups-efni svaraSi inu sama : ' Hverr veit, nema Mdrlu {>ykki 
betr at veitt er en Kolbeini.' 

27. Eptir Jolin sendir biskups-efni mann, f>6r8 Vermundarson, 
at stefna Hrafni Sveinbjarnarsyni a fund vi6 sik i Mi8fjor8; ok 
vildi biskups-efni krefja hann til iitan-fer8ar me 8 seV. Eu J)a er at 
J)eirri stundu Ii3r, bjosk biskups-efni heiman. En er hann var 
kominn f kerru sina 3 , J)a gengr Kolbeinn at h6num, ok mselti vid 
hann : ' Nu vil ek, at vit leggim ni8r fae8 J)a er f hefir verit f vetr 
me8 oss, f>vfat J>at eitt er til; ok skulum ve*r J)at einskis vir8a 
hvarigir vi8 a8ra.' Biskups-efni svarar : ' Ekki kollumsk ek til 
saka hafa gort ; er ok vel ef \>6r hafit svd gort ; en abyrgisk sjalfir 
ef o8ru-vfs er en y3r J)ykkir.' Kolbeinn svarar : ' Hvarir-tveggju 
munu v^r valda; svd ver8r optast. Nii er Ifklegt at v^r valdim 
meira af ; viljum vdr af ]?vi biSja y8r fyrir-gefningar ; viljum v^r ok 

1 i eitt mal] Gms. ; ein maelt, B ; i m41, Cd. 2 thus, or krafti, Cd. ; hefir 

enzt, Gms. 3 i kerru sina] thus Cd. and B ; til hestz sins, Gms. (Res.) ; but ' at 
kerru sinni,' v. 1. 

1202.] GUDMUNDAR SAGA GODA, 27, 28. 121 

[I. 217, 218: *iii. 14.] 

fyrir-gefa y8r ef J)r hafit f nokkuru oftekjur haft.' Hann svarar : 
' G65 eru g66 or3, ok munu ]par nu hvarir at smum gorningi du!5ir, 
J)vfat ek dyljumsk vid, at ek hafa vi3 nokkut heV oftekjur haf6ar f 
vetr, f)viat ek hefi ekki kosti att.' Nu ferr hann vestr i sveitir, 
ok gistir at fingeyrum. far var ein nunna, g63 ok skynsom 
einsetu-kona, er Ulfrun h^t; hon var mo6ir Sfmonar prestz ins 
mikla. Hon he'lt sva n'kt einsetuna, at hon vildi eigi sja son sinn 
er hann s6tti hana heim. Hon segir biskups-efni sva, at Maria 
dr6ttning hef6i J>at vitra3 henni, a6 GuS ok h6n vildi, at hann vseri 
biskup, ' Ok skaltu eigi undan teljask, ef J)u vilt Gu6s vilja gora, 
sem ]pu munt vilja ; ]pviat J)^r mun setlat/ I'essi sogn J)6tti honum 
merkileg, ok nam 1 a trunad. Ferr sfSan vestr f Mi6fjor9 ; ok 
kemr a nefndum degi a StaSarbakka. Ok J)enna sama aptan kom 
J)ar Hrafn or FjorSum vestan, sem a kveSit var. M tala6i biskups- 
efni langa tolu ok merkilega a Drottinsdag; ok l^sti J)vi, ef 
nokkurr ma6r vaeri J)ar kominn, er jpess mannz vissi vanir, at undir 
J)enna vanda vildi ganga er h6num var setla^r, eSr sa er honum 
vildi hnekkja, ' fa vil ek feginn upp gefa, ef J)at msetti verSa me6 
samj)ykki manna/ En J>ess treystisk eingi, at vera hnekkingar- 
ma6r. Ok J)vf var a t>eim fundi ra6in utan-fer8 Hrafns Svein- 
bjarnarsonar ok biskups-efnis. Af fundi ]peim fara hvarir heim, 
biskups-efni til Hola en Hrafn vestr f Fjor6u. 

28. Um vetrinn hafSi biskups-efni sent mann me3 bre'fi austr 
til Svinafellz. fat maelir sva : 

' GuSs kve6ju ok sina sendir GuSmundr, er kallaSr er biskups- 
efni, SigurSi ok foriSi: GuS hefir miklar jartegnir gort, at v^r 
skyldim heit vart efna mega sem v^r erum skyldir til vi6 y5r, at 
fa y6r 2 sta5festu. Nu em ek {)urftugr 3 Jpins fulltings ; J)viat ek 
hefir meira vanda jatt a mik, en ek sja til faerr at bera. Nu b^5 
ek ykkr til sta9ar-forra6a ok fjar-var3veizlu me3 m^r. Ok komit 
sem fyrst ma; J)vi at J)at gegnir betr sta5num ok ollum oss. 

Nii ferr hann austan eptir J61; ok hittask J>eir biskups-efni a 
Iei3inni er hann ferr heim nor6r. Ok ferr Sigur8r fyrir skjotara 
nor5r til Hola. En er biskups-efni kom til H61a, J)a var lagt i 
umraedu hverja kosti SigurSr skal hafa. Hann kvezk eigi vildu til 

1 vann, Cd. 2 y6r] Gms. ; oss, Cd. 3 J>urftugr] Gms. ; skyldugr, Cd. 

and B. * valete] vel, Cd. ; vt., B. 


[I. 2l8, 219: *iii. 15.] 

rdSask nema h6num vseri handsolu5 stac5ar-forra3. En biskups- 
efni var lengi tregr at handsala ; en kvazk gefa mundu sta6ar- 
foniS f hendr SigurSi. Nu ba5u vitrir menn, Kolbeinn Tumason 
ok Hafr Brandzson, ok margir a8rir, at biskups-efni skyldi heldr 
handsala Sigur8i staSinn til forra3a, en hnekkja sh'kum manni fra 
sem var SigurSr. Ok J)6tti morgum monnum eigi mega betr fyrir 
sja staSar-forraSum en selja, i hendr Sigur8i ok fcorfSi. Ok rsezk 
J)at 6r, at hann handsalar SigurQi staSar-forraS. Si5an ferr Sigur3r 
me3 brdf biskups-efnis i Skalaholt til Pals biskups, >at er svd 
maelti : 

29. 'Pali biskupi sendir kve8ju Gu5s ok sma GuSmundr prestr, 
er nu er kalladr biskups-efni : Ek hefi jatzk undir meira vanda 
en ek sea" til fserr at bera, ok haft eigi y8art ra8 til e8r lof, sem 
vera atti. Nu vil ek bi8ja y8r alita af Gu8s halfu, sem J)dr eru8 
skyldir til, at segja hvat y8r er nsest skapi. Vili J)dr annan mann 
kjosa til J>essa vanda l ok vegs, er ek hefi 6maklegr undir jatask, 
J)a vil ek feginn upp gefa ok fra fara, J>viat ek verS JDCSS af 
nokkurum varr, at t>eir Jjykkjask af maelt hafa; ok hefi ek J)vi 
ra8it SigurQ Ormsson til fjar-forra5a me8 m^r, at menn kvfddu 
fjdr-forra3um minum. Nii kjosit skj6tt annat-hvart, J)at sem Gu8 
kennir y8r, ok sendit m^r 2 bref sem fyrst, hvart Jpe'r kj6sit mik til 
e8r frl Vale.' 

30. En er Sigur3r faerir Pali biskupi br^f J)etta, J)4 sendir hann 
mann {>egar me5 brdfi austr i Odda til Saemundar, J>at er sv4 
mselti : 

' Pall biskup sendir kveSju Gu8s ok slna Saemundi br6Sur sinum : 
BreT biskups-efnis kom til min, at ek skula kjosa annan mann 
til biskups, ef ek vil ; en 3 hann \6zt buinn upp at gefa kosningina. 
Hann hefir ra6it til Sigur6 Ormsson til sta5ar-forra8a ; {)viat menn 
hug6u ]}at helzt a3r, at fjar-var9veizla hans myndi eigi me8 forsja. 
Ek ]pikkjumk J)ess kenna a bre*fi [hans], at hann mun setla utan 
f sumar, ef hann er eigi fra korinn ; J)vfat hann ba3 mik skj6tt 
at kve8a, hvdrt ek vilda kjosa hann til e6r fra. Nu vil ek, at J)ii 
segir, hvart ek skal at kveda.' 

31. Saemundr sendi brdf i m6ti, ok maelti sva : 

'Pali biskupi sendir Saemundr kve8ju Gu6s ok sma: Veiztu, 
br68ir, at GuSmundr biskups-efni hefir eigi mikill vinr verit f 

1 vanda] valldz, Gms. a mer] Gms. ; me5, Cd. s en] add. Gms. 

1202,] GUDMUNDAR SAGA G(5DA, 29-33. 123 

[I. 219, 220: *iii. 16.] 

malum varum SigurSar ; en J)6 er hann mjok leyfdr af monnum, 
ok liklegt at J)vf muni kosningr undir hann kominn, at J)at muni 
Gu6s vili vera. Spyr ek, at hann muni fyrir margs sakir vel til 
Tallinn, bseQi gaezku sinnar ok siSvendi, ok hreinlifis \ er mest um 
var5ar. En ef nokkut er annat 1, J)a tak6u eigi 2 vanda af NorSlend- 
ingum at jpeir abyrgist kor sftt. En ]mt er ra5 mitt, kj6s hann heldr 
til en fra, J)vfat eigi [er] vfst hverr Ifklegri er til at Gu6i h'ki betr 3 en 
sja. Ok er vanu bezt at haetta ; 6ra8it at sa finnisk at eigi megi 
at finna. Einhlftir gorSusk Nor51endingar at um kor sftt; beri 
>eir nu abyrg3 fyrir hve ver3r. Vale' 

32. Nii kemr breT i Skalaholt. M sendir biskup bo9 torvaldi 
Gizorarsyni ok Halli, ok Magnusi br66ur hans, ok SigurSi Orms- 
syni. Ok eiga J>eir fund. Ok 1/sir biskup yfir J)vf fyrir {>eim, at 
kosningi var orpit undir hann ; ok hann hafdi raSit fyrir, at kjosa 
hann til en [eigi] 4 fra. Binda J>eir t>a allir me6 fast-maeli J)etta 
me6 s^r. Sendi J)a ok biskup SigurQ Ormsson me6 breTum nor3r 
til GuSmundar biskups-efnis. tat maslti sva : 

'Pall biskup sendir kveSju Gu6s ok sma GuSmundi biskups- 
efni: Gu6 hefir kosit J)ik til biskups ok vaer; ok ertu fastlega 
kosinn at Gu9s logum ok manna, sva sem a J>essu landi ma 
fullegast. Nii er Gu6 ok g66ir menn hafa enna vanda a Jpik 
lagt, J>a berr oss nauQsyn til, at finna J)ik sem braQast; J)vfat ek 
kennda J>ess i brdfi y9ru, at J)ii munt setla utan i sumar, ef sa 
vill sem ]pu mundir kj6sa 5 . Nii vil ek koma til motz vid J)ik J)ar er 
t>u vill ; en kunna J)6kk, at J)u saekir mik heim ; en skylda ]pik eigi 
til ; J)vfat ek a morg nauSsynja-b'rendi til erkibiskups, {>au er ek 
vil at J)ii komir a mfnn fund a6r {>ii farir utan. Vale 6 .' 

33. Nu IfQr vetrinn af hondum, ok ferr biskups-efni eptir Hvfta- 
daga su8r i Skalaholt at hitta Pal biskup, ok tekr vi3 breTum hans 
J)eim er hann sendi erkibiskupi. Ferr si9an heim til H61a. M 
kemr SigurSr austan ok J)au tdridr. Gora J)ann kost biskups-efni, 
at f<6 J>eirra skyldi eigi J>verra ; ok kollu8u tvau hundru3 hundraSa. 
En J>at var allz-konar fe*, bae5i frftt ok 6frftt. Ok var {>vi jataS. 
Gu3mundr var biiinn til skips me6 tfunda-voru sfna. En er hann 
var til skips kominn, J>a kom Hrafn vestan Sveinbjarnarson, ok var 
biiinn med honum til farar, sem J)eir hof6u aatlad. far var ok 

1 hreinlifis] Gms. ; meinleysis, Cd. 2 takSu eigi] Gms., B ; fyrir, Cd. ; taki 

fcer, B. 3 betr] Gms. ; vel, Cd. * eigi] add. 5 Thus ; ef sva ferr sem bii 
setlar, Gms. ; om. B. 6 Vale] add. B. 


[I. 221 : *iii. 17.] 

Thomas RagneiSarson ok fvarr J6nsson, Grfmr munkr, Eyj61fr 
Snorrason. Fimtan v6ru []par] Islenzkir menn. 

34. feir le*tu lit Dr6ttinsdag, fyrir l Divisio Apostolorum. Biskups- 
efni haf5i sendan Kollsvein Bjarnarson fra skipi nor8r [um fjord], 
at saekja vatz-kerold t>eirra ; ok kemr hann nor5an at fir3i J)a er 
skipit siglir lit; ok er or6inn strandar-g!6pr. far koma t>a at f 
J)essu menn roandi, Narfi 6r Brekku, ok voru komnir me6 fiska 
austan 6r Flatey. Kollsveinn sag5i J)eim til vandraeda sfnna, ok 
skorar a J>a til flutningar. ' flla ertri kominn/ kva6 Narfi, ' ok er 
t>etta baeQi nauSsyn J>m ok biskups-efnis, ok skal at visu vi6 JDe*r 2 
verSa.' feir kasta J)egar fongum af skipi ; taka vi6 Kollsveini ok 
fongum bans, ok r6a lit undir segli eptir firSinum. Tekr vindr 
at vaxa ; ok gengr kaupskipit undan. Tekr hann til or5a Narfi : 
t>a er hann seV at undan berr hafskipit : ' Hversu lengi roum v^r 
nii eptir kaupskipinu a9r J)^r J)ykki klaekis-laust eptir s6tt varrar 
bandar ? ' Hann svarar : * tJt i fjarckr-kjapta 3 , J)ar til er haf tekr 
vi6.' ' Sva er jafnt/ kva6 Narfi, ' ok skal sva vera.' En er kaupskip 
kemr lit at Hrfsey, tekr biskups-efni til or5a: 'Nii skal leggja 
segl; ok vil ek eigi sigla fra manni mmum ]peim er a landi er; 
enda vil ek hafa messu i dag f eyunni.' Austmenn mseltu, at 
ollum vseri J)etta mjok i m6ti skapi, at 6n^ta g69an byr. En hann 
sagSi, at Jpeim mundi hefna ; ' Ok mun Gu8 lata ver8a meiri 4 
seinkan farar J)essarar varrar en J>etta.' En er J>eir sja, at h6num 
mislikar, J)a var laegt 6 segl ok kasta8 akkeri. Gdkk biskups-efni 
d land, at syngja messu. Nii t>urftu J>eir Narfi eigi lengra at r6a 6 , 
ok stigr Kollsveinn ]?ar a skip. En um morguninn eptir ]pa var 
byrr, ok vilja J>eir heimta upp akkeri sitt ; ok er ]pat fast ; ok ganga 
J>ar til a3rir at o5rum, ok leita J)ess er J)eim kemr i hug, ok gengr 
eigi upp. M er sagt biskups-efni ; ok gengr hann til, ok blezaSi 
ok mselti: { Dr6ttinn mmn, leystu akkerit !' ok tekr f strenginn. 
fa losnar akkerit ; ok taka J)eir til segls, ok sigla til Grimseyjar, 
ok liggja J)ar viku. fa kemr i byrr, ok sigla J)a nor6r fyrir Gniipa. 
t>a kemr andvi6ri a, ok rekr J)d aptr allt vestr til 7 Skaga. M l^ttir 
t>eim r^tti ; ok komask J)eir annat sinn nor8r fyrir Langanes ; ok 
kemr enn andviQri, ok rekr l>a enn vestr i haf. M dreymSi konu 

1 fyrir] added, for in 1202 Div. App. or 1 5th of Jujy fell on Monday; conse- 
quently it was on the I4th they started. a pr] add. B and Gms. 3 kjapta] 
B, Gms. ; kjoptu(!), Cd. * meiri] B, Gms.; minni, Cd. 5 laegt] fellt, Gms. 
" at roa] add. Gms. 7 til] fyrir, B. 

1202.] GUDMUNDAR SAGA G^DA, 34. 125 

[I. 222: *iii. 18.] 

um n6tt a skipi J)eirra, at madr i biskups-buningi gengi 1 eptir 
skipinu, ok J)ar at, er biskups-efni hvildi ok blezadi yfir hann. 
H6n J)6ttizk vita, at J>ar var Jon biskup. Um daginn eptir raeSir 
biskups-efni : ' i>at vaeri ra3 mitt at taka til segls, ok sigla vestr 
fyrir landit, f>vfat ganga a land-nyr6Hngar, ok mun eigi ganga vilja 
fyrir nor8an landit/ fetta er ra6s tekit. Ok sigla vestr um landit ; 
ok sva fyrir Vest-fjor3u ok su6r fyrir Snsefellznes, ok sva su6r fyrir 
Reykjanes. M fyrir Eyjafjoll. M ganga a Iand-nyr5ingar. Ok 
rekr J)a su3r i haf, ok ver6a varir vi9 SuSreyjar, ok bera kensl a ; 
ok eru komnir vi6 Eyjar t>aer er Hirtir heita. ar spurSu J>eir 
andlat Sverris konungs. ^a berr J)a su6r i frlandz-haf ok su9r 
fyrir frland, ok hafa storm ve8rs 2 , ok heyra grunn foil alia vega 
fyrir ser. M rae6ir biskups-efni, at allir menn skuli ganga til 
skripta, ok kenni-menn allir skuli gora krunur sfnar, ok skyldi 
stofna heit. Ok sva var gort sem hann ba6. ^eir heita at gefa 
alin af sekk hverjum, ok gora [mann] til R6ms, ok gefa halfa mork 
vax ma8r hverr til kirkna. M f^ll J)egar ve6rit, ok fengu egar 
byr til N6regs. Ok fann biskups-efni Hakon konung i Bjorgyn ; ok 
t6k hann allvel vi& honum. For biskups-efni nor9r til Ni6ar6ss. 
Ok vigSi Eirekr erkibiskup hann til biskups. 

1 at gengi] B ; mann ok gengr, Cd. 2 storm ve5rs] B, Gms. ; stor 

andvedr, Cd. 





A. D. II84 I2OO. 

Nti tek ekpar til frdsagnar er tvennumferr sogumfram at; 
GUBMUNDR hefir ma8r heiti6. Hann var Eyj61fsson, ok bj6 
d bae J>eim er heitir a HelgastoQum i he'radi f>vf er Reykjardalr 
heitir. Hann var au3igr ma5r at fjarhlutum ok vinssell; heldr 
var hann sinkr kallaQr. Hann dtti son J)ann er Teitr h^t; hann 
var vaenn macSr ok vinssell 1 . Gu8mundr atti brae3r tva ; h^t annarr 
Halld6rr en annarr Bjorn; J)eir v6ru f(6minni enn Gu8mundr, ok 
v6ru t)6 baandr ba8ir f dalnum. far var 1p g6tt b6nda-val i dalnum. 
fa bj6 i Fellz-mula Sigur3r Styrkdrs son logsogu-mannz, en 
d Grenja3arsta5 Eyj61fr son Hallz Hrafns sonar log[sogu]- 
mannz 2 , tJlfh^8ins sonar, Gunnars sonar, I6g[sogu]mannz. Sigrf8r 
d6ttir Hallz Hrafns sonar var m68ir Gudlaugar, mo8ur Ketils prestz 
forlaks sonar, mo5ur-fo$ur mfns, item mdtiur-fotiur Narfa-sona s . 
En er Teitr 6x upp, J)a var h6num ra8s Ieita3. fdrolfr h^t b6ndi ; 
hann var Sigmundarson ; hann bj6 f EyjafirQi d bae t)eim er heitir 
[f] MoQru-felli; hann var f g65ra b6nda virdingu; hann var d6ttur- 

1 B begins thus Gudmundr h6t ma&r hann bjo a Helgastodum i Reykjardal ; 
hann var auSigr ok vinsaell. Hann 4tti son er Teitr h^t. Gu6mundr 4tti braefir ij. 
etc. The whole chapter being here much abridged and curtailed. 

3 Styrk&rs sonar logsogo mannz tJlfh66ins sonar 16'gmannz Gunnars sonar log- 
mannz (!), B. 8 m65ur-fo8ur Narfa-sona] thus Cd. (Br.) ; m6&ur f68ur Narfa- 

sona, B, dropping m68ur fo'Sur mins item,' a homoteleuton, moour-f66ur ' 
being repeated in A. 


[1.131: iii. 9-1 

son HafliSa Massonar. f 6r61fr atti konu t>a er Steinunn he't, d6ttir 
forsteins rangldtz; ]?au attu J>rja sonu; ok er {jeirra eigi h^r viQ 
getid. D6ttur attu J>au eina, er Oddkatla 1 he't ; h6n var vaen kona, 
ok kunni seV allt vel. f eirrar konu var be6it til handa Teiti. fat 
J)6tti jafn-rse6i; hann var kyn-staerri; [en] h6n var fe'meiri, en 
hvar-tveggi it vinsaelasta. Nu er hon fostnud Teiti. Eptir {>at 
f6r hon heim til bus ]?ess er JDau attu. Tok hon J>egar til biis- 
forraSa; en a6r hofdu J)ar ymsar matseljur verit si5an er kona 
Gu3mundar andaQisk. fat var3 6'llum vel at skapi. En eptir J>at, 
vanu bra6ara, ]pa seldi Gudmundr af hendi buit ok alia fjar-hluti, 
ok t6ku J>au vi3; en Gu3mundr rzk i brott me8 J>at er hann 
Jmrfti til forlags-eyris ; ok rzk til fverar; ok tok munks-vigslu ; 
en {>ar var J>a Hallr Hrafnsson ab6ti. Bratt sneri fjar-haginum 
fyrir Teiti, er GuSmundr var i brottu. Eitt sumar kom skip f 
Eyjafir5i, ok st65u f)ar uppi J)rjii skip um vetrinn; en J)a var 
hallaeri mikit. M var Kolbeinn Tumason hofSingi i SkagafirQi; 
ok [haf6i] hann fundi 2 at J>vi, at bsendr skyldi eigi taka minni 
forgipt J)ar i he'ra&nu en hann kva6 a; ok lagSi f vi5. En 
Austmonnum J)6ttu J)egar heldr miklar forgiptir, ok vistuSusk J)vi 
eigi vestr um Hei3i. Teitr Gu9mundarson t6k vid J)remr Aust- 
monnum; he't einn Grimr, er kalladr var rau5r, Erlingr ok Rafn. 
fat var ]pann vetr, er baejar-bruni var a MoSru-vollum f EyjafirSi ok 
d Bakka j[ Mi6fir6i, ok enn fleiri a5rir. Teiti Ifka3i vel vi6 vetrtaks- 
menn sina, ok {)6tti f^silegt a brott at fara me8 {)eim. Hann haf5i 
eigi a6r af landi farit ; ok re*zk hann til skips me3 Jpeim. M f6ru 
ok litan fleiri menn. Teitr he't ok ma9r; hann haf6i bdit at 
Keldum ok i Gunnarsholti ; ok atti Vilborgu, dottur Gizurar Hallz- 
sonar. Ok f>at sumar f6r utan forgeirr son Brandz biskups, ok sd 
ma3r er GuSmundr 3 he't af Au8kiilu-sta3. Annat sumar a" 5r haf3i 
farit forvardr Asgrfmsson inn au6gi. Ok um hvern J>eirra i sinni 
sveit, J)a J)6tti at ongum meiri ska3i [J)eim] er eptir v6ru ; en engi 
J>eirra kom [aptr] hingat til landz. fat var J)a siSvani, at Brandr 
biskup f6r hvert sumar um fj6r8ung [sinn], ok gisti annat-hvart 
sumar at flestum kirkjum 4 , ok atti {>a at gista at Helgasto3um at 
biii Teitz. fa haf8i Oddkatla J)ar bo3 inni, ok bau5 J)angat frsendum 
sfnum ok vinum, f 6r61fi 5 [m63ur]-fo8ur sfnum ok (3lafi f orsteins- 

1 Otkatla, B. 2 fundi] emend. ; fundid, Cd. 3 Gunnarr, B. * ok gisti 
at annarri hvarri kirkju, B. 5 f>orsteini, B (badly). 


[1.132: iii. 9 .] 

syni m63ur-br63ur sinum, ok Eyj61fi Hallzsyni, er atti GuSrunu 
Olafsd6ttur systrung 1 Oddkotlu. fann dag er hann sat J)ar, ]?a 
ur9u J)ar nokkurir kynlegleikar : M er konur gengu um beina 
um dagver5, JDa s/ndisk Oddkotlu Teitr b6ndi sfnn sitja f millum 
manna nokkurum sinnum. En J>a er h6n hug6i at, J>a sa h6n 
ongan honum likan. Ok matti h6n 2 eigi ganga um beina fyrir 
J)eim sokum. Ok a6r menn faeri brott, J)a heimti Oddkatla til foSur 
sfnn ok truna6ar-menn sfna; ok beiddi, at skipta skyldi fe* me9 
f>eim Teiti b6nda hennar. En J>at J)6tti kynlegt ; J)vfat J)au unnusk 
vel meSan J)au v6ru asamt. En J3a er hon sagSi J)eim J^etta, J)a 
v6ru J)eir 6trau3ari. En h6n atti at hafa mund sinn ok heiman- 
fylgju; ok er akvedit hvat h6n skyldi hafa f londum edr lausum 
aurum. En h6n kvazk hvartki mundu skilja vi5 Teit b6nda sfnn 
Qar-hlut n^ samvistu, ef hann kaemi til. En Jmt sumar it sama, er 
skip k6mu, J)a var sagt lit lat Teitz ; ok hafdi hann andask um 
varit f Noregi. fau dttu engi born. Ok J>a toksk umraeSa hverr 
erfingi Teitz var; J)6tti J>ar vei6i-vefjan 3 mikil. Var J>at margra 
manna alit, at fa5ir hans myndi erfa hann 4 ; en brse9r Gu5mundar, 
Bjorn ok Halldorr, kollu3u at GucSmundr aetti ekki f<6 at taka, ne* 
annask, er hann hafSi munks-vfgslu. far gengu menn at sveitum, 
ok voru margir hvarir-tveggju. En Eyj61fr Hallzson d Grenja6ar- 
sta5 l^t s^nna, at bera mundi undir GuSmund. Eyj61fr atti sonu 
tvd, ok vildi fa hvarum-tveggja staSfestu ; ok f6r til fverdr, ok 
falaQi at GuSmundi londin ok erfdina; ok keypti sfdan litlu betr 
en half-virdi ; ok skyli sjalfr dbyrgjask hvat 5 log baeri. Ok er J)eir 
Halld6rr ok Bjorn fregna fetta, J)a J)ol6u J)eir flla vi5, ok J>6tti sfn 
eign vera; unnu Eyj61fi flla at nj6ta; en J)eir mjok f6-J)urfa. 
Eyj61fr keypti f&t milli J61a ok Fostu. En f Paska-viku f6ru {>eir 
brsedr inn til EyjaQar3ar til Horgar-dals til fundar vid go5or6z- 
menn sfna, annarr |)eirra var f J>ingi me6 forvardi fcorgeirssyni, 
hann bj6 d Mo3ruv6llum f Horgardal, en annarr me6 Onundi 
forkelssyni a Laugalandi, ok baru fyrir {)a vandraeSi sfn, ok baSu 
f>a asja. Ok ]par kom, at hvarr J>eirra handsala3i sfnum go3or8z- 
manni heimting fjarins, hvergi [er] peirra hlutr ver3r af sjalfra. 
Ok f6ru t>eir vi6 t>at f brott. Ok spurSusk J)essi tfSendi. En um 
varit eptir Paska skipar Oddkatla lond sfn ; ok t6k J)i til J)ess fjar- 

1 systrungu, B. 2 hon] add. B. 3 vei6i-vefjan] thus Br. and 440 (vei&ar- 
efni ? or vei9r ok f6v&n ? or the like) ; B omits the passage. * myndi arf eiga at 
taka eptir hann, B. 5 hvat] hvrt, B. 

ii8 7 .] GUDMUNDAR SAGA D1?RA, 2, 3. 129 

[1.133: iii. 10, ii.] 

skiptis er verit haf3i it fyrra sumarit. Ok sf3an f6r h6n af Helga- 
sto3um me6 allt si'tt inn til Mo3rufellz til foQur sins. Ok er hon 
or {)essi s8gu. 

2. Eptir J)etta hittask J)eir hofSingjarnir, f>orvar3r ok Onundr ; 
ok r6ftu J)at me6 seV, at hverfa at ba6ir samt ; ok foru heiman ok 
norSr til Reykjardals, ok hoffiu nser fimm tigi manna ; ok settusk i 
bu a HelgastoSum. En J)at fre'tti Eyjolfr bratt; vfat hann atti 
skamt at spyrja ; ok samna3i at seV monnum ; ok rzk J)ar til meS 
h6num Sigur3r, bui bans, Styrkarsson, ok fsleifr ok Asbjorn braeSr 1 
Eyjolfs. tar rzk [ok] til me3 J)eim Kleppjarn Klaengsson ; hann 
dtti IngigerSi 2 systur Sigur6ar. fangat rdzk ok me6 Eyjolfi 
Hjalmr Asbjarnarson fra Vestrh6pi, ok Asgrimr Gilsson i Vatzdal, 
r atti JarngerSi systur-dottur Eyjolfs; Mar Gu6mundarson nd- 
frsendi Eyjolfs; hann atti Helgu, dottur Snorra Kalfssonar. En 
me3 Onundi var Einarr Hallzson fra Mo9ruvollum. ^eir attu bse6i 
saman go3or3 ok fraendsemi. ^d hof5u hvarir-tveggju setur 
fjolmennar. fd f6r Eyjolfr til Helgasta6a, ok mattu jpeir eigi 
saettask, J)viat hvarir-tveggju kolluSusk allt 3 eiga J)at er ]peir deil3u 4 
um ; ok ur9u eingi mi6lunar-mal me6 J>eim ; J)viat hvarigir vildu 
lata ne* eitt af sfnu mali. Ok varS J>at si3an at stefnu-for 5 ; ok 
stefndi Onundr Eyjolfi um afneyzlu fjarins, ok kallar sins neytt 
vera. I'orvarSr stefndi Mavi Gu3mundarsyni ; ok stefnt var 
sonum Onundar tveimr, Hamundi ok Vigfusi, ok J)eim manni er 
ValgarSr h^t. f'eir bjoggu {)etta mal til Vo61a-J)ings. 

3. Ma6r h^t GuSmundr, ok var f>orvallzson ; hann var kallaSr 
inn d^ri. Hann bjo i Oxnadal a baa J)eim er a Bakka heitir; 
hann var br63ir Asgrims, foSur I'orvarSz ins au9ga, ok Alfei3ar er 
atti Gizurr Hallzson, ok Vigdisar er atti Forni Sokk61fsson, er 
Fornungar eru vi6 kenndir; ok var hann sam-mae8ri viQ I'ord 
I>6rarinsson at Laufasi. Gu8mundr haf8i go3or3 at meSfor, er att 
hafSi Asgrimr brodir hans, ok orvar3r au5gi. Hann var me5 
hvarigum at J)essum malum. Hann samna8i at s^r monnum, bae3i 
sfnum J)ingmonnum ok annarra, ok f6r vi5 J)at til var-{)ings. En er 
menn v6ru komnir til ]pings 6 , J)a var ekki um ssettir at leita, JDvfat 
hvarigir vildu n6 eitt af sinum malum leggja, ok 7 hvarir-tveggju 
kollu3usk allt eiga einir, ]pat er um var deilt. f>eir torvarSr ok 

1 brx8r] broSir, B. 2 Ingiri9i, B. 3 allt] V., 440 ; mart, Cd. 4 deil9u] 
V, ; vildu, Cd. 5 HelgastaSa stefnu-for] om. B. 6 en er menn k6mu til vdr- 
J)ings, B. 7 hvdrigir ok] add. B. 

VOL. I. K 


[1.134: iii.ii.] 

Onundr heitu9usk jpess, at leita eigi log-varna fyrir sik, ok verja 
mal meS bardaga; en GuSmundr gkk sva milli me9 flokk sinn, 
at hvdrki var8 bardagi n saks6knir. En J>eir er saks6kn hof3u 
til biiit, nefndu at J>vf vatta, sem log st63u \ at taka sva buin mal 
upp a AlJ^ingi, sem til var-JDmgs voru buin, er JDar matti eigi saekja 
at logum. Ok sleit vid jpat Jnnginu. M bjoggusk menn til 
Aljringis, er at pvi kom ; ok ferr hvarrgi jpeirra til t>ings, Onundr 
u6 fcorvarSr; ok for Einarr Hallzson me9 go6or6 Onundar; en 
me3 go5or5 I ) orvar8z sa maSr er Snorri hdt, ok var Grimsson, 
fraendi forvarSz. eir beiddu J)a eigi svara fyrir sik, e6r leggja J)ar 
hlut sinn vi9, ok sog8usk mundu klappa um eptir, er mal ksemi 
heim i h^raQ. Olafr f'orsteinsson bau3 Kleppjarni, hvart hann vildi 
heldr veita Eyjolfi, ok fara til t>ings, e6r vera heima ok gaeta h^ra6s. 
Kleppjarn for til J)ings, en Olafr var heima. En J)eir Onundr ok 
fcorvarftr satu i biium 2 sfnum um J)ingit, ok hlifdu sva setunni, ok 
gor3u ongum manni mein. Ok er menn komu heim af J)ingi, J)a 
v6ru J)eir kallaSir sekir, Onundr ok I>orvar3r. Ok f6ru J)a i setu 
hvarir-tveggju, ok somnuSu monnum at hvaru 3 sem jpeir fengu. 
En er dr6 at f^rans-domum, ok sottu menn langt til, J)a kom 
austan or FjorSum Teitr Oddzson, magr torvarSz, at veita honum. 
fa var kominn til rack i SkagafjorQ SigurSr Ormsson med forfQi 
Gizurardottur, er att haf3i Tumi Kolbeinsson ; en Kolbeinn 
Tumason var utan farinn, ok skyldi Sigur3r hafa manna-forra3 
eptir. GuSmundr sendi SigurSi or3, at hann skyldi fa h6num 
nokkut Ii3 ; ok f^kk Sigurdr h6num fjora tigi manna, alia vel buna. 
Ok J)ann dag er ferans-domr 4 skyldi vera, for Gu3mundr heiman 
me3 tvau hundruQ manna 6 ok for a halsa millum Horgardals-ar ok 
Kraeklinga-hliSar, ok maetti J>ar flokki Eyj61fs. En fdrans-ddmar 
v6ru nefndir, annarr a MoSruvollum, en annarr a Laugalandi. Nu 
fara J>eir Onundr ok forvarQr me9 flokki sfnum a m6ti flokki 
Eyjolfs. En er GuSmundr haf3i sto8vat flokk Eyj61fs 6 , J)a sneri 
hann aptr {>ar til er hann maetti flokki J>eirra Onundar ok ]?orvar3z, 
ok sto8va3i J)a 7 , l>viat Eyj61fr kallaQi log til t>ess, at {)eir heydi 8 t>ar 

1 Thus emend. ; sem log sto&u at J>vi, Cd. ; en J>eir er me6 soknir foru, bu&u sva 
buin malin til Albingis, er eigi matti at logum saekja a varying!, ok sleit, B. 
* bum, B. 3 Emend. ; at hvarum, Cd. * ferans-domar, B. 6 halft annat 
c. manna, B. en ferans-d6mar flokk Eyjolfs] add. B ; in Br. here is a homo- 

teleuton. 7 hann gekk bar i milJi, add. B (a repetition from the following). 

8 heyai] hzai, B. 

u8 7 .] GUDMUNDAR SAGA D^RA, 3. 131 

[I. 135: Hi. ii.] 

ferans-doma i H3i ] sfnu, er J)eim vseri ohaett framast at koma. En 
J>eir i>orvar5r ok Onundr hdtu J>vf, at ]pegar skyldi bardagi vera. 
M gengr Gu3mundr milli ; ok sagoH, at hann mundi J>eim i moti er 
eigi vildu hty3a J)vi er hann maelti. Ok var5 enginn fe'rans-domr, 
ok einginn bardagi. Ok foru menn vi6 J)at brott, ]pa er a dag var 
H6it; ]pviat ]pat var mselt i logum, at fe'rans[d6ms]-gogn 2 skyldi 
fram komin er s61 vaeri i suQri. Ok foru menn sva i brott, ok i 
setur hvarir-tveggju. En Jpeir menn til heraSa sinna, er lengst voru 
at komnir. Satu J>a hvarir-tveggju me9 fjolmenni. Vist var miklu 
betri at bunaQi a HelgastoSum; ok var8 ]par betra til einhleypinga; 
en for um tilfong sem verSa matti, J)a er biiit st63sk eigi. En at 
Eyjolfi var borinn hvalr ok egg, ok neytti allz J)ess er sett var, ok 
haft J>at eitt er Eyj61fr atti. M er faettask toku fong a HelgastoSum, 
J>a ur6u ran; ok rsentr sa ma9r er torgeirr h^t, ok var kalla6r 
Hlffarson, ok bjo a J)eim bae er i Nesi heitir ; ok annarr sa [maSr] 
er Hallr h^t, ok var fsleifsson ; ok hann vildu ]?eir taka sjalfan ; en 
hann komsk lit um glugg a husum sinum, ok reid i brott jpeim 
hesti er J)eir attu; en J>eir baru f brott jpadan mat, ok toku fe\ 
En er J)eir f6ru aptr, ]pa a6u J)eir 1 tuni a Grenja6arsto5um j ok 
eggjuQu menn ofan or virki, })viat hvarir-tveggju hof6u virki um bae 
sinn. fsleifr Hallzson vildi ofan ganga ok berjask vi3 J)a; ok 
na6i eigi fyrir sfnum monnum. Ok foru J>eir f'orvarSr ok Onundr 
til HelgastaSa me5 fong sin. i>a {)6tti Eyj61fi of Ii6-fatt, ok f^kk 
eigi menn i nand s^r. M ferr fsleifr vestr til SkagafjarQar 3 , J>vf at 
hann atti bu i Geldinga-holti. Ok er hann kom vestr, J>a for til 
hans maSr sa er Grimr h^t, ok var Snorrason, ok bj6 at Hofi lit a 
Strondinni fra Hjaltadal, er atti I'dnrftu I'orgeirsdottur systur 
forvarQz, ok var hann eigi f setunni me5 J)eim. Hann gor8i 
heiman for sfna, ok for a Bakka til GuSmundar ins d^ra. Ok 
J>a8an for hann 4 me5 honum, ok voru fimtan saman, norSr til 
Reykjadals til Helgasta6a ok til Grenja6arsta6a ; ok hitta hvara- 
tveggju; ok leita um saettir; ok sogQu ]?eim {>at, at eigi mundi 
setan haldask mega, sva at eigi gorQisk ran ok annarr 6fri6r med 
J>eim. En Grfmr var ma5r raSleitinn ok vitr, ok kom a saettum 
me3 J)eim, ok f>eir GuQmundr. ^ar fylgfii bonor6; ok kom 
Grimr J)vf upp; ok bad Klaengr seV konu, sonr Kleppjarns, 

1 Ii8i] thus also B. 2 ferans-gogn, Cd. ; f^rans. ds. gongn (!), B. 8 at afla 
Ii8s, add. B. * hann] Gu5mundr, B. 

K 2 


[I. 136: iii. 12.] 

Gudninar dottur fcorvardz ^orgeirssonar. at r^zk allt saman, 
saett J>eirra ok J)etta ra5. t>ar v6ru engir menn til gordar l teknir ; 
var J)ar allt a kveQit. Skyldi hvarigir J)eirra hafa >au lond er J)eir 
deildu um, en biifd allt var upp eti5. Skyldu J>eir hafa lond 
fe3gar, Klaengr ok Kleppjarn ; ok J>6tti f>orvar3i ]pa bera undir sik 
me8 maegSum; skyldu JDeir J>a verd fyrir inna J>eim er log baeri, 
Gengu menn til handsala fyrir ran Jmu er verit hofcSu. Eru nu 
sattir, ok rufu seturnar; ok vistudusk menn J>eir er J>eim hof5u 
fylgt; ok f6ru vi3 at i brott, ok hof6u hvarigir metord af ]pessum 
malum, J>eir er um deildu. Hurfu J>a til Gu3mundar 2 . Ok tykr 
{)ar J)essum malum, a5r fsleifr kemr aptr, ok J>6ttisk Eyj61fr J)a at 
ongu J)urfa manna, en hverjum J)eirra var heiti3 vetr-vist er teknir 
v6ru fra sumar-bjorg sfnni. Skildi J>a at J>vi 3 braeSr, fsleif ok 
Eyjolf. SiQan leysti fsleifr J)a alia af hendi, ok gkk i hval-grafir 
Eyjolfs, ok reiddi hverjum t>rjar vaettir, ok f6ru J)eir vi6 J)at i 
brott 4 . En ra3a-hagr sa tekzk um haustid, ok var bo5 a Mo5ru- 
vollum. For Gu6run t>egar til Hrafnagils meQ Klaengi. ta var 
Asbjorn Hallzson, brodir Eyjolfs, sta6festu-lauss, ok fala8i hann 
Helgastaol ; en J)eim feSgum Klaengi ok Kleppjarni var jafnan 
bu-skylft, ok seldu J)eir fyrir J>at landit Asbirni. Ok er f'orvarSr 
fr^tti J)at, J)6tti h6num verr er undir {)a Hallz-sonu var komit ; en 
]peir kolluQusk heimilt eiga at selja {>at 5 f6 sftt sem aSra eign sina ; 
ok for Asbjorn bui sinu a HelgastaSi. Ok 1/kr J>ar J)essum 
deildum. HafSi GuSmundr inn d^ri mesta vir8ing of malum 

4. Bjorn h6t ma9r; hann var Gestzson; hann bj6 i ClafsfirSi 
J>ar er a Sandi heitir; hann var fylg6aV-ma3r Onundar ok t>ing- 
ma8r ; hann var mikil-menni ok 6eirinn um allt, bae3i menn ok 
fjar-hluti, ok dr6sk opt J)a menn d hendr' 7 , er 6skilamenn v6ru. 
Hann hafdi J)at sumar allt fylgt Onundi ; ok kom sva fremi 8 til 
bus sins er lokit var J)essum malum ; ok var Ifti8 forverk or3it ; en 
hann atti 6meg6 ok fjar-hlut litinn. I'ann vetr gor3usk ill tiSendi 
i hdradinu, at menn he'ldu flla kvikfd, ok sva v6ru biir brotin i 
Flj6tum ok sva i OlafsfirSi. En {>a hafdi J)ar manna-forrad J6n 

1 gorQar] emend. ; at gordar, Cd. 2 Thus Cd. (!) 3 J>vi] emend. ; J>at, Cd. 
4 ok vistu8usk brott] B om. the whole passage. 5 selja bat] B ; setja bar, Cd. 

6 haf&i bessum] add. B, yet omitting the preceding passage, ' ok lykr bar bessum 
deildum.' 7 ok dr6sk opt b4 menn a hendr] B ; ok drogusk opt peir menn 4 
hendr honum, Cd. 8 fremi] B ; fb'rinne, Cd. 


[I.I37: iii. 12.] 

Ketilsson br66ir Asgrims skaldz ; ok Jon atti bii at bae ]peim er f 
Holti ht ; en hann var vistum at Holum me6 Brandi biskupi. M 
urcSu menn vi6 varir, at illrse6a-menn v6ru i hiisum Bjarnar. M 
foru heiman or Fljotum tveir baendr; h^t annarr Mar, ok var 
Riinolfsson, en annarr frorvarSr, ok var Sunnolfsson, inn til Hola, 
at hitta Jon; ok sogSu h6num til vandraeck sfnna. En hann 
leitaQi ra5s vid Brand biskup. En hann kallaSi J)at ra9 margra 
manna, at hreinsa hdru9 ; ok vseri Jjeir menn af teknir er lengi 
hefcSi reynzk at 6skila-monnum ; en ]pat var J>ar er Bjorn var. 
SiSan for Bjorn ut f Fljot me6 J)eim Mavi ok i>orvar8i, ok ]pa6an 
foru Fljota-menn me6 honum ; ok voru naer fimm tigir manna ; ok 
f6ru til 6lafs-fjar6ar ; ok komu a Sand, ok var Bjorn r6inn [a 
fiski]. ^eir .toku skip tvau, ok roru at leita J)eirra ; ok hittask a 
sjo; ok var biiit, at hann mundi eigi tekinn ver3a. Eyjolfr h^t 
ma6r, er a skipi var me9 honum. feir t6ku Bjorn ok bundu hann 
a skipi, ok foru sva til landz me9 hann 1 . Ok mselti Bjorn vi9 
prest 2 . Valdi h^t ma9r, hann var Masson ; hann var fllrae6is-ma9r ; 
hann hofSu Fljota-menn tekit a 6ra8um, ok hof6u hann me9 s^r ; 
hann veitti Birni atvigi, ok skyldi vinna ]pat til lifs s^r ; ok vannsk 
ilia at. Ok sf3an kosu5u {>eir Bjorn. Nu frdtta J)eir Onundr af- 
toku Bjarnar, ok kalla9i s^r mjok misbo9it i J>essu; J)viat hann 
vir3i menn eptir J>vi er honum J)6ttu ser fylgja, en mi6r at 
vinsaalSum vi9 a9ra menn ; ok kallaSi fullt eptir-mal um vig 
Bjarnar ; ok kalla6i hann a ongum oskilum hafa staSinn verit er 
J)eir t6ku hann. Nii Iei5 vetr sa til Langa-fostu. Ok Mi8viku-dag 
1 Saelu-dogum kom sa ma9r ut i Fljot er Solvi h^t, ok var f'drarins- 
son; hann kom a J)ann bae er a Gili heitir; J)ar bjo torvardr 
Bjarnarson er kalladr var Skerja-Bjorn. torvarSr hafSi verit at 
vigi 3 Bjarnar, ok var Solvi sendr til at vei5a I>orvar9. En er 
menn foru heiman til non-tf5a, jpa rdzk Solvi i brott ok vildi eigi 
verSa stadinn J)ar, ok J)6ttisk vera falidr. Si3an for hann i sau6a- 
hus Jons i Holti, ok sat {>ar um aptaninn. Glumr h^t sa ma8r er 
gaetti sauQa. Ok um kveldit er hann kom til sau6a-hussins, va 
Solvi hann. Eptir >etta hljop Solvi um nottina inn til SvarfaSar- 
dals ; ok k61 hann d faetr mjok ; ok komsk hann inn d strond fra 
Svarfa6ar-dal ; en J)a var h6num fylgt hus fra hiisi, unz hann kom 

1 ok foru sva til landz med hann] add. B. 2 ok maelti Bjorn vi6 prest] thus 

Cd. * at vigi] til vigs, Cd. ; vi& vig, B. 


[I. 138: Hi. 13.] 

d Laugaland til Onundar ; ok var hann par si8an. Ok eptir um 
vdrit heitask Onundr at fara lit f Flj6t, ok bua mal til um vig 
Bjarnar a hendr peim ollum, er verit hof3u at aftoku Bjarnar ; 
pviat peir v6ru 1 allir vel fjar-eigendr, ok p6ttu malin fd-vaenleg. 
En eptir vfg Gliims dttu at maela peir braeSr, Jon ok Asgrimr ; ok 
haf6i sa einn til farit, er peim p6tti ekki undir, hvart sekr var e5r 
eigi ; ok pottusk Fljota-menn sja, at peir mundi eigi hafa fullnad 
or malum vi6 Onund, ef eigi nyti peir viS annarra; ok foru til 
fundar vi9 Brand biskup, ok leituSu ra5a undir hann. En biskup 
kallar um pau mal, er verit hefSi mikillegust it fyrra sumarit, at par 
hef6i GuSmundr fengit oil in beztu rad til, ok ba6 pa [fara] til 
fundar vi3 hann, ok vera fyrir malum peirra 2 . Nii foru peir brseSr 
til fundar vi5 Gu9mund, ok ba9u hann at vera fyrir malum me9 
s^r. En GuSmundr kva8 sik ekki til skylda, ok kva8 s6r at 
hvarigum langt. Sja peir nu, at peir munu ekki af honum fa um 
petta mal. M gafu peir GuSmundi Fljotamanna-go6or9 ; pat 
var bae5i fjolmennt ok vel skipat. fcessa gjof pa Gu9mundr at 
peim ; ok ur8u nu hans pingmenn allir peir er sakirnar horf9u 3 til. 
Ok si9an settu peir sattar-fund me6 peim GuSmundi ok Onundi ; 
ok saettusk a mal sin ; ok voru menn teknir til gor9ar, Hallr prestr 
Gunnarsson af Mo8ruv6llum, ok Bjorn prestr Steinm69sson af 
Oxnahvali ; ok gor6u peir jafn-mikla sek9 fyrir vfg Glums ok 
aftoku Bjarnar ; ok kolluSu pat pvi f6-vaenna malit eptir Bjorn sem 
par v6ru vi5 fleiri ; ok kolluQu hann po ongra bota verdan. Ok 
skildu at pvf, at hvarir-tveggju skyldi baeta sinum monnum 4 . 

5. Gu6run h^t kona ok var fcorSar dottir ; hon atti bu a peim bae 
er heitir i Arnarnesi, lit a Strond fra Horgardal 5 ; h6n var bsedi 
vaen ok kurteisleg ; h6n atti par bae5i lond ok bii. H6n var ung 
kona ok hafdi tekit vi6 fo5ur-leif3 smni hon potti par beztr kostr 
jafn-borinna kvenna. Hennar ba6 sa ma9r er Simun hdt son 
Iorvar6z er kallaSr var kamphundr; hann var vinsaell maSr, ok 
potti petta jafnraeSi me8 henni. Nu var pat ra8 6r gort 6 . Ok 
eptir petta f6r Sfmun f bii me6 henni. Eigi var samlag peirra 
haegt ; ok svd gordisk bratt, at GuSriin for stundum fra buinu en 
stundum heim; en Simun var inn h6gvaerasti ma6r. t'au v6ru 

1 voru] vaeri, Cd. a ef eigi nyti malum J>eirra] om. B. 3 horf9u] B ; 

hofdu, Cd. 4 This whole chapter is very unskilfully abridged in B. 5 Horgdr- 
dal] Svarfa&ardal, B (badly) ; in that case there should be ' inna.' 6 ra6 or gort] 
thus Cd. ; at radi gort ? 

ii88,n 9 o.] GUDMUNDAR SAGA D^RA, 5. 135 

[1.139: iii. 13.] 

saman tva vetr, ok var inn sf3ara vetrinn hsegra me5 J)eim. Var 
hon J>a heima. M var Fostu-matar-fatt. Ok er Langa-fasta kom, 
maelti hon vi6 hann, at hann skyldi saekja Fostu-mat lit a Siglunes 
er hann atti at fo3ur sfns. M for hann, ok sigldi lit eptir fir6M ; 
ok sigldi a stein upp, er kallaSr er SvarthofQa-steinn. far 
drukknaSi Srnion ok hiiskarlar hans tveir ; ok var ]pa Gu5run 
ekkja eptir. f>at sama sumar ba6 hennar sa ma3r er Hrafn h^t, ok 
var Brandzson ; hann var vestan or SkagafirSi 6r sveit Grims 
Snorrasonar ; ok hann ge*kk me6 J)essu mali ; en f>orvar5r forgeirs- 
son var at umsja me3 henni ; ok fserSu J)eir magar Jmu mal saman, 
at Gu8nin var fostnu9 Hrafni ; ok var briiftkaup at Grims. Ok var 
})at sagt, at h6n hljop 6r hvflu ena fyrstu nott er Hrafn var innar 
leiddr. M f6ru J)au nor5r til Arnarness til bus sins, ok t6k Hrafn 
til ums^slu. En Gu3run var eigi enn all-skapvaer vi8 bonda sinn ; 
hlj6p hon brott um sumar-dag vestr til Hofs ; ok tok Grfmr vel 
vi9 henni, ok var hon J)ar um hriS. M var6 hon vor vi9 at J>eir 
Grfmr setluSu til skips, er komit var i EyjafirQi, me8 Gu5runu ; en 
h6n vildi eigi J^at. Hon hljop {)a6an f brott a laun, ok var6 eptir 
farar-skjoti hennar. Hon nam eigi sta8ar fyrr enn h6n kom lit til 
Sigluness til JporSar kamphundz ; kom J^ar gratandi, ok kvazk J)ar 
unna hvivetna af Simoni. forvarSr tok vel vi9 henni ; ok var hon 
{)ar lengi. forvarSr var ]DVI vanr hvert sumar at faera Fostu-mat 
inn til EyjafjarSar, ok selja bondum. Ok enn gor8i hann sva, at 
hann sigldi inn eptir fir8i, ok hafdi GuSrunu me8 sdr. Hann for 
til Gasa, J)ar voru 1 kaupskip. forvardr tjaldaSi J)ar, ok var 
Gudriin f tjaldi me8 honum. feir menn v6ru JDar fyrir, er nokkut 
er getiS vid, forSr forarinsson undir 2 Laufasi, ok synir hans : 
Hakon, Hildibrandr ok Dagstyggr. Eitt sinn bar saman fund 
J)eirra Hakonar ok GuSriinar sva [at] J)eim var8 at mals-endum 3 ; 
en opt hofdu J)au s^zk ; en af J)vi tali gdkk Hakon hvern dag til 
mals vid hana me3an J)au voru ^ar. En er f>orvar8r hafSi keypt 
slikt er hann vildi, bjosk hann i brott ok haf8i Gudriinu me6 s^r. 
Ok er hann kom a* Arnarnes, g^kk hann J)ar a land, ok fylg8i 
Gu8riinu til hiiss ok til bliss ok til b6nda 5 . Sf dan for hann heim. 
Ok er hann or sogunni. En J>a8an fra vondusk a kvamur Hakonar 
til Arnarness"; ok for sva fram allan J)enna vetr. Einn dag mselti 

1 voru] var, B. 2 undan, B. 3 mals-endum] 440, H ; mals-eyrendum, Cd. 
* a] til, B. B til huss bonda] til b6nda sins ok buna9ar, B. 


[I. 140, 141 : iii. 13.] 

Gu8run til Hakonar, kvazk eigi vilja kvamur bans me8an Hrafn 
vaeri a lifi, ' En gor sem J^r s^nisk sfSan.' fess er getid, at jDau 
satu a jDver-palli {>au Hakon ok Hildibrandr br66ir bans, ok Gu6run 
f milli J)eirra, ok tolu8u mart. En Hrafn sat f bekk ok reist 1 
span, J)viat hann var hagr. Sf3an rfsa J>eir upp braedr. Ok er 
J>eir gengu utar eptir g61finu, J)a Iag8i Hakon til Hrafns me6 
spj6ti lagskeptu, ok kom lagit fyrir brj6st h6num. Ok f annat 
sinn Iag3i Hakon til Hrafns ; ok var3 J)at svoSu-sdr. Sidan gengu 
J)eir lit brae8r. En Hrafn t6k til oxar er hja honum var, ok reis 
upp ; en GuSriin tok til bans, ok ba9 hann eigi fram ganga. 
Hann svarar : ' Skamt mun nu farit ver3a, J)6 brostulega s^ Iati9/ 
f*a spur6i h6n hve mjok hann var sarr. Hann svarar: ' Grunn 
ver3a svo6u-sarin; en svi6a g^t ek bringspala-dilann um stund/ 
Hrafn la f)rjar naetr i sarum; ok fdkk alia rei3u; ok andaSisk 
sf3an ; ok var faer8r a Mo6ruv6llu. 

6. Nu J)6tti hofSingjum serinn uppgangr Gu8mundar; gor6isk 
hann J)a fjolmennr. Hann hafdi tekit af V6Sla-f)ing 2 , skyldi J)at s 
eigi soknar-J)ing heita ; J)6tti h6num J)ar verSa st6r-deildir * sva 
sem a AlJ)ingi. Hof6ingjar hug6u g6tt til, at taka eptir-mal um 
Hrafn. Gu8mundr var fyrir malum, J)viat Hakon var br66ur-son 
bans, fa Ieita8i GuSmundr s^r ra8s ; ok sendi mann, er Valgarftr 
hdt, vestr til Skagafjar9ar a fund Erlendz; hann var Brandzson 
br68ir Hrafns, ok atti eptir-mal ok fdbaetr at taka eptir Hrafn. 
GuSmundr 1& bj69a honum til sm; ok ba3 hann sva segja, at 
[hann] mundi J)ann veg mestar baetr taka eptir broSur sinn. 
Erlendr for vestan med Valgar8i, ok tveir prestar a6rir, Flosi 
prestr f>6roddzson er bj6 a Silfrasto5um ok Bjorn prestr (Slafsson 
er bjo undir Felli i SkagafirSi ; ok k6mu J>eir a fund GuSmundar ; 
ok tok hann vel viS J)eim ; ok sendi eptir f ) 6r6i ok sonum bans ; 
ok J)eir foru til Steinasta5a 5 , J>ar atti GuSmundr bu. fat er J>ar 
b'8ru-megin ar. Sf6an leitaQi GuSmundr um ssettir, en forSr 
kvezk eigi baeta Hrafn fg, nema GuSriin baetti at hehningi ; kalladi 
hana radbana 6 Hrafns. Gu6mundr vildi {>at eigi ofrask lata. Ok 
saettusk d J>at, at J)eir Gu3mundr ok Flosi gorSu ; ok gordu peir 

1 reist] emend.; risti, Cd. ; reisti, B. 2 hann hafdi a f tekit Vo51a-J)ing, B; 

Cd. inadvertently drops the particle ' af,' for in the margin the scribe has noted down 
'Gudmundr dyri tok "af" VoSlaping.' Both H and V. retain the particle. 
8 pat] par, B. * deildir] stordelor, B. 5 Thus Cd. ; now called SteinstaSir ; 

B om. the passage. 6 radbana] B ; ra6a bana, Cd. 

n 9 o.] GUDMUNDAR SAGA DYRA, 6, 7. 137 

[1. 141 : iii. 14.] 

fimtan hundru3 um vfg Hrafns, t>riggja alna aura ; ok gait Gu5- 
mundr J>a J)egar hvern eyri. Hann gait lond tvau fyrir vestan 
HeiQi, annat heitir i Halfdanar-tungu, en annat at Uppsolum, it 
nsesta Silfra-sto3um. Sidan gaf Gu6mundr ]?eim ollum gjafir 
prestunum 1 ; voru J>a ok veittar tryg3ir eptir vfg Hrafns ; ok ur6u 
hofSingjar eigi varir fyrr en jpessu var lokit. Si'San fe'kk Hakon 
Gu6riinar, ok var vi3 hana har6r; ok kva6 s6r skyldu eigi {>at 
ver3a, at hennar menn stae5i yfir h6fu6-sv6rSum hans. Ok verSr 
J)ar nu fra at hverfa. 

7. 2 Helgi hdt prestr; hann var Halldorsson. Hann bjo a bae 
JDeim er heitir a Arskogi inn a Strond fra SvarfaSardal ; hann bj6 
J>a vi9 konu J>a er Herdis hdt, er att hafdi Brandr Gellisson, er J)ar 
haf5i buit, ok jpar haf5i verit veginn i kirkju-durum. fordis h^t 
kona sii, er Helgi prestr atti ; en ^orgerSr hdt m69ir hennar, ok 
var frorgeirsdottir. forgerSr bjo a J)eim bae er a Bratta-velli heitir, 
o6ru-megin dr, J>ar er f'orvaldzdalr var kalladr. Hon atti land J>at 
er hon bjo a, ok vildi hon lata gora upp stofu sfna. Helgi prestr 
s^slaSi um med henni, ok dro vi9u at henni, ok annat J>at er hon 
]purfti. Sa ma9r var J)ar i sveit, er Ingimundr h^t ; hann var 
einhleypingr ok hagr; hann re*zk J>angat til stofu-smi5ar ; hann 
gor5i stofuna, ok dval6isk {>ar um vetrinn ; ok si3an var hann J)ar 
mjok lengi; ok var J)at maelt, at hjal vaeri a me5 J>eim. Taldi 
einginn at {>vf ; J)viat meina-laust var ; ok var J>a liSlegra hans ra6, 
ok sva bu hennar. f'ar kom sva, at honum endisk eigi gaefa til 
J)ess ; ok elska6i hann J)a a9ra konu er AsgerSr hdt ; ok var hon 
at vistum a Kalfskinni; ok for Ingimundr angat opt; ok vard 
J)eim f'orgerQi J)at at sundrj)ykki; ok stokk I'orgerSr i brott 
stundum af J)vf, ok ofan f Arskog. Ok Fostudaginn naestan eptir 
J61 for Ingimundr at hitta AsgerQi. Ok er hann kom heim, ur3u 
J)au I'orgerQr sundr-or3a, ok hlj6p hon i brott um kveldit ok ofan 
i Arskog, ok var J)ar um n6ttina. Ok um aptaninn er menn satu 
yfir nattverfti, >a kom Ingimundr J>ar ok vildi hafa forgerSi i brott 
med sdr; en h6n vildi eigi fara. M spur9i Ingimundr Helga 
[prest] ef hann vildi ser nokkut af skipta um J>etta ra3. Hann 
sagSi : ' &at vilda ek, at f'orgerQr sd aldri nauSig h^r dregin i milli 
husa ; ok skal vist hennar heimil hvert h6n vill heldr vera.' Ok 

1 ok reiffci |>a alia gjofum, B. 2 B omits the following two chapters 

(7 and 8). 


[I. 142: iii. 14.] 

v6ru J)au baedi J)ar um n6ttina. f>ar var karl-fatt heima, ok hvfldu 
allir menn f stofu 1 . Ok er me.nn v6ru sofna8ir, J>a ge*kk Ingimundr 
ut. Hann hvfldi f langbekk ; en konur f J)ver-palli. Lj6s brann f 
stofunni, ok var dregit upp. Ok er Ingimundr kom inn, gkk 
hann at Helga ok hj6 f hofuQ a h6num me9 oxi, ok vakna9i hann 
eigi hingat f heim, sva at menn vissi. Sf8an hlj6p Ingimundr 
brott ; ok kom i Arsk6g inn ytra ok kallaSi a SumarliSa er J)ar 
bjo ; ok maelti, at hann skyldi biQja fyrir Helga presti. Si8an f6r 
hann til J>ess er hann kom vestr til H61a ok hitti Brand biskup, ok 
bar upp fyrir h6num vandrae8i sm. En biskup vildi eigi skripta 
h6num ; kallar hann ]pess verSan, at hann vaeri tekinn af lifi ; en 
kva6 at eigi sftt at gora 2 ; en taloMsk eigi til faerr at skripta 
honum ; en \6zk mundu leggja til um ra8 me6 h6num. Sumarlidi 
h^t ma8r ok var Asmundarson, er bj6 at Tjorn i Svarfa5ardal ; 
hann var fraendi Ingimundar ; ok sendi biskup hann J)angat ; ok 
t6k Sumarli8i vi8 honum. Helgi prestr var fraendi forvardz 
[fcorgeirssonar] en J)ingma8r Onundar torkelssonar, ok f^kk sinn 
mann hvarr J)eirra til at sitja i buinu at torgerSar ; ok skyldi J>eir 
vinna fyrir biii hennar ; ok sitja fyrir, at Ingimundr vaeri J)ar eigi ; 
ok vei3a hann, ef J)eir maetti. Ma8r h^t fdrarinn, ok kalladr 
oflati, er Onundr fe*kk til ; annarr ma8r h6t Mar, ok var Olafsson, 
er kallaSr var skolpa; hann f<6kk f'orvarSr til. Nii satu J>eir f 
buinu. En er vara8i, J)a eigi Ingimundr svd vistina at SumarliSa 
sem vera atti ; ok hlj6p hann inn a Strond at hitta Asgerdi, ok 
haf3i hana brott ok ut til SvarfaSardals a bae {>ann er heitir at 
Reykjar-hamri ; {)ar bjo sa ma8r er Eyj61fr h^t ok var kallaSr sopi. 
Nu ur8u J)eir vi8 varir f Hoi'gardal hvar Asgerftr var ni8r komin ; 
ok foru heiman atta menn ; ok k6mu d Bratta-voll. feir foru {)a 
J)a6an, I^rarinn ok J6n; ok v6ru J)a tfu; ok k6mu a Reykjar- 
hamar snemma um morguninn ; ok urSu varir vi8, at Ingimundr 
var J)ar i uti-husi einu, ok eggjuSu hann utgongu. Hann svarar, 
ok kva8 vera Ii8s-mun mikinn. En J6n (3lafsson segir, at hann 
skyldi af h6num einum eiga 6fri8ar-van en ekki af 68rum monnum. 
M gor8i Ingimundr skeid at durunum ; ok hugftisk mundu saeta 
averkum vi8 Jon, J>vfat hann var beint fyrir durum ; ok hljop hann 
lit si'8an. En Jon va hann [>egar] er hann kom lit. Sf8an grofu 
J)eir hann i skafl, a8r J)eir gengu fra. Eyj61fr hljop i brott af 

1 J>ar var stofu, V. ; om. Br. a gora] V. ; vera, Cd. 

u 9 i.] GUDMUNDAR SAGA D^RA, 8. 139 

[1.143,144: iii. 15.] 

baenum ok til Tjarnar, ok sagoH Sumarli3a sva buit. En hann fdkk 
s6r menn, ok f6r eptir J)eim vi6 fimmtanda mann ; ok hittusk eigi. 
Ok var J>at vel. Ok ur3u JDessar einar baetr eptir Helga prest, ok 
]3at er jpeir fengu a bjorgum Ingimundar. En J)eir fengu ekki af 
SumarliSa; ok talSi hann s6r mjok misbo5it i vfgi Ingimundar; 
ok haf6i hann setla3 at gefa f<6 til utan-fer6ar h6num. fat sama 
var 1 var bonor5 f Svarfadardal, ok baS ma6r konu sa er Tjorvi 2 
hdt ok var Grimsson vestan or Skagafii3i fra Hofi; hann bad 
peirrar konu er fdriSr hdt, systir Sumarli3a; ok var hann fyrir 
svorunum me9 systur sfnni, ok m63ir [peirra] 3 . Grimr var ma6r 
vitr ok Iftill vexti, ok var kallaSr Ref-grimr. Sumarli6i svarar 
svivirdlega, at J>vf er J)eim ]p6tti ; kvazk eigi mundu gefa systur 
sfna J>eim Reflingum ; ok bar f sundr. Gu6mundr Arason var J)a 
staSar-prestr a Vollum i SvarfaSardal ; hann \6t bera Ingimund 
brott upp i Oxadal 4 , ok la hann ]par til J)ess er menn k6mu af 
J)ingi; J)a l^t GuSmundr prestr hann upp taka ok faera heim a 

8. Ornolfr 5 h^t ma5r, er bjo d bae J)eim er heitir i GarSzhorni 
skamt fra Tjorn ; hans son h6t Brandr ; hann var ungr ma6r ok 
fralegr. far var milli husa ekki mart 6 . Ok einn dag helgan for 
Brandr til ti5a Jmngat, ok rei3 6tomu hrossi ; ok var5 laust hrossit 
um hamessuna ; ok gengr f tiin ; ok for hann til, Brandr, ok tok 
hrossit, ok matti eigi rf9a ; ok for f)at vi3ara en a3r. M hljop 
SumarliSi at me3 lurk, ok bar3i bae5i Brand ok hrossit ; ok komsk 
hann me6 illan leik i brott, sva at hann var trautt einfaerr. M v6ru 
enn skip at Gasum ; ok var JDar mikil kaupsteFna. M bar 
kirkjudag a Oxnaholi a annan dag viku ; ok komu menn Drottins- 
dag til bo3sins; kom J>ar GuSmundr inn d^ri ok Onundr; ok v6ru 
hross manna faer5 til gaezlu ; en Onundr 1& hafa hesta sfna f 
hoptum vi5 bae heima. Manadag var rum-heilagt annars-sta3ar. 
En J>ar at skipunum var fjolmennt; bjosk J)a annarr f brott er 
a5rir k6mu. Sa ma6r bj6sk f brott er Flosi hdt, ok var prestr, af 
Silfra-sto6um ; ok hofu menn upp klyfjar me8 honum; ok var 
J)ar at Sumarli3i fra Tjorn ok studdi klyfina. M rei5 maSr at 
h6num a folaldi, ok var i feldi gram ok haf8i grfmu fyrir andliti ; 
ok steig af baki ok Iyp8i af grimunni ; var J)ar Brandr Ornolfsson. 

1 var] H ; a blank in Br. 2 Tjorvi] H ; Stiori, 440 ; Snorri, Ed. 3 perhaps 
read, ok moaur.' 4 Oxadal] conject. ; Ofsadal (?), Cd. 5 Runolfr, V. 

6 mart] ma, Cd. 


[1.145: iii. 1 6.] 

Hann maelti, at SumarliSi skyldi pa vid horfa eigi verr en um 
sumarit er hann rak hann 6r tiininu. Ok pa hj6 Brandr d herSar 
h6num me8 brei9oxi; ok var8 pat all-mikit sar. tar var hja 
torsteinn Eyjolfsson Ur3a-steinn, ok vildi taka Brand ; ok par var 
hja Snorri Grfmsson, ok tok hann torstein, ok annarr ma6r sa er 
Bjorn h6t ok var Olafsson. teir heldu torsteini baQir. f>6roddr 
het prestr ; hann var Grfmsson, heima-maSr Onundar ok fraendi 
Brandz ; hann skaut hesti undir hann ; ok rei9 hann f brott. 
SiSan rfSa menn eptir honum ; ok var9 hann eigi tekinn. En ti6- 
endi pessi k6mu a Oxnahol pa er menn foru til aptan-songs. En 
er hann var sunginn, >a v6ru so61a8ir hestar J)eirra Onundar. 
Hann l^zk fregnat hafa, at prestr hans var vi6 ri6inn; ok reid 
hann til skips. En er hann kom aptr, spurSi GuSmundr tiQenda 
fra skipum; en Onundr sag5i Hflat 1 Sumarli6a, ok kva3 hann 
skammaelegan. GuSmundr spur9i at Brandi; en Onundr sag6i, 
at Kolbeinn Tumason hef6i gengit lit a skip ok mart manna med 
h6num ; kva8 sagt vera, at Brandr hefdi J)ar verit f hans flokki. 
Sf8an rei8 Gu8mundr til skips ; ok var J>ar um n6ttina ; ok maelti 
J>ar um slikt er J>urfti, J)vfat Sumarli8i var J)ingma8r hans ok fraendi, 
Sumarli8i Iif3i til jafn-leng8ar annars dags ; ok andaSisk J>a ; ok 
var faerSr a Vollu i Svarfa8ardal. En Bjorn Olafsson fylgdi Brandi 
d ViSim^ri til Kolbeins Tumasonar; en Kolbeinn \6t fylgja 
h6num austr til Svmafellz ; en Sigur3r Ormsson kom h6num litan, 
ok andadisk hann a Su8rvegi. Ok um varit eptir bjo Gu3mundr 
mal til d hendr Brandi um vig SumarliSa, en a hendr Snorra 
Grfmssyni um fjorraQ ok um vetfangs-bjargir. Ok foru mal J)essi 
oil til pings; ok veitti Onundr Gu8mundi J3a at malum. Ok 
var saetzk d malin, nema a vfg Sumarli8a. tar svarar enginn fyrir 
Brand, ok var9 hann sekr. Snorri gait tolf hundru8 ; ok var brott 
gorr 6r Skagafir8i ; ok f6r hann sudr f Odda. Bjorn 'gait sex 
hundruS, ok [skyldi] vera he'raSs-sekr. f'oroddr prestr gait J)rju 
hundru9, ok skyldi vera par er hann vildi. 

9. 2 Nii hefir fleira or8it senn en einn hlutr; ok ver8r J)6 fra 
einum senn at segja fyrst : M varS b6nor9 f Horgdrdal, ok ba6 
torfinnr konu, Onundar son, Ingibjargar d6ttur Gu8mundar ins 
D^ra. H6n var laun-getin, ok hdt Valdfs m68ir hennar. Gu3- 

1 liflat] 440 ; lijf, Cd. ; saerdan, edition. 2 Here B resumes the story, but in an 
abridged state. 


[1. 146: iii. 16.] 

mundr taldi henni fullkosta {>ar sem f orfinnr var, ef J)at vaeri at 
Gu3s logum gort. En J)ar var fraendsemi me9 J^eim; ok kallar 
GuSmundr J>at eigi sitt ra3 at gefa hana f orfinni, J>ar er hvarki 
v6ru til J)ess Gu6s log ne* landz. f eir fe3gar matu l svor J>essi til 
svivirSingar ; ok matu J>at einskis hvat Gudmundi ge*kk til 2 . 
Sa skaps-annmarki Iag6isk a fyrir GuSmundi, at hann elskaSi 
konur fleiri en {m er hann atti. Hann atti Arndisi dottur Pals 
Solvasonar or Reykjaholti. GuSmundr atti fjol6a Jnngmanna uti 
um 3 Svarfa6ardal ok na-fraendr; ok for hann J)angat, bae5i haust 
ok var, at heimboSum. Eitt var var J)at Jpar, at heimbo6i, at 
honum bar fyrir augu konu J)a, at honum leizk bae6i vaen ok 
oflatleg, er torgerdr hdt, ok var Asbjarnar dottir, er kalla6r var 
Valfrekr; hann var broQir Eyjolfs oflata. Gudmundr tekr hana, 
ok hefir me6 sdr, ok setr hana ni6r i Myrkardal. fat sumar kom 
skip ; ok komu menn ut. far var sa ma9r er Bergr h^t, ok var 
forsteinsson ; annarr Illugi, ok var Josepsson, ok var kallaQr 
Hallfrekr; ]pri6i formoSr Einarsson; ok voru ]par allir sveitar- 
menn. Foru ]peir Bergr ok Illugi til GuSmundar at vistar-fari. 
En formoSr til Hrafnagils til Kleppjarns. En J)eir skildusk eigi 
sattir; ok segir i>orm66r sdr horfit Idrept ok annan varning; ok 
kenndi J)at Illuga, at 4 hann mundi annat-tveggja vita, e6r valda 
ella sjalfr. fat haust for GuSmundr lit i Svarfadardal. far var 
sa ma6r er forsteinn hdt ok var Skeggjason; hann var skrfn- 
smiSr, ok hverjum manni hagari, ok tok mikit kaup i skamri stundu. 
Honum var6isk ]pat sva, at hann haf6i mat ok klae3i, ok ekki um 
J>at fram. Hann haf6i a6r talat vi3 f orger6i, en GuSmundr taeki 
hana til sin. fa for Gu6mundr til fundar vi6 f orstein, ok bau9 
honum til vistar me3 sdr ok oQrum [manni] meQ honum ; ok h^t 
f orsteinn Skeggjason, ok var kallaSr Skald-steinn. f eir voru ]par 
allir senn, ok J)essir menn er d6r komu ut. f orfinnr for J>angat 
jafnlega ok talaSi vi6 Ingibjorgu. fann vetrinn um varit reid 
i llugi til Hrafngils ; ok hitti f orm66, ok spur6i ef hann vildi halda 
a J)vi er hann hef6i maelt um haustiS, eSr vildi hann J>at aptr maela. 
En f orm66r kvezk aetla, ef hann vseri valdr e8r vitandi um hausti6, 
at J)at mundi ekki hafa skipask um varit. fa hjo fllugi til f or- 
m65ar af hross-baki ; ok kom a herQar h6num ; ok var ]pat mikill 

1 matu] B ; mottu, Cd. (a modem form). 2 hvat Gu5mundr ftkk til, B. 

3 um] add. B. * at] B ; en, Cd. 


[1.147: i".i6.] 

averki. SfSan rei5 fllugi f brott; ok hljopu menn eptir h6num 
allt til baejar pess er d Kroppi heitir. tar v6ru jpeir fyrir, Ur8a- 
Steinn, ok annarr torsteinn ArnJ)ru8arson ; ok hof3u J)eir bans 
J)a ekki er eptir foru. tormddr vard grseddr, ok aldri af heilu 1 . 
Sf5an var saezk d malit; ok skyldi fllugi bera jam, ok faerask 
undan fll-mseli; ok skyldi Brandr biskup gora skirslu ok sva 
sattina eptir. Ok for J)at fram, at fllugi bar jam ; ok var3 hann 
skfrr mjok. En saett var Iftil gor ; ok J)6tti mikils 2 vert fllmaelit ; 
jpvfat hann hafSi aldri verit vi6 J)at kenndr, hvarki a6r n6 si5an. 
fllugi f6r litan ]pat sumar, ok kom lit um haustiQ J>at sama, ok rdzk 
hann a MoSruvollu f Horgardal; ok bj6 J)ar J)a torgrimr Vig- 
fusson, er kallaSr var ali-karl ; hann atti GuQriinu d6ttur Onundar 
torkelssonar ; ok var Illugi me5 t'orgrimi {)ann vetr. Ok um 
varit kvangaSisk fllugi, ok f<kk J)eirrar 3 konu er Finna he*t, er 
J)ar bjo er a* Hlo6um heitir. f'ann vetr v6ru skip at Gasum. 
Ok um sumarit var kaup-stefna mikil. tar v6ru J)eir Fornungar, 
ok attu s^r einir tjald teng3a-menn, Sox61fr Fornason ok Haust- 
kollr 5 . tar var f>6rdfs er Soxolfr itti ; d6ttir Da8a fllugasonar 
vestan or SkagafirSi, ok trandr DaQason 6 ; hann dtti Sign/ju 
dottur GuSmundar 7 ; ok J)ar var Ingibjorg systir hennar ok J>ar 
var Gudmundr jafnan er hann var vi5 skip. H f6r GuSmundr 
inn i Fjor6. Ok er hann var f brott, J>a kom torfinnr um dag 
i tjald J>eirra, ok sat a tali vi6 Ingibjorgu ; ok gkk eigi fyrr i brott 
en at nattur6ar-mali. Ok er {>eir bjoggusk til rekkna, {>a kom 
J>ar torfinnr ok J)eir J>rir saman, ok toluSu vi5 Ingibjorgu ; ok var 
J>eim J^at vi3 8 bu3ar-dvol. M maelti Sox61fr : ' Bi5ja vildu v^r J)ik 
torfinnr, at J)ii hef6ir eigi hingat kvamur eSr nattfarir til tjaldz vars 
meQan Gu6mundr er eigi hdr ; en J)a munu vr oss ongu af skipta 
er hann er heV torfinnr svarar: 'Ekki mein man JDe'r at 
kvamum minum, ef J)u vill J)dr ekki mein at gora.' torfinnr reis 
upp si6an ; ok t6k f hond Ingibjorgu, ok vildi Iei3a hana f brott. 
Sox61fr seildisk til, ok hnykcH henni aptr i tjaldit. M brd torfinnr 
sverQi, ok vildi hoggva til Sox61fs ; ok hj6 hann f tjaldz-tranarnar 9 
er milli J>eirra v6ru, ok hj6 f sundr buklara-fetil er J)ar h^kk d ; 
ok f<Sll hann ofan, ok t6k Soxolfr hann ok hlifSi s^r me8. En 

1 af heilu] emend. ; af heill, Cd. 2 mikils] B ; litils, Cd. 8 J>eirrar] B ; 

I>&, Cd. 4 4] at, B. 8 Thus Cd. ; Hosculldr, B. 6 ok J>randr Da8ason] ok 
Brandr brodir hennar (!), B. 7 dyra, add. B. 8 vid] thus ; B om. the whole 

passage. 9 tronornar, B. 


[1. 148: iii. 17.] 

fcorfinnr ok foru-nautar bans horfu9u lit or tjaldinu, ok hjoggusk 
J>ar til um tjaldz-tranarnar ; ok skeindusk eir ba8ir nokkut, ok 
hvarrgi sva at J)at maelti averki heita. Ok for vi5 Jmt i brott. En 
eptir voru buklarar Jjeirra fcrir 1 , ok sotti J)a I>6roddr prestr, ok 
maelti til vel, ok voru h6num f hendr seldir. En annan dag eptir 
kom GucSmundr til skips, ok haf6i Ingibjorgu heim me5 seV. 
Hvarigir I6g3u or3 til um ]?etta heldr en ekki hef5i i or5it. 
A J>eirri viku foru J)eir heiman, forfmnr ok Onundr; ok voru 
fimtan saman; ok riSu upp a Bakka. Gu3mundr var heima, 
ok fatt annarra manna ; ok voru huskarlar a verki ok unnu langt 
f brott. Eigi veit ek viSmaeli jpeirra ; en fra orendis-lokum er at 
segja ; J>ar var 2 fostnuS Ingibjorg a6r J)eir foru i brott, ok kve3it 
a brullaups-stefna, ok sva a fd, hvat hann skyldi hafa me9 henni. 
SiSan t6kusk ra3 J)eirra, ok haf3i GuQmundr bo6 inni j ok {)a for 
hon i brott me9 I'ornnni ; ok voru samfarar jpeirra haglegar. En 
annat sumar eptir 1/sti biskup J)vf, at born peirra skyldi eigi vera 
skfrgetin 3 . Onundr tok upp bu J)ess mannz er I'drir h^t, ok var 
BarQarson, a bae J>eim er heitir i Longu-hli5 ; ok kalla6isk Onundr 
J>ar eiga mala a landi ; ok var sa rikis-munr J)eirra, at 6rir var3 i 
brott at fara nau6ugr. M for Onundr bustad sinum i Longu-hli9, 
en forfmnr bjo a Laugalandi. 

10. f {)enna tima kom lit sa ma6r, er geta verdr vi5, er Ogmundr 
h^t, ok var fcorvarSzson, er kalla9r var Sneis. Hann hafdi utan 
verit lengi. Hann kom ut f AustfjorSum, ok var me6 Teiti magi 
sfnum um vetrinn. M J)6ttisk Teitr hann aerit lengi haft hafa 
i lotu. M for Ogmundr f Hnj6skadal 4 , ok bauQ honum heim sa 
maSr er Brandr hdt; hann bj6 a DraflastoSum ; hann atti Ingi- 
bjorgu orvar8z d6ttur; ok var hann me6 Brandi um vetrinn. 
far var kona sii i vist me8 Brandi er f 3 6ri6r hdt; h6n var systir 
Brandz, ok var vaen kona ok garpr mikill i skapi. Hana Iag9i 
Ogmundr f saeng hja seV um vetrinn; ok kom J)at J)a 5 flla vi6, 
J)viat sa ma3r atti hana er Bjorn h^t, Hallz son, Asbjarnar sonar, 
er biiit haf6i a Fornasto3um, ok hof5u J)eir verit fylgQar-menn ok 
vinir forvarSz, Hallr ok synir hans. tau Ogmundr ok foridr v6ru 
6J)okkulega samt 6 , J)vfat hvart-tveggja var 6skaps-ma8r ; ok gorSi 
Ogmundr henni barn. En Bjorn, b6ndi forfdar, var eigi h^r a 

J 3 , Cd. 2 ok, add. Cd. 3 skilgetin, B. * nioskadal, B. 
l>a] read ^6 ? 6 oj>okkulega samt] thus Cd. ; B om. the passage. 


[1.149: iii. 17.] 

landi. En at vdr-dogum J)6ttisk Brandr full-lengi haft hafa Ogmund 
me6 s6i. M bauQ h6num heim 6r5r ! J 6rarinsson f Laufdsi ; ok 
haf9i fcorSr verit fylg8ar-ma8r ok vin forvarcSz fo9ur bans. F6r 
Ogmundr til 6r5ar ; ok haf5i par eigi lengi verit, ddr kallat var, 
at hjal vaeri d me6 peim Margre'tu, konu fdrSar, d6ttur Oddz 
Gizurarsonar. fat sumar kom ut Bjorn Hallzson, ok faerQi 
Ogmundr honum f*6ri9i konu sfna, ok baud honum sjalfdsemi; 
ok saettask at pvi. Ogmundr var meS fordi [pau misseri]. En 
at van f6r hann f brott ; ok t6k enn Brandr vi8 honum ; ok skyldi 
Ogmundr eiga pa helming f biii; ok haf6i hann opt kvdmur 1 i 
Laufas; ok var8 peim pat at sundr-pykki hj6num, fordi ok 
Margre'tu. Ok for hon austr f Fjor5u til Teitz br63ur sfns; ok 
var par. fa var Hakon f6r6arson f Laufasi; JDvfat fordr ba8 
hann J)ess. Eitt sinn atti Ogmundr for lit f Hof5a-hverfi ; ok la 
Iei6 hans opt um garS i Laufasi; ok fylg6i h6num sa ma5r er 
forsteinn h^t, ok var Ketilsson; J>eir v6ru tveir saman. En er 
{>eir voru ut farnir, kvoddu peir f6r8ar-synir hiiskarla sma med 
se'r, ok kv68usk vilja fara i sk6g til vi8ar. Ma3r h^t Gizurr, ok 
var Halld6rsson, mikill ok knar; annarr h^t Bergr; J)ri5i Solvi, 
ok var f>6roddzson. Sf9an gengu peir upp til dais a brekku pd 
er sfQan var kollu9 Ogmundar-brekka ; ok var 8 ekki or vi8ar- 
verki. M sag8i Hakon peim deili a, huskorlunum, at J)eir setlu9u 
J>ar fyrir Ogmundi at sitja, ok taka hann af Hfi ; ok spur8i Hakon 
hvart H8 at J>eir myndi veita. Gizurr svarar : ' Eigi mun ek vinna 
d Ogmundi; en dvelja md ek fyrir foru-naut hans.' Bergr veitti 
engi 6rslit. En Solvi Idzk eigi vera mundu d m6ti Ogmundi ef 
hann veitti h6num eigi; kvezk h6num eigi eiga verr f [at] launa 
en peim. Nu sja peir at Ogmundr ferr utan. Sf8an spretta f>eir 
upp 6r satinni ; en J)eir hlaupa af baki. Ok tok Gizurr foru-naut 
Ogmundar, ok he'lt h6num aptan um hann; en Bergr he'lt um 
her8ar honum ; ok horfu8u peir J)ann veg um hrfsin. En peir 
s6ttu at Ogmundi prir f6r8ar-synir. Solvi sat hja. Ogmundr 
var8isk vel, pvfat hann var vfgfimr ok vel vi8 buinn. fd Iag8i 
Dagstyggr til hans undir hondina me8 spjoti ; ok setlu8u J)eir at 
hann mundi sdrr til 61ffis. En J>at var J)6 Ifti8 sar, pvfat hann 
haf8i panzara oruggan. Ogmundr var ok sarr f andliti ; ok blaeddi 
f augun ; ok matti hann eigi vega. fd settisk Ogmundr ni8r ; ok 

1 kvamur] B ; komit, Cd. 


[I. 150: Hi. 17.] 

bad at hann maetti na prestz-fundi, ef J)eir vildi hann af Hfi taka. 
feir Hildibrandr ok Dagstyggr vildu drepa Ogmund; en Hakon 
vildi J)at eigi. M kvezk Solvi til mundu fara, ef jpeir hsetti eigi, 
at veita Ogmundi. M bau3 Hakon at binda sar Ogmundar, ok 
aetluSu [Jeir] hann saerSan til 61ifis ; en Ogmundr vildi f>at eigi 
J)iggja. Si'9an foru J)eir heim. frorSr var titi, ok spurdi hvat J>eir 
hef6H at s^slu. En J)eir sogSu averka vi3 Ogmund ok lifpat]. 
'En hann vildi prestz-fund.' f>6r8r kva6 J)at ekki utan slaegd 
hans ; ok kvezk mundu gengit [hafa] milli bols ok hofuSs ef hann 
hef64 vi9 verit. Si6an for prestr J)a5an heiman, sa er Erpr hdt, 
ok macJr me9 honum. Ok er J3eir komu J)ar er fundrinn haf6i 
verit, pa var Ogmundr i brott ; ok haf6i hann sar 6haettleg ; enda 
fylg5i honum sa ma9r er heill var. Ok fluttusk J)eir me3 J)at heim 
a DraflastaSi ; ok for kona sii at grse6a hann er AlfeiQr heX er att 
haf6i Hallr Asbjarnarson a FornastoSum. forvarSr forgeirsson 
var ]pa a Vf3im^ri me9 Kolbeini Tumasyni. Ok jpegar er hann 
fre'tti J)essi ti9endi, J)a laatr hann soSla s^r hest ; ok reid hann J)at 
a n6tt er hann matti eigi i dag, allt J>ar til er 1 hann kom a 
DraflastaSi ; ok haf6i hann eigi verit snserri 2 . En J)a er Ogmundr 
var heill sara, J)a var Iag6r sattar-fundr me9 J)eim ; ok ssettusk 
t>eir at kalla ; ok var f>at at ongu haldit. Ok ortusk {>eir um sidan. 
etta kva9 Ogmundr um Dagstygg : 

Mer re6 a bak brodir bo5var-styrkr i myrkri 
(haeg raun var bat hanum) Hildibrandz at standa : 
f>a [er] Iae-brig6ir s lagQi (Ii8inn stormr var ba orma; 
a8r var'k felldr til foldar foVhrumr) a m6r spjoti. 

fa kva8 Dagstyggr : 

f>vi em ek hlj6Sr, er hriSar hyr-sveigir f^kk eigi 
endr af 6rum fundi aldr-tjon ro6ins skjaldar: 
En bvi gladr, at gae8i * geir-hri6ar sa ek skriSa 
saeki sara rika 5 sunnan lagt medal runna. 

fann vetr andaSisk Dagstyggr 6r s6tt. En er J>at endisk eigi, er 
Jpeir hofSu ssetzk a, ]?a bj6 Ogmundr mdl til vid J)a sem eptir Iif3u. 
Ok f6ru mal til {)ings; ok veitti J>d Ogmundi at mdlum J6n 
Loptzson ok Saemundr son hans. Var {>a enn saetzk; v6ru gor 

1 unz er, B. 2 snaerri] i. e. snaefri ; sn<ORe, Cd., ' <oRe ' being filled up after- 

wards ; B om. the passage. 3 lae-brigdir] B ; liebrigdur, Cd. * gae6i] B ; 

grae5i, i. e. giae6i, Cd. 6 saeri sara tira, B. 

VOL. I. L 


[I. 151, 152: iii. 18.] 

tolf hundrud til handa Ogmundi, en prju hundrud til handa for- 
steini, fyrir pat er hann var haldinn. SiSan toku Laufaesingar 
pann mals-hatt, at peir sog6u, pa er ma6r hefSi haldinn verit 
'Stattii kyrr! hafa skaltii prju hundruSin!' Gu3mundr inn d^ri 
handsaladi saettina; ok skyldi goldinn priSjungr er menn kaemi 
heim af pingi, en annarr a frverar-leiS i EyjafirSi. Ogmundr kom 
a fund GuSmundar, pa er menn k6mu heim af pingi, ok gait hann 
ekki. En til f>verar-lei3ar kom Ogmundr eigi; ok verdr par ok 
ekki goldit. M nefndi Ogmundr seV vatta, ok segir i sundr 
sattinni allri. Ok vercSr par stadar at nema. 

11. A peim bae er i Brekku heitir i 6lafsfir8i bjo sa ma6r, er 

I>orsteinn h^t, ok var Halldorsson. En a annarri Brekku bj6 

Eyvindr Bjarnarson ok Sigrf6r m66ir hans. fcat var maelt, at 

forsteinn ksemi opt at tali vi6 Sigri6i. f^a var Sighvatr inn mikli 

ut kominn, br66ir Eyvindar; hann haf6i verit utan nokkura vetr. 

Ok verit i vikingum; ok var hann par a Brekku. I'eir gatu fyrr 

lokit hey-verki smu braa6r ; en f>orsteinn atti liti nokkut, ok haf6i 

hann faert heim a tun * pat er liti var. En mey-staulpa 2 var at f6nu 

peirra brae6ra. Ok einn dag rak h6n naut at tuni Porsteins; en 

hann for a m6ti henni, ok ba6 hana pangat eigi reka at heyinu ; 

ok visaSi brott f^nu. En h6n kvezk skyldu fara heim, ok segja 

at hann raeki bse6i nautin ok hana f brott. Ok sva gordi h6n. 

En si6an gengu peir braeSr a Brekku til torsteins ; en hann leiddi 

hross or gardi. ^eir fundusk par; ok raeddu um, at hann hefdi 

meyna latid fara skyndilega. En frorsteinn kva8 ekki pat 3 , ok 

kvad aerna haga annars-sta6ar en i tuni par er hann atti hey. 

eir kv68u sva komit sumri, at fe* aetti heimolt at ganga pangat 

er pat vildi. Sighvatr hafdi oxi i hendi, ok lystr til fcorsteins ; en 

hrossit var i milli peirra, er hann fcorsteinn h^lt a; ok lagSisk 

hann ni6r hja hrossinu 68rum-megin ; ok kom oxar-skaptiS a her6a- 

toppinn, ok brotnaSi .pat i sundr; en ref5is-munnrinn 4 kom a 

her6ar-bla9 torsteini, ok var6 h6num ekki mein at pvi. En hann 

skauzk o8rum-megin hja hrossinu, ok at Sighvati ; ok hj6 til hans 

boloxi ; ok kom a hondina ; ok var pat mikill averki, sva at honum 

var5 hondin 6n^t si5an ; ok skildusk vid pat. SiSan stokk ^or- 

steinn f brott, ok matti par eigi vid vera. En peir v6ru braedr, ok 

1 a tun] i tun, B. 3 mey-stelpa, B. 3 en f>orsteinn kva5 ekki J>at] B ; en 
l>at kvad hann ekki, Cd. * Thus Cd. ; oxin, B. 

II9S-] GUDMUNDAR SAGA DYRA, 11, 12. 147 

[1.153: Hi. 19.] 

Arnoddr inn mikli, er bjo at Kvia-bekk. Nu for fcorsteinn til 
GuSmundar ins D^ra ; hann var bans J)ingma6r ; ok var hann jpar 
um vetrinn. En fcorcV, huskarl bans, anna6isk buit eptir. i>eir 
Bjarnar-synir kvoSu ekki f6 jpaSan mundu rakna 1 . En um varit 
foru >eir ut j^angat, Soxolfr Fornason, er bjo i Myrkar-dal, ok 
Ur3a-Steinn, ok Arn]pru5ar-synir, ok toku upp eign torsteins alia, 
ok hofSu til GuSmundar ; ok varS engi forstaSa veitt. SiSan b^r 
GuSmundr mal til a hendr Sighvati um frumhlaup vi6 f>orstein. 
En Onundr f>orkelsson bj6 til um averka vi9 Sighvat a bond 
forsteini, Jw'at J>eir Bjarnar-synir 2 voru bans J)ingmenn. Si6an 
foru jpau mal til J)ings, ok var leitaQ um saettir. Ok gkk l>orrinnr 
Onundarson, ok ba3 GuSmund at saettask, ok bauzk til gor9a; 
ok h^t J)vf, at gora Gu6mundar hlut g63an. Ok l^t hann leiSask 
at J)vf; ok saettusk J>ar. au v6ru mal oil senn 3 a J)ingi ok 
Ogmundar-mal. Si6an foru menn heim af ]pingi. Ok a manna- 
m6ti um sumarit a Skei3-h61mum i Horgar-dal, J)a gor6i {'orfinnr 
{)essa satt : tolf hundrud til handa Sighvati um averkann, en ekki 
til handa Eorsteini. Ok var5 sii sattar-gor6 6vinssel ; en ]p6 galzk 
J>etta f6 at mestum hluta. 

12. Annat sumar i Fljotum lit skyldi vera hesta-JDing, J>ar er 
heitir at Hamri. Hdt hvarr-tveggi Nichulas J>eirra er etja skyldi 
hestunum ; var annarr Runolfsson ; hann var felftill, ok heldr kyn- 
smar ; hann atti J)rja sonu ; he^; inn ellzti Riinolfr, Leifr ok Halli. 
i'eir voru allir full-ti6a menn. Annarr Nichulas var son Skratta- 
Bjarnar f>orvaldz sonar; hann dtti vel fe^ ok var i g63ri bonda- 
vir6ingu. feir attu ba5ir gra hesta at Jit. Nu v6ru hestarnir 
saman leiddir, ok beizk hvarr-tveggi vel, medan J)eir attu me8 s6r 
at skipta. M {)6tti Nichulasi fra Mjova-felli djafnt keyr5ir hestarnir, 
ok J)6tti gort at mann-vir6ing ; hann hafdi staf mikinn i hendi, ok 
vildi Ij6sta best nafna sins. En Nichulas Bjarnarson hlj6p undir 
boggit ; ok kom a hann stafrinn. En hann gat fengit se'r handoxi 
af manni, ok hj6 f hofud nafna sms, ok var J)at Htill averki. fd 
var slegit f JDrong. far var Run61fr son Nichulass fra Mj6va-felli, 
ok var h6num haldit heldr lauslega ; ok gat hann fengit se'r oxi at 
manni, ok hj6 milli herda Nicbulasi Bjarnarsyni mikinn averka. 
Ok var ]pa skilit manna-m6tid. Nichulas fra Mj6va-felli hafSi 
litinn averka ; ok maelti er hann reid heim : ' Eigi veit ek hvat ek 

1 rakna] B ; fsera, Cd. 2 bb., i. e. brae8r, B. 3 senn] B ; saett, Cd. 

L 2 


[I.i 54 : Hi. 19.] 

munda smia f>a er mr var a l&tasta skjeiQi en h5ggva f hofuS a 
sextogum manni, ok ri'di sa me3 handlaust J hofu5 i brott/ Eptir 
J)etta stokk Run61fr f brott ; en Nichulas Bjarnarson var graeddr ; 
hann var na-frsendi Kolbeins Tumasonar en J)ingmadr Gudmundar 
ins D^ra. Ok var saetzk a malit ; var J>at jafnt Iati6, er jpeir hofSu 
viQ atzk nafnar; en Runolfr var6 heVaSs-sekr, ok skyldi hvergi 
vera J>ar er J)eir attu manna- forraS, Gudmundr ok Kolbeinn. En 
um sumarit eptir kom Runolfr sunnan yfir hei5i. Ma6r hdt 
BoSvarr, ok var frorbjarnarson, er bj6 a J)eim bae f Felli heitir f 
SkagafirSi. Bo8varr var li'till ma6r vexti ok kurteiss, ok var 
kallaSr Iftil-skeita 2 ; hann tok vi8 Runolfi, ok var [hann] J)ar um 
sumarit, til Jpess at Kolbeinn Tumason for at heimboSi til Hofs til 
Grims Snorrasonar. M sendir Kolbeinn ord Bo8vari, at hann 
skyldi J>angat koma. Ok hann kom. SiSan var5 hann at lata 
lausan Runolf ; ok for hann J)a inn i hdra5 a bae J)ann er ^vera 
heitir, til j^ess manns er Dalkr h^t ok var f'orgeirsson ; ok tekr 
hann vel vi8 honum ; ok var hann J>ar um vetrinn. En um varit 
leitadi Runolfr vi8 Dalk, hvat hann skyldi 3 ra8s taka. Dalkr 
maelti, at hann skyldi fyrst fara til fundar vi3 Kolbein Tumason, ok 
bj68a h6num baetr fyrir J)at er hann hafdi verit J)ar olofat. Nu ferr 
Dalkr med h6num, ok er J>eir k6mu a Vi8im^ri 4 vildi Kolbeinn 
eigi lit ganga. M g^kk Dalkr inn ok beiddi Kolbein, at hann 
vildi lit ganga. Hann kvezk ekki maljmrfa 5 vi8 Runolf. Dalkr 
segir : ' M muntii J)ykkjask meiri ma8r fyrir J)^r en fa8ir J)inn. 
Me3r m^r var skogar-mao"r hans um vetr ; ok rei6 ek f tiin hans 
um vdrit me8 honum, ok gkk hann lit ; ok rei3 ek me6 J)ann 
syknan f brott sva sem J>a matti verda/ Kolbeinn segir : * fykkir 
\>6r J)at raQ, at ek ganga til fundar vi3 Runolf ?' 'Ja/ segir 
Dalkr 6 , ' J>at J)ykki m^r ra6, at hafa af Riin61fj, at betr er at hafa en 
eigi/ Nu g^kk Kolbeinn lit, ok baud hann Riin61fr h6num st66- 
hross at >iggja. En Kolbeinn maelti, at hann skyldi fara til fundar 
vid Gu6mund, ok bj68a h6num yfir-baetr. fa sendu J)eir Dalkr ok 
Kolbeinn menn til Gu3mundar med Runolfi, at hann skyldi 
t>ekkjask 7 baetrnar. Sf8an kom Riin61fr til Gu$mundar, ok baud 
honum hross at t>iggja. En hann t6k vid. En Riin61fr var J>ar 

1 Thus Cd. ; B omits the whole speech. a Htilskieta, B. 8 skyldi] B ; 

vildi, Cd. * er peir Vidimyri] V. ; om. Cd. s malparfa] emend.; hann kvezk 
ekki hafa at malparfa viS Riin61f, Cd. ; hann <& ein aeigi malparfa vi6 Runolf, B. 
e ja, segir Dalkr] add. B. 7 pekkjast] emend. ; piggja, B ; eigi pekkjask, Cd. 

n 9 6.] GUDMUNDAR SAGA D^RA, 12. 149 

[I.I55: i.i90 

nokkurar naetr. H f6r hann i brott ok ofan f Langa-hlfd, ok voru 
}>ar komnir brae6r bans, Leifr ok Halli, til Onundar. Nu sag6i 
Halli, at Runolfr hafSi gefit hrossin. Onundr tok kynlega a 
hrossa-gjof {>eirri, er hann skyldi 6 l eigi tekinn i fri8 greidlega. 
En J>ar kom, at Runolfr f6r eptir hrossunum, ok tok a brott; 
Ipvi'at hann vissi hvar J)au v6ru; ok haf6i f Langa-hh'8, ok gaf 
Onundi. Ok t6k hann vi5 hvaru-tveggja, Runolfi ok hrossunum. 
Ok var Runolfr kalladr smiin-br^ni. GuSmundr le*t sem hann 
vissi eigi ; ok J)urru mjok metor8 Gu6mundar ; ok J)6tti hann 
mjok saman 2 ganga vi6 3 at er til kom; ok kolludu menn, at 
Onundr saeti a fri6st61i uppi f Oxna-dal, ok kvo6usk J)eir mundu 
hlaSa vegg i dalinn fyrir ofan ok ne3an, ok tyrfa yfir si6an, ok 
kasa J>ar metor6 Gu9mundar. l^a for GuSmundr aldri til manna- 
m6ta um sumarit, ok engir hans menn; ok eigi til leika um 
vetrinn. Enn fyrsta Drottinsdag eptir J61 4 var leikr at Baegisa. fcar 
bjo sa ma6r er ^orvaldr h^t, ok var na-fraendi Gu6mundar. F6ru 
J)eir J)angat Langhli6ingar til leiks ; en ekki kom ofan or Oxnadal. 
^ar kom sa ma6r, er Olafr hdt, til leiks, ok var kalla9r tjor-skinn ; 
ok sat hann ]par hja leik a J)ver-palli ; en hann var vistum vestr i 
Skagafir5i me5 Kolbeini Tumasyni. En J)a er leik var lokit, J)a 
gdkk hann fram, ok veitti Runolfi averka er hann g<kk litar eptir 
g61finu; ok hjo a bond honum; var hann einhendr sidan. M 
komsk (5lafr fram 6r stofunni en eigi ut ; ok komask J)eir Lang- 
hli5ingar fyrir dyrrin; ok belt \>a.r ma8r a manni. Konur ur9u 
J>ar vi8 ridnar ; ok gatu J)aer komit (5lafi undan i matbiir, ok J)ar lit 
vindauga ; en a var uti fjiik-renningr mikill neSan eptir dalnum. 
t>a maelti torvaldr, at menn skyldi haetta J)aefu J)essi. En J)eir 
kvoSusk J)egar mundu haetta er >eim vaeri Clafr fram leiddr, ok 
kv68usk vilja leiSa hann fyrir Onund um kveldit, ok vita hvert viti 
hann skapaSi h6num. torvaldr kvezk eigi hafa faeri a Ipvi at selja 
6laf fram ; en eigi orvaent, ef bratt vaeri at snuit, at J)eir mundi sja 
hann. f>eir kvoSusk eigi framar beiSask. forvaldr kva8 J)a sjalfa 
valda 5 ef hann raeki langt undan. Si'6an hlaupa J)eir ut allir ; ok 
sa hvar ma8r f6r, ok var kominn at Baegisa sy8ri ; ok f6r hvatlega. 
En LanghliQingar heldu eptir. Fjiikit t6k at vaxa; ok goroH 6 
ve6r illt ok myrkt. Olafr kom hvergi til hiisa f dalnum fyrr en til 

1 1>6] B ; t>a, Cd. 2 saman] B ; sman, Cd. ; read smam '? 3 vi6] um, B. 
* eptir J61] add. B. 6 sjalfa valda] emend. ; taka sjalfvalda, Cd. ; B oni. all this 

passage. 6 gordi] B ; ger6iz, Cd. 


[1. 156 : iii. 19.] . 

sels GuSmundar at Varma-vatni ; ok lagdisk hann par ni6r f selit. 
M er hann haf6i sofit svefn, pa st66 hann upp, ok for brott 6r 
selinu ; ok pa k6mu menn Onundar til seisins er (5lafr var i brott 
farinn. Sva f6r prysvar um n6ttina, er hann fty6i 6r selinu, at peir